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Patriotic    Studies 


INCLUDING     EXTRACTS    I 


Bills,     Acts     and     Documents 


of  United  States  Congress 


1888-1905 


Pri  Thbodori   Roosevelt,  in  address  to  divorce  reform  committee 

'There  is  i  certain  tendency  ro  exali   rHi   uni  il  in  dealing  with  our 

2  AND    PUBLIC    Ml  N     ESPECIALLY    AR1     API     rO  GET  THEIR    ATTENTION 

rRATl  D  ON   Q\   l  -  !  I"-.  -  THAT    HAVE   AN   IMPORTANI  1  .   B1    r  A   wilcii.LV    EPHEMER- 
AL   IMPORTA1  IMPARED  WITH    THE  QUESTIONS  THAI  UGHT  TO    THB    ROOT  OP 

thin.-    Questions  like  the  tariff  an e  i  i  rrencv  am  of  literally 

whatsoever  comparbd   with   the  vital  q  •  of  havin  nit 

op  t  ial  life,  the  home,  preserved." 

[From  House  Report  :  >'■  } 


\[9 


CHRONOLOGICAL  LIST  OF  BILLS,  ACTS   AND  DOCUMENTS. 

1888     Apr.      6,   Hearing  on  Sunday   rest   petitions 57 

Dec.      13,  Hearing  on  Sunday  rest  bill 76 

.   July   u,  Speeches  in  Congress  on  Popular  El 
July   11.  is.  Senate  Speeches  on  Sunday  Closing  of  Columbian  E         ition  105 
July   t8,   House  Speeches  on  Sunday  Closing  of  Columbian  Exposition..  107 
1893.   Jan.  10-1  ;.   Hearing  on  proposed  repeal  of  law  closing  Chicago  Pair  on  Sun- 
day      iir 

1895.    Mar.    2,  Anti-lottery  law  amended 45. 

Mar.     2,   Lodge    Amendment,    inve  m    of    economic     aspect     of 

liquor  problem 167 

1896     Jan.     12,  Gillett  anti-gambling  bill  reported  to  House 258 

Fel>      ;.  Act  forbidding  prize  fights  in  Ten-             267 

Feb.    18,  Divorce  bill  for  Territories  reported  to  the  House 121 

Feb.   22,  Hearing  on  Loud  bill,  to  restrict  2d  class  mail 271 

Feb.   25,  Bill  to  raise  age  of  protection  for  girls  to  18  approved  by  D.  C. 

Commissioners 118 

Mar.     5,  Hearing    House     Judiciary      Sub-Committee     Gillett   anti-gam- 
bling  bill 258 

Mar     10,  Divorce  act  for  Territories  passed  House 121 

Mar.     30,  Hearing  House  D.  C.  Sub-Committee  Bartlett-Cameron  racing 

bill   259 

Apr.      3,    Divorce    act    for    Territories    reported,    Senate    Committee    on 

Territories 121 

Apr.      7,  Hearing,  Senate  D.  C.  Committee,  Bartlett-Cameron  racing  bill.  .  259 

Apr.    22,  Pritchard  age  of  protection  act  passed  Senate ix8 

r.    29,     Hearing     Morse   D.     C.    liquor    law.    House    Committee     on 

Alcoholic  Liquor  Traffic 181 

May    25,  Divorce  bill  for  Territories  approved  by  President  Cleveland 121 

Dec.    io,  Morse  D.  C.  liquor  law  passed  House 1 

1807.    Jan.     16.   Hearing  on  Loud  bill  regulating  second  class  mail    45,120,271 

Jan.    19,  Hearing,  House  Judiciary  Committee  Shannon  age  of  protection 

bill 118 

Shannon  Pritchard  age  of  protection  bill  reported  in  Senate 118 

Gillett  anti-gambling  bill  reported  by  House  Judiciary  Committee  258 
Hearing  and  report  Aldrich  bill  to  restrain  publication   of   prize 

fights,  House  Interstate  Commerce  Committee  39 
Ray  bill  to  regulate  publication  of  suicides  introduced  in  House  258 
Bill  to  forbid  interstate  transmission  of  prize  fight  pictures  re- 
ported,  Senate  Judiciary  Committee  267 
1898     Feb.     25,  Hearing  House  D.  C.  Committee  on  D.  C.  Sunday  bill  45 
Hearing  on  Ellis  bill  to    forbid    liquor    selling    in    government 

buildings,  House  Committee  on  Alcoholic  Liquor  Traffic  133 
Mar.  18,  D.  C.  Commissioners  Report  to  Congress  approval  Wellington- 
McMillan  Sunday  bill  45 
Mar.  24,  Hearing  and  report  Hepburn  anti  prize  fight  bill  267 
Apr.  22,  Senate  act  for  protection  of  girls  under  eighteen  118 
June  1,  Hearing  Gillett  anti  gambling  bill,  House  Judiciary  Committee  46,258 
June  28,  Ellis  bill  reported  to  the  House  133 
Dec.  15,  Hearing  Alaska  high  license,  House  Committee  on  Territories  184 
Dec.    16,  Hearing  Gillett  anti  gambling  bill,  House  Judiciary  Committee  258 


Feb. 

19, 

Feb. 

25, 

Feb. 

25, 

Mar. 

19, 

Mar. 

29, 

Feb. 

25, 

Mar. 

8. 

1899     Jan.  6,    10,  Two    hearings    on    Alaska  high  license,  House  Committee 

on  Revision  of  Laws 184 

Jan.    25,  Hearing  on  same,  Senate  Committee  on  Territories 184 

Jan.    31,  Johnson  anti-canteen  amendment  passed  House 133 

Feb.    25,  Age  of  protection  act,  amended,  passed  House 118 

Feb.    27,  Hansbrough  anti-canteen  amendment  passed  Senate. 133 

Mar.     4,  Anti-Canteen  Law  of  55th  Congress  approved 133 

Dec.      5,   Brigham  H.  Roberts  barred  out  of  House 125 

Dec.  5,  Grout  bill  to  prohibit  liquor  selling  on  any  U.  S.  property  in- 
troduced in  House 133 

1900.  Feb.      6,   Hearing    on     anti-polygamy    amendment,    House    Judiciary 

Committee    45 

Mar.  30,  Hearing  on  Gillett  liquor  bill  for  Philippines,  House  Commit- 
tee on  Insular  Affairs 204 

Apr.      5,  House  passed  amendment  forbidding  saloons  in  Hawaii 39 

Dec.      3,  Protection    of     native    races    against    rum    recommended    in 

President  McKinley's  message 200 

Dec.      5,  Hearing  and  report,  treaty  to  protect  natives  of  Africa  against 

distilled  liquors,  Senate  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs 204 

Dec.      6,  Hearing  on  Littlefield    liquor   bill    for    Pacific    islands,   House 

Committee  on  Insular  Affairs 182 

Dec.  7,  8,  Hearings    anti-canteen    amendment,    Senate    Committee    on 

Military  Affairs 134 

Dec.    14,  African    treaty,    protecting    natives    against   rum,    ratified    in 

Senate 200 

190 1.  Jan.      4,  Senate   Committee   on   Foreign   Affairs,   President   Harrison's 

letter  ordered  printed;  resolution  reported  inviting  all  nations 
to  unite  in  treaty  to  protect  all   uncivilized    races    against 

intoxicants    and  opium    203 

Scientific  testimony  on  beer,  speech  by  Senator  Gallinger 145 

Hearing  House   Committee  on  Alcoholic    Liquor    Traffic    on 

Gillett-Lodge  bill 199 

Gillett-Lodge   bill  for  independent  Pacific   islands  recommend- 
ed by  President    McKinley 199 

Same  approved  by  House  Committee  on  Alcoholic  Liquor  Traffic     198 

Senate  ordered  resolution  of  Jan.  4  printed  as  document 203 

Gillett-Lodge  bill  approved,  Senate  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs     199 
Senate  document  on  canteens  in  British  army  in  India  ordered .  .  .      149 
Teller  amendment  closing  gates  of  St.  Louis  Fair  on  Sunday  by 
"contract"  passes  Senate  (House  concurred).     Same  amend- 
ment   for    Buffalo  and   Charleston  expositions    passed     by 

Senate 113 

Feb.    27,  Senate  document,  "Protection  of  Native  Races,"  ordered 200 

Mar.      3,  D.  C.  divorce  amendment  approved 121 

Dec.      2,  Protection  of  native  races  recommended  by  President  Roose- 
velt   in    message 199 

1902.  Jan.      7,  Gillett-Lodge   bill   reported   to    Senate     from     Committee     on 

Foreign  Affairs 199 

Jan.      8,  Same  passed  Senate  on  motion  of  Senator  Cullom 199 

Jan.    20,  Annual  report  American  Anti-Saloon  League  presented  by  Sena- 
tor J.  H.  Gallinger 152 


Jan. 

9. 

Jan. 

15, 

Feb. 

", 

Feb. 

12, 

Feb. 

12, 

Feb. 

13, 

Feb. 

22, 

Feb. 

23, 

Jan.     25,  Same  reported  to  House  from  Committee  on    Alcoholic    Liquor 

Traffic  199 

Feb.]     1,  Same  passed  House.  199 

Feb.     15,  Approved  by  President  Roosevelt  199 

Apr.  23,  Hearing  on  prohibition  of  liquor  selling  in  U.  S.  immigrant 
stations  and  other  government  buildings,  before  Senate 
Committee    on    Immigration 155 

May    27,   Bowersock  amendment  to   forbid    liquor   selling    in    immigrant 

stations,  passed  by  House      155 

May    .-7,  Landis  amendment  to  forbid  same  in  <    tpil  155 

May    27,   Educational  Test  for  tmmigr:  sed  House 

May    29,  Pending  McCumber  Sperry  Bill,  to  forbid  liquor  selling  in  Soldiers' 

Homes  and  other  government  buildings  and  ships 40,    156 

June  23,  Immigration  act,  including  Bowersock  and  Landis  amend- 
ments reported  to  Senate,  by  Committee  on   Immigration.  ..      155 

June  30,   Bill  appropriating  money  for  army  gymnasiums 1  5  2 

Dec.    20,  Senate  document,  "Patriotic  Studies,"  presented  Dec.  20,  1902, 

by  Senator  Wellington 7 

1903.   Jan.    27,  Hepburn  interstate  liquor  act  passed  House 40. 

Feb  13,  Hearing  Hepburn-Dolliver  interstate  liquor  act.  Senate  Com- 
mittee  on  Interstate   Commerce 40.  158 

Mar.      3,  Senate    concurs    in    Bowersock    and    Landis    amendments    of 

immigration  act    155 

Nov.    24,   Humphrey  s  Bill  to  forbid  issuing  of  federal  liquor  tax  receipts  in 

no  license  territory  introduced  in  House 41 

1904  Jan.     14,   Hearing  on  Sunday  opening  of  Portland  Fair 113 

Jan.     16,   Hearinj  Smoot  ca  in i-'f> 

Jan.     27,     Hearing    on    liquor    selling    in    government    buildings,    House 

Committee  on  Alcoholic  Liquor  Traffic  156 

Feb.      8,  Senate  Document,  "Moral  Legislation  in  Congress,"     ordered  34 

27,   Mrs    Mary  H    Hun1 

171 

Mar     1-4.   Hearings  burn  bill,  House  J  40. 

Mar.    26,   Hepburn  Mil  reported  by  40.  : 

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1905  Jan.     16,  Bill  prohibiting  importation  and  exportation  of  obscene  matter    .      120 

27,  S]  in  Indi  ry  193 

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Patriotic   Studies 


[Senate   Document,  57th   Congress,  2d   Session,   No.  53.] 

AN  OUTLINE  FOR  STUDY  OF  PUBLIC  QUESTIONS.  PREPARED  BY  THE 

INTERNATIONAL  REFORM  BUREAU,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 

INTRODUCTION. 

Let  our  young  women,  as  well  as  our  young  men,  acquaint  themselves  with  the 
great  questions  that  engage  the  attention  of  our  Government,  which  are  discussed  in 
legislatures,  congresses,  and  in  the  leading  papers.  Let  them  discuss  in  their  cluhs 
and  societies  the  social  and  educational  movements  of  the  day,  and  their  bearing  on  the 
future  of  the  nation.  These  matters  can  be  made  as  interesting  as  Greek  literature  or 
modern  art,  and  as  fascinating  as  the  everlasting  novel. — Mrs.  Mary  A.  Livcrmorc. 

The  need  of  the  hour  is  reform  study,  not  alone  academic  study  of  so- 
ciology by  the  few,  but  especially  practical  study  of  social  problems  by  the 
many,  who  can  devote  to  them  only  fragments  of  time.  Even  local  reforms 
can  not  be  wisely  carried  forward  without  a  wide  knowledge  of  their  causes 
and  relations. 

This  practical  course  of  study  will  be  available  even  to  those  who  can 
devote  to  it  but  one  hour  per  week,  which  means  four  hours  per  topic,  in 
which  time  a  clear  though  not  complete  view  may  be  obtained.  The  ex- 
pense of  the  course  may  be  much  or  nominal,  as  one  shall  elect.  Most  of  the 
extra  readings  named  in  this  manual  are  in  government  reports  and  those 
of  philanthropic  societies,  which  are  sent  free  of  charge  to  all  interested 
enough  to  request  them.  Free  public  libraries  are  also  available  in  most 
cases,  and  may  be  induced  to  add  a  sociological  shelf  or  to  extend  it.  Read- 
ers should  not  only  ask  for  books  on  the  topic  but  also  consult  the  magazine 
index,  and.  especially,  latest  issues  of  The  Review  of  Reviews,  Forum, 
Arena,  North  American  Review.  Literary  Digest,  Outlook,  Independent,  etc. 

Preliminary   Readings. 

The  basis  of  all  effective  ethical  teaching  must  be  an  ethical  universe,  in  which  is 
seen  the  reign  of  law.  ethical  law  most  of  all,  which  should  evoke  even  higher  enthu- 
siasm than  that  of  the  naturalist  who  has  discovered  the  wonderful  law  of  some  min- 
eral or  vegetable  or  animal.  If  the  world  is  ethical  the  man  who  violates  ethics  is  col- 
liding with  the  universe.  The  Author  of  the  world  may  be  proved  to  he  a  Mind  by 
showing  that  very  many  of  the  tools  and  machines  that  man's  mind  lias  invented  are 
copies   of  the   machines  of   nature.     Design,   order  and   progress   proclaim 

Reading  on  Social  Problems  in  General. 
Benjamin  Kidd.  Social  Evolution;  Macmillan.  $1-75  Charles  Loring  Rrace, 
Gesta  Christi.  or  Humane  Progress  ;  Armstrong.  $1.50.  Dr.  Josiah  Strong.  The  New 
I  ;  Baker  &  Tavlor  Co.,  60c:  35c.  Prof  Richard  T.  Ely.  Social  Aspect-  of  Chris- 
tianity; Crowell,  00c.  Prof  T.  R.  Commons  Social  Reform  and  the  Church:  Crowell, 
7>c  Dr.  W'a^hincrton  Gladden.  The  Church  and  the  Kinpdom;  Rcvell.  50c.  Canon  \V. 
H  Freemantle.  The  World  the  Subject  of  Redemption:  Longmans  Green  &  Co  $2. 
Canon  B  F  YYcscott,  Social  Aspects  of  Christianity:  Macmill.in.  Si  "o  Same,  The 
Incarnation  in  Common  Life:  same.  $2.;o.  Christianity  Practically  Applied.  2  vols. 
Reports  of  Evangelical   Alliance   ConRre«=   in   Chicago;    Raker  &  Tavlor   <  each. 

Dr.  Wm.  Howe  Tolman  and  Prof.  YV.  T.  Hull.  Handbook  of  Sociological  Information; 
,  Vigilance  League.   427  W.  street.   New  York.  $1.10.     Wilbur  h     Craft,.   Practical 
Christian  Sociology;  Funk  &  Wagnalla  Co.,  $1.50.    Same.  The  March  of  Chmt  down 
the  Centuries;  International  Reform  Bureau.  Washington,  D.  C.  25c:  10c. 

Sociological  Year 

\ncicnt  prophets  spoke  at  least  cloven  times  out  of  twelve  to  communi- 
ties rather  than  individuals,  and  when  one  of  them  spoke  to  an  individual 
was  usually  the  king,  that  is,  the  government.     Preachers  are  the  successors 


not  of  priests,  but  of  prophets,  and  in  this  new  age  of  cities  and  social  soli- 
darity, when  action  must  in  many  things  be  social  rather  than  individual,  the 
preacher  ought  surely  to  devote  at  least  one  of  his  twelve  addresses  per 
month  (counting  prayer  meetings)  to  social  themes.  This  is  perhaps  as 
much  as  he  can  do  wisely  in  this  period  of  transition  from  individuality  to 
sociality.  It  will  be  found  that  there  is  one  reform  topic  peculiarly  appro- 
priate to  each  month,  and  from  these  may  be  developed  the  following  socio- 
logical year.  Not  only  churches,  but  the  Young  Men's  Christian  Association 
also  and  other  societies  and  clubs  may  be  induced  to  join  in  this  "Topic-a- 
month"  course  of  patriotic  studies,  with  at  least  one  meeting  per  month  for 
separate  study  and  one  for  public,  united  discussion,  as  folows :  (On  each 
topic  get  copies  of  bills  pending  in  Congress  and  other  legislative  bodies.) 

Third  Week  of  January  (containing  annual  "Day  of  Prayer  for  Col- 
leges"), "Moral  and  Social  Functions  of  Education." 

Week  of  February  containing  Washington's  Birthday  (suggesting  next 
problem  of  patriotism),  "Municipal  Reform." 

Week  containing  St.  Patrick's  day,  March  17,  "Immigration." 

"World's  Week  of  Prayer  for  the  Sabbath."    April,  "The  Lord's  Day 
and  the  Rest  Day." 

First  week  of  May,  "The  Labor  Problem"  (May  1  being  World's  Labor 
Day  by  custom). 

First  week  of  June,  "The  Family"  (June  being  the  wedding  month). 

Week  including  July  4,  "National  Reforms"  (Independence  Day  sug- 
gesting the  theme). 

First  week  of  August  (the  devil's  harvest  month),  "Amusements,  with 
Special  Reference  to  Purity."  , 

Week  beginning  fourth  Sabbath  of  September,  "Gambling"  (suggested 
by  gambling  at  fairs  and  on  betting  on  harvest,  and  fall  elections). 

Week  beginning  last  Sabbath  of  October  ("Prison  Sunday"),  "Preven- 
tion and  Punishment  of  Crime." 

Week  beginning  fourth  Sabbath  of  November  ("World's  Temperance 
Sunday"  by  vote  of  many  church  conferences),  "The  Liquor  Problem." 

Week  beginning  second  Sabbath  of  December  "The  New  Charity"  sug- 
gested by  holiday  charities). 

Course  may  begin  with  any  month  of   any   year,  with   topic   for   that 
month. 

JANUARY  TOPIC— MORAL  AND  SOCIAL  FUNCTIONS  OP  EDUCATION. 

1.  Physical  Education.  Every  bodily  power  should  be  educated,  that  is, 
developed,  as  surely  as  every  mental  faculty.  To  this  end  such  a  physical 
director  as  every  well-equipped  Young  Men's  Christian  Association  now 
employs — sometimes  the  same  one  could  be  engaged — should  measure  and 
otherwise  examine  each  new  pupil  admitted  to  school,  and  direct  his  bodily 
exercises.  Many  a  dull  youth,  incapable  of  mental  application  and  stupidly 
dishonest  as  well,  has  been  awakened  intellectually  by  baths,  massage,  diet, 
and  gymnastic  drill.  This  has  been  done  with  great  success  in  the  Elmira 
Reformatory,  but  why  not  awake  the  boy  before  he  commits  serious  crimes  ? 
A  "sound  body"  should  pedestal  a  "sound  mind." 

2.  Mental  Education.  The  old  education  was  too  largely  a  mere  memory 
drill,  but  our  later  graduates  can  not  sing  the  national  hymn  without  books. 
Puritan  training  developed  the  affections  too  little,  but  the  new  education 

8 


makes  a  more  serious  error  in  failing  to  train  the  more  important  will.  The 
okl  education  did  not  sufficiently  tram  pupil:--  to  observe,  but  the  new  educa- 
tion more  seriously  tails  to  teach  them  obedience  to  law.  The  schools  of 
tpday  are  particularly  at  fault  for  their  failure  to  teach  logic  and  the  art  of 
expression,  the  very  shield  and  spear  of  self-governing  citizenship.  The  in- 
ternational educational  convention,  held  at  .Milwaukee  in  1897,  proposed 
(what  has  since  been  done  to  a  good  degree)  that  rural  schools  be  improved 
by  having  but  one  board  of  trustees  for  a  whole  township,  so  securing  better 
quality  and  cooperation,  and  combining  small  schools  to  get  a  better  grade  of 
teachers,  using  part  of  the  money  thus  saved  to  furnish  transportation  to 
pupils  left  by  this  change  beyond  walking  distance  of  the  consolidated  schools. 

3.  Manual  Education.  The  kindergarten  and  higher  forms  of  manual 
education  are  no  less  disciplinary  to  the  mind  than  purely  intellectual  exer- 
cises,  while  preparing  also  for  active  life  by  developing  manual  dexterity  as 
a  general  basis  for  any  and  all  forms  of  hand  work. 

4.  Industrial  Education  is  not  to  be  confounded  with  either  manual  educa- 
tion cr  trade  schools,  but  stands  midway  between  them,  carrying  manual  edu- 
cation forward  to  more  specific  mechanical  training,  such  as  would  serve  as 
half  a  trade  in  almost  any  specific  branch  of  skilled  labor  afterwards  chosen. 

5.  Trade  Schools.  At  the  annual  Social  Science  Congress  in  Saratoga  in 
1897,  the  following  uses  of  trade  schools  were  recalled  from  papers  of  the 
preceding  year:  (1)  The  manufacturers  of  competing  countries  have  found 
them  necessary  to  keep  up  the  national  grade  of  work  by  improving  the  skill 
of  the  workmen  (send  for  report  of  the  textile  school,  Lowell,  Mass.,  the  lat- 
est and  greatest  of  trade  schools)  ;  (2)  philanthropists  find  the  trade  school 
a  necessary  bridge  between  a  boy's  graduation  from  grammar  schoool  and  his 
first  job;  (3)  educators  urge  that  education  should  be  a  preparation  for  life, 
and  in  this  view  trade  schools  should  be  a  part  of  the  school  system ;  (4)  the 
Elmira  Reformatory  and  kindred  institutions  find  in  trade  schools  a  powerful 

ncy  for  the  recovery  and  reformation  of  young  criminals,  many  of  whom 
came  to  be  such  for  lack  of  a  trade.  Rev.  E.  D.  Burr,  pastor  of  Ruggles 
Street  Industrial  Church,  Boston,  says  in  the  Christian  City.  August,  ri 

e  of  the  great  crime  causes  in  our  American  civilization  is  a  lack  of  trade 
education  for  the  American  child.  A  careful  analysis  of  the  census  has 
shown  that  of  the  convicted  criminals  in  the  United  States  nearly  three- 
fourths  are  native  born,  more  than  one-half  of  native  parents.  Nearly  three- 
fourths  of  the  criminals  who  have  no  trade  are  Americans. 

"To  make  a  man's  home  attractive  will  counteract  the  attractiveness  of 
the  saloon.  What  has  the  church  to  do?  Produce  home  makers,  gather  the 
daughters  of  the  workingmen  into  classes  in  domestic  science  and  kitchen 
gardening,  where  they  shall  he  taught  to  do  everything  which  the  housewife 
will  he  called  on  to  do — make  a  bed.  -weep  a  tloor,  wash  and  hang  out  clothes, 
iron,  dust,  set  table,  and  all  the  rest.  Then  bring  the  wives  of  the  work: 
men  into  classes  where  they  shall  learn  to  cook  nutritious  foods.  These 
women  will  go  home  to  make  pea  soups  rice  gruels,  brown  bread,  and  while 
we  have  reenforced  the  home  and  made  it  attractive  we  ha\e  at  the  same 
time  reenforced  the  man  himself  and  armed  him  against  the  temptations  to 
the  use  of  intoxicanl 

6.  Education  in  Civics.  Some  progress  has  been  made  in  this  new  de- 
partment of  education,  but  The  Outlook,  of  June  5,  1897,  reported  that  one 


of  its  staff  had  found  graduates  of  New  York  City  grammar  schools,  who 
had  since  become  voters,  who  were  unable  to  define  such  words  as  muni- 
cipal, municipality,  chief  executive,  federal,  ambassador,  cabinet,  and  other 
terms  which  they  would  need  to  understand  in  order  to  follow  the  discus- 
sions of  public  matters  which  were  then  imminent  in  anticipation  of  the  first 
election  in  "Greater  New  York."  Even  our  college  graduates  usually  know 
less  of  the  government  of  their  own  cities  than  of  the  government  of  ancient 
Athens.  Public  schools,  in  nationalizing  the  children  of  foreigners  by 
school  fellowships,  afford  indirect  aid. 

7.  Moral  Education.  Rev.  Dr.  Edward  Everett  Hale  recently  told  the 
following  in  an  address :  "I  once  discussed  education  with  a  Japanese  prince. 
He  said  to  me,  in  that  supernaturally  good  English  in  which  they  speak: 
'We  do  not  give  so  much  time  to  arithmetic  in  our  schools  as  you  do;  we 
think  arithmetic  makes  men  sordid.'  So  do  I.  And  I  asked  a  little  nerv- 
ously:  'To  what  do  you  give  the  time?'  'We  teach  them  morals  and  his- 
tory.' " 

Write  to  the  George  Junior  Republic,  Freeville,  N.  Y.,  for  reports  of 
that  unique  combination  of  vacation  school,  trade  school,  school  of  civics, 
mission  Sunday  school,  and  reform  school. 

Something  to  do.  — This  course  contemplates  for  each  month  not  only 
the  study  of  some  definite  reform  topic,  but  also  some  application  of  it  in 
specific  reform  work.  For  January,  let  all  schools  within  reach  be  investi- 
gated, not  exercises  only  but  graduates  also,  with  reference  to  the  schools' 
moral  and  social  efficiency.  Let  scientific  temperance  education  be  reenforced 
by  physicians  with  experiments  and  charts,  and  let  scientific  temperance  edu- 
cation "extension"  be  inaugurated  in  public  halls.  Help  to  pass  any  good 
educational  legislation  pending,  after  getting  bills  and  studying  them. 

Readings— Ste  Practical  Christian  Sociology,  pages  83—112;  also  March  of  Christ 
Down  the  Centuries,  pages  66 — 68.  Reports  of  National  Commissioner  of  Education. 
R.  H.  Quick,  Educational  Reformers;  Kindergarten  Literature  Co.,  The  Temple,  Chi- 
cago, $1.50.  Miss  Marv  Chisholm  Foster,  The  Kindergarten;  Hunt  &  Eaton,  $1. 
Florence'D.  Hill,  Children  of  the  State,  Macmillan,  $1.75-  Reports  of  Children's  Aid 
Societies  of  New  York  and  Philadelphia.  (In  sending  to  societies  for  reports  one 
should  inclose  at  least  postage.)  Report  of  Elmira  (N.  Y.)  Reformatory.  C.  M. 
Woodward,  The  Manual  Training  School,  D.  C.  Heath  &  Co.,  $2.  Reports  of  Indus- 
trial Education  Association,  21  University  Place,  New  York.  Reports  of  New  York 
Trade  Schools  (Col.  R.  I.  Auchmuty)  Sixty-seventh  and  Sixty-eighth  streets.  New 
York.  Reports  of  American  Society  for  Extension  of  University  Teaching,  Fifteenth 
and  Sansom  streets,  Philadelphia.  Reports  of  University  Settlements  as  follows :  An- 
dover  House,  9  Rollins  street,  Boston;  Epworth  League  House,  Hull  street,  Boston; 
University  Settlement,  26  Delancy  street.  New  York;  College  Settlement  (Women's 
Colleges),  95  Rivington  street.  New  York;  Princeton  House,  Philadelphia;  Hull 
House.  Chicago.  Miss  Jane  Addams  and  others.  Philanthropy  and  Social  Progress; 
Hull  House  Maps  and  Papers,  Crowell.  $2.50.  Mrs.  Mary  H.  Hunt,  23  Trull  street, 
Boston,  Leaflets  on  Scientific  Temperance  Education,  free. 

FEBRUARY  TOPIC-MUNICIPAL  REFORM. 

I.  Origin  of  cities.     I.  Social  instinct.    2.  Protection.     3.  Exchange.^ 

II.  Growth  of  cities,  due  to:  (1)  factories;  (2)  transportation  facilities 
for  (a)  persons,  (b)  food;  (3)  educational  advantages;  (4)  amusements; 
(5)  charities;  (6)  agricultural  machinery  reducing  hand  work  on  farms  and 
sending  superfluous  labor  to  cities.  Loomis  (Modern  Cities)  shows  that  the 
rush  to  cities  is  a  world  phenomenon.  Checks  on  the  tendency  cityward :  ( 1 ) 
expense;   (2)   perils  to  health;   (3)   home-finding  societies  removing  city 


10 


children  to  farms ;  (4)  increased  facilities  for  reaching  suburban  homes  from 
city  offices  by  commutation  tickets  and  trolleys;  (5)  establishment  of  social 
farm  colonies  from  which  the  loneliness  of  farm  life  has  been  eliminated. 

III.  Strategic  importance  of  saving  the  cities.    Although  the  population 

of  American  cities  is  not  yet  as  great  as  that  of  the  rural  districts,  the  cities 
already  have  greater  commercial  and  intellectual,  if  not  also  greater  political 
and  religious  power,  because  of  concentration  and  organization.  And  in 
[921  the  cities  of  the  United  States,  at  the  present  rate  of  growth,  will  have 
an  actual  majority  of  the  votes. 

IV.  Perils  of  cities.  I.  Concentration  of  vices :  (1)  liquors;  (2)  Sab- 
bath breaking;  (3)  impurity;  (4)  gambling;  (5)  political  corruption.  2. 
Dangerous  concentration  of  money  power:  (1)  franchises  corruptly  ob- 
tained. Send  for  pamphlet  on  this  subject  issued  by  the  Philadelphia  Munic- 
ipal League,  giving  representative  cases. 

V.  Remedies.  1.  City  evangelization.  Call  in  superfluous  preachers 
from  villages  and  develop  lay  preaching  also. 

2.  Law  enforcement.    These  two  words  should  be  the  whole  municipal 
platform  wherever  needed.    Whenever  mayor  and  police  and  city  prosecutor 
violate  their  oath  to  enforce  the  laws  let  such  an  "appeal  to  Caesar"  as  the 
following  be  taken : 
To  His  Excellency  the  Chief  Executive  or  THE  State  of : 

The  undersigned  organizations  and  individuals  hereby  earnestly  repre- 
sent to  you  ( 1 )  that  the  laws  of  this  State  against  Sabbath  breaking,  impur- 
ity, gambling,  and  intemperance  are,  in  common  repute,  so  notoriously  and 
habitually  violated  in  our  city  as  to  convince  us  that  this  lawlessness  has  the 
connivance,  if  not  the  consent,  of  those  city  authorities  whose  sworn  duty  it 
is  to  enforce  the  laws;  and  (2)  that  our  respectful  appeals  for  the  enforce- 
ment of  these  laws  have  been  persistently  disregarded.  Wherefore,  we  ap- 
peal to  you  to  investigate  this  alleged  lawlessness,  and  if  it  shall  be  found 
that  our  city  1  have  refused  or  willfully  neglected  to  enforce  said  State 

laws,  to  use"  vour  powers  as  the  chief  executive  of  the  State,  by  proclamation 
or  otherwise,  through  the  department  of  justice  or  through  the  sheriff  or 
through  other  State  officers  under  your  direction,  to  secure  to  us  and  to  our 
imperiled  children  the  protection  to  which  these  neglected  laws  entitle  us  as 
citizens  of  this  State;  and  we  ask  you  to  protect  the  future  here  and  1 
where  by  requesting  the  legislature  t<>  enact  a  law  similar  to  one  in  force  in 
Mini  hington,  and  New  Hampshire,  providing  that  any  city  or 

willfully  neglects  or  refuses  to  enforce  said  laws  may  be 
punished  with  hue  and  deposition  from  office  by  indictment  and  trial  in  the 
cou  r 

3.  There  are  few.  if  any.  measures  of  municipal  reform  that  will  in  the 
end  re  useful  than  a  good  curfew  ordinance  to  prevent  the  dangerous 

:t  roving  of  children  at  night.  This  is  in  force  in  a  thousand  American 
cities,  and  grcatlv  reduces  juvenile  vice  and  crime.     The  city  councils  have 

full  power  in  this  matter. 

Something  to  do. — Prepare  for  nonpartisan  municipal  election  in  the 
spring.  Petition  State  legislature  for  referendum  on  city  franchises.  By 
petitions,  or  delegations,  or  both,  let  city  officers  be  called  on  to  enforce  ne- 
glected laws. 

1 1 


Readings.— See  Practical  Christian  Sociology,  pages  208—215 ;  also  March  of  Christ 
down  the  Centuries,  pages  51—53-  Prof.  J.  R.  Commons,  City  Problems;  International 
Reform  Bureau,  Washington,  D.  C,  10  cents.  Apply,  with  stamp,  for  leaflets  of  Na- 
tional Municipal  Reform  League,  514  Walnut  street,  Philadelphia.  Hon.  S.  B.  Capen, 
Boston,  Address  on  Municipal  Reform.  Albert  Shaw,  Municipal  Government  in  Great 
Britain ;  The  Century  Company,  $2.  Rev.  Dr.  Charles  H.  Parkhurst,  Our  Fight  with 
Tammany;  Scribner's  $1.25.  S.  L.  Loomis,  Modern  Cities  and  their  Religious  Prob- 
lems; Baker  &  Taylor  Co.,  $1.  Dr.  William  Howe  Tolman,  Municipal  Reform  Move- 
ments; F.  H.  Revell  Co.,  $1. 

MARCH   TOPIC -IMMIGRATION. 

1.  Plans  for  restricting  immigration  must  not  violate  the  brotherhood 
of  man.  The  first  exclusion  to  be  accomplished  is  the  exclusion  of  race 
prejudice  from  ourselves.  A  Pennsylvania  law  to  put  an  extra  tax  of  3  cents 
per  day  on  all  alien  laborers — that  is,  all  foreigners  not  naturalized,  was  in 
1897  decided  unconstitutional  by  the  State  supreme  court,  but  not  until  a 
large  number  of  the  140,000  immigrants  thus  threatened  with  this  annual 
tax  of  $10  had  hastened  to  become  citizens  only  to  save  money.  It  would  be 
strange  indeed  if  they  should  not  sell  a  suffrage  thrust  upon  them. 

2.  We  would  exclude  immigrants  that  would  be  likely  to  corrupt  our 
own  people;  for  instance,  Mormons,  anarchists,  and  criminals,  on  the  same 
principle  that  we  should  avoid  evil  companions. 

3.  Inasmuch  as  there  is  no  present  prospect  that  the  ballot  box  will  be 
protected  against  illiterate  immigrants,  they  should  be  excluded  to  protect 
our  imperiled  suffrage. 

4.  Appeals  should  also  be  made  to  judges  to  use  their  great  powers  to 
exclude  from  naturalization  all  unfit  applicants. 

5.  Judges  should  all  be  asked  to  deliver  courses  of  lectures  on  the  Con- 
stitution and  on  the  duties  of  citizens  to  candidates  for  naturalization — and 
young  Americans  about  to  cast  their  first  vote  might  well  be  invited  also. 

6.  So  far  as  unfit  immigrants  get  in  (as  they  will  in  spite  of  all  laws), 
the  churches  must  Christianize  them  rather  than  move  away  from  them. 

7.  Especially  must  we  civilize  and  nationalize  their  children  in  our  pub- 
lic and  Sabbath  schools.  In  1897  the  Roman  Catholic  authorities  transmitted 
to  the  churches  of  that  order  in  the  United  States  the  following  significant 
ruling,  which  shows  how  strongly  the  children  of  foreigners  desire  to  be- 
come American:  "First,  children  born  in  America  of  foreign  parents 
whose  native  language  is  not  the  English,  are  not  obliged,  when  of  age,  to 
become  members  of  the  parish  to  which  their  parents  belong;  but  they  have 
the  right  to  join  a  parish  in  which  the  language  of  the  country — that  is, 
English, — is  used.  Second,  Catholics  not  born  in  America,  but  knowing  the 
English  language,  have  the  right  of  becoming  members  of  the  parish  in 
which  English  is  in  use  and  they  can  not  be  compelled  to  submit  themselves 
to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  rector  of  a  church  built  for  people  who  continue  to 
speak  the  language  of  a  foreign  country." 

Something  to  do. — Petition  Congress  for  better  immigration  and  natu- 
ralization laws.  Circulate  Sabbath  Observance  leaflets  in  foreign  tongues 
among  resident  foreigners. 

Readings. — Send  to  Commissioner  of  Immigration  and  to  immigration  committees 
of  United  States  Senate  and  House  for  latest  reports.  Look  up  speeches  of  Senator 
Lodge  in  Congressional  Record.  Send  for  publications  of  Immigration  Restriction 
League,  Boston.     R.  M.  Smith,  Emigration  and  Immigration,  Scribners,  $1.40. 

12 


APRIL  TOPIC— THE  StBBATH. 

Seven  reasons  why  the  Sabbath  should  be  observed  and  preserved  as  a 
day  of  freedom  for  worship  and  from  work,  save  works  of  necessity  and 
mercy:  i.  Because  the  law  of  the  Sabbath  is  the  law  of  Eden,  where  the 
Sabbath  was  made  for  man  as  the  crowning  work  of  creation,  the  germ  of 
all  things  spiritual  and  intellectual.  2.  Because  the  law  of  the  Sabbath  is  a 
part  of  the  Decalogue,  the  world's  universal  constitution.  3.  Because  it  is 
also  the  law  of  Christ,  who  taught  its  observance  by  precept  and  practice. 
4.  l'.ecause  the  observance  of  the  new  Sabbath,  the  Lord's  hay,  is  the  law  of 
apostolic  example.  5.  Because  it  is  the  law  of  the  Church.  6.  Because  it 
is  the  law  of  the  State.  7.  Because  it  is  also  a  law  of  nature,  scientifically 
proven. 

One  who  does  not  accept  all  these  reasons,  but  only  one  or  two  of  them, 
should  nevertheless  stand  for  the  Sabbath,  whose  benefits  are  so  manifest 
that  Catholics  and  Protestants,  Jews  and  Gentiles,  Labor  and  Capital,  have 
actually  united  in  its  defense. 

As  in  the  case  of  temperance,  so  in  that  of  the  Sabbath,  we  believe  the 
need  of  the  hour  is  to  reenforce  conscience,  to  show  in  this  case  that  it  is  not 
only  a  Christian  doctrine,  but  a  certainty  of  science  that  the  best  health  and 
the  longest  life  can  not  be  attained  without  Sabbath  rest.  The  chart  of  Dr. 
Haegler,  of  Basle,  ought  to  be  as  familiar  and  fundamental  in  every  child's 
education  as  the  rule  of  three,  since  this  rule  of  seven  is  more  radically  es- 
sential to  wise  living. 


W1T11    Twr      SgvgNTi-.     OAv    REST 


Dr.   ll.irg  cr'r-  CI 

Each  downward  short  stroke  represents  a  day's  work,  which  is  not 
quite  offset  by  the  upward  restorative  stroke  of  the  night's  rest,  so  that  one 
is  a  little  weaker  every  morning,  a  little  wearier  every  night,  as  the  week's 
work  goes  on.  In  the  case  of  a  certain  laborer,  taken  for  example,  a  normal 
day's  work  overdraws  his  oxygen  I  ounce,  and  a  normal  night's  rest  only 
r<  -lores  five-sixths  of  it.  Losing  one-sixth  of  an  ounce  per  day,  he  is  six- 
sixths  of  an  ounce  short  on  Sabbath  morning,  a  whole  ounce  short,  a  whole 
day  behind — in  the  same  condition  physically  on  Sabbath  morning,  in  the 
same  need  of  rest,  as  on  Monday  nie:ht.  lie  i-  therefore  called  to  a  whole 
day's  rest  to  balance  his  account  with  nature.     Tf  he  habitually  dis  tins 

divine  law  of  weekly  rest  he  "runs  down"  mop-  and  more  until  he  is  as  far 
from  what  he  ought  to  be  as  is  shown  by  the  chart,  about  which  d  do 

13 


not  disagree.  One  breathes  less  oxygen  and  uses  more  during  ordinary 
work  than  when  at  rest,  absorption  of  mind  checking  the  respiration  to  the 
extent  of  about  12,960  cubic  inches  in  eight  hours.  Oxygen  being  but  an- 
other name  for  vital  force,  the  bearing  of  the  foregoing  facts  on  health  and 
strength  are  apparent. 

Educated  men,  Christian,  un-Christian,  and  anti-Christian,  are  now 
generally  agreed  that  man's  body  and  mind,  to  say  nothing  here  of  the  soul, 
need,  and  so  have  a  right  to,  a  weekly  Rest  Day.  It  is  also  generally  agreed 
that  in  order  to  accomplish  its  purpose  in  this  age  of  interlocking  activities 
the  Rest  Day  should  be  the  same  for  the  whole  community.  It  is  also 
further  agreed  that  the  Day  must  be  legally  protected  against  greed,  since 
"the  liberty  of  rest  for  each  demands  a  law  of  rest  for  all."  It  is  also  gen- 
erally agreed  that  in  forbidding  Sunday  work  no  safe  and  equitable  excep- 
tions can  be  made  except  for  works  of  necessity  and  mercy  and  private  labor 
by  those  who  really  observe  another  day. 

(It  would  be  instructive  to  consider  the  Sabbath  as  (1)  the  Lord's  day, 
(2)  the  Rest  Day,  (3)  the  Home  Day,  (4)  the  Weekly  Independence  Day.) 
Something  to  do. — Organize  pastors,  officers  of  W.  C.  T.  U.,  Y.  M. 
C.  A.,  and  kindred  bodies,  in  a  Union  Sabbath  Defense  Committee,  a  "Plan 
of  Work"  for  which  may  be  obtained  on  application,  with  stamp,  from  the 
International  Reform  Bureau,  Washington,  D.  C.  Find  what  Sunday  laws 
are  pending  in  Congress,  or  State  legislature,  or  city  council  and  help  them 
on. 

Readings— Ste  "Sabbath  for  Man"  and  "Civil  Sabbath."  Apply  with  stamp,  always, 
to  following  societies  for  literature :  For  latest  issues  of  "The  Defender,"  to  New 
England  Sabbath  Protective  League,  Tremont  Temple,  Boston ;  for  reports  of  pro- 
gress in  Europe,  to  New  York  Sabbath  Committee,  Bible  House,  New  York ;  for  leaf- 
lets, to  Wisconsin  Sabbath  Association,  160  Harmon  street,  Milwaukee,  Wis.,  and 
Mrs.  Varila  F.  Cox  (W.  C.  T.  U.),  Tabor,  N.  J. 

MAY  TOPIC— THE  LABOR  PROBLEM. 

I.  The  exact  problem. — The  "labor  problem"  is  not  that  "the  rich  are 
getting  richer  and  the  poor  poorer."  This  saying  is  a  misquotation  from 
Henry  George.  No  labor  leader  of  eminence  makes  such  a  claim.  Nor  is 
"starvation  wages"  the  issue,  except  in  local  cases.  It  is  generally  admitted 
that  wages  have  increased  and  that  wage-earners  live  more  comfortably 
than  in  former  years.  (See  Practical  Christian  Sociology,  Lecture  III; 
also,  more  at  length,  Rogers's  Six  Centuries  of  Work  and  Wages.) 

The  claim  of  labor  leaders  and  of  most  social  reformers  is  that  of  the 
modern  increase  of  wealth  produced  by  capital  and  labor,  the  latter  has  not 
received  its  just  share.  Strikes  are  usually  made  by  the  best-paid  groups 
of  workmen.  The  increasing  discontent  of  labor  is  not  due  to  increasing 
hardships,  but  to  its  higher  ideal  of  social  justice  and  individual  rights.  In 
this  sense  the  "problem"  is  the  product  of  Christianity,  through  its  doctrine 
of  the  sacred  individuality  of  every  human  soul,  and  the  correlative  doctrine 
of  human  brotherhood  and  equality. 

The  exact  issue  is  that  industrial  injustice  not  only  exists,  but  that  the 
laws  defend  and  promote  inequitable  divisions  of  wealth  among  its  joint 
producers.  The  outcry  is  not  against  money,  but  against  the  money  power 
in  politics,  in  city  councils,  legislatures,  courts.  It  is  not  against  the  ac- 
cumulation of  thousands  by  industry  and  skill,  but  against  the  seizure  of 
millions  by  monopoly  through  the  aid  of  corrupted  government. 

14 


II.  Historic  origin  of  the  labor  problem. — At  first  industry  had  but 
two  elements — land  and  labor.  By  "land"  is  meant  in  economics  all  the  raw 
material  that  the  Creator  furnishes,  such  as  land,  water,  wood,  minerals, 
animals,  etc.  By  "labor"  is  meant  in  economics  mental  as  well  as  manual 
effort.  'Capital"  is  but  stored  "labor,"  what  "labor"  applied  to  "land"  has 
produced,  whether  by  the  work  of  transportation  or  transformation.  Labor 
of  mind  and  muscle  unite  in  this  work.  When  the  individualistic  work  of 
early  times  gave  way  to  the  social  work  of  the  factory,  in  the  division  of 
labor  the  mental  work  was  mostly  given  to  one,  the  manual  work  mostly  to 
others.  The  mental  work  of  the' superintendent  is  greater  in  influence  upon 
the  product  than  the  work  of  any  one  manual  worker,  and  so  is  entitled 
to  more  reward ;  but  it  is  claimed  that  superintendence  has  taken,  not  all  it 
should,  but  all  it  could,  and  has  more  and  more  increased  its  power  to  do  so 
by  getting  full  control  of  the  "tools,"  including  factories  and  money  to- 
gether constituting  "capital,"  so  that  the  man  who  has  had  only  so  much  of 
the  product  as  he  could  live  upon  has  become  more  and  more  subject  to  him 
who  has  held  the  surplus.  It  has  been  taught  by  Adam  Smith  and  others, 
with  little  contrary  teaching,  even  from  the  pulpit,  until  recently,  that  busi- 
ness is  divinely  ordained  to  be  governed  by  the  laws  of  supply  and  demand 
and  competition,  against  which  neither  God  nor  government  should  be  in- 
voked. "Cutthroat"  competition,  when  it  is  finished,  brings  forth  "soulless" 
monopoly.     (See  Ely's  Outlines  of  Economics  and  Bellamy's  Equality.) 

III.  Remedies  to  be  applied  by  labor.— (i)  In  place  of  bullets  let  labor 
use  ballots  to  secure  laws  that  will  pour  the  increase  of  wealth,  not  into  the 
hands  of  the  few,  but  of  the  many ;  laws  which  will  provide  for  city  owner- 
ship of  water,  light,  and  transportation,  and  others  which  will  put  larger 
taxes  on  land  and  inheritances.  Workingmen  are  too  prone  to  spend  their 
strength  on  far-off  nationalism  and  to  neglect  city  politics,  where  the  logical 
beginning  should  be  made  and  can  be  made  at  once  in  the  rescue  of  fran- 
chises from  boodlers  by  a  referendum  ordinance  or  otherwise.  (See  Prac- 
tical Christian  Sociology,  Lecture  IV ;  also  more  at  length,  Ely's  Socialism 
and  Social  Problems.) 

(2)  A  yet  nearer  relief,  which  workingmen  can  apply  without  secur- 
ing even  the  cooperation  of  their  fellows,  may  be  had  through  abstinence 
from  wasteful  and  injurious  habits,  such  as  drinking,  smoking,  gambling, 
etc.  The  average  family  in  the  United  States  would  be  $100  per  year  bet- 
ter off  if  drinking  were  abolished.  Prohibition  would  do  that  for  all,  but 
personal  abstinence  would  make  that  much  difference  in  many  a  home  with- 
out waiting  for  law.  So  far  as  the  liquor  dealers  and  their  patrons  are  con- 
cerned, it  is  a  case  of  the  rich  getting  richer  and  the  poor  poorer.  Many 
a  complainer  at  the  unequal  distribution  of  wealth  should  first  correct  this 
inequality  as  between  himself  and  the  brewer  by  keeping  his  money  for  his 
own  family.  It  is  doubtful  if  all  the  other  remedies  he  proposes  through 
change-  of  law  would  add  as  much  to  his  income  as  the  hundred  dollars  he 
can  himself  add  by  personally  cutting  off  the  tax  he  pays  of  his  own  accord 
to  the  brewer  for  despoiling  his  health  and  heart  and  home.  The  chief 
defect  of  labor's  two  most  eloquent  advocates,  Henry  George  and  Edward 
Bellamv.  whose  books  all  should  read,  is  in  treating  moral  betterment  as  a 
consequence  only,  not  a  cause,  the  product  of  improved  industrial  environ- 

'5 


merit,  for  which  they  depend  chiefly  on  legislation.  In  fact  all  three  are 
causes  of  social  betterment,  moral  transformation  being  the  very  taproot  of 
them  all. 

IV.  Remedies  to  be  applied  by  capital. —  (i)  Many  capitalists,  like 
Lord  Shaftesbury  and  Sir  Robert  Peel,  have  recognized  the  social  injus- 
tice of  present  conditions,  and  led  crusades  against  it.  Such  leaders  are  the 
need  of  the  hour  in  Canada  and  the  United  States. 

(2)  Pending  the  enactment  of  better  laws,  much  can  be  done  by  com- 
binations of  just  capitalists  and  their  patrons  to  maintain  just  wages  and 
fair  prices.  To  such  combinations  against  sweaters  there  can  be  no  reason- 
able objection.  For  instance,  let  just  merchants  and  their  patrons  form  an 
association  which  will  agree  on  a  fair  schedule  of  prices  for  clerks  and  for 
the  making  of  coats,  shirts,  etc.,  by  the  piece,  with  provisions  against  child 
labor  and  excessive  hours  and  insanitary  conditions,  and  agree  to  patronize 
only  those  who  accept  the  scale.  It  is  to  the  dishonor  of  both  sellers  and 
buyers  that  clerks  and  workers  have  usually  had  to  bear  almost  the  whole 
brunt  of  such  battles  for  industrial  justice.  It  was  said  in  1897  that  1  cent 
more  paid  for  knee  pants  if  it  went  to  the  makers  would  have  doubled  the 
wages  paid  and  prevented  the  strike  of  garment  workers  in  New  York  City. 

(3)  Without  waiting  for  either  law  or  combination,  employers  should 
form  such  boards  of  conciliaton  and  arbitration  as  are  described  in  bulletins 
of  the  U.  S.  Bureau  of  Labor,  Washington,  D.  C. 

(4)  The  individual  employer  can,  single  handed,  without  even  wait- 
ing for  the  formation  of  conciliation  committees,  partially  solve  the  problem 
by  a  more  equitable  distribution  with  his  men,  in  wages  profit  sharing,  and 
other  benefits,  of  his  margin  of  profit. 

(5)  There  is  probably  nothing  except  abstinence  through  which  the 
workmen  can  be  given  increased  privileges  of  such  great  value  as  by  the 
improvement  and  enforcement  of  the  laws  against  Sunday  work.  Surely 
the  church  which  was  founded  by  a  carpenter  ought  not  to  be  indifferent  to 
any  movement  in  defense  of  the  real  rights  of  workingmen,  chief  of  which  is 
one  unbroken  day  in  every  week  for  rest  and  home  and  culture  of  conscience. 

Something  to  do. — Hold  conferences  of  capital  and  labor,  with  one 
opening  speech  on  each  side,  followed  by  a  free  conference,  such  as  is  de- 
scribed by  Dr.  Washington  Gladden  in  "The  Industrial  Situation,"  (E.  J. 
Goodrich,  Oberlin,  Ohio,  10c),  also  such  as  the  National  Civic  Federation 
held  in  New  York  on  December  9,  1902  (see  files  of  city  papers}.  Help  to 
pass  wise  labor  laws. 

Readings. — Joseph  Mazzini,  Duties  to  Man,  Letters  to  Workingmen  ;  Funk  &  Wag- 
nails  Co.,  15c.  Prof.  R.  T.  Ely,  Outlines  of  Economics,  college  edition ;  Hunt  &  Eaton, 
$1.25.  Arnold  Toynbee,  Lectures  on  Industrial  Revolution ;  Humboldt  Publishing  Co., 
N.  Y.,  $1 ;  60c.  W  Cunningham  and  E.  A.  MacArthur,  Outlines  of  English  Industrial 
History,  Macmillan,  $1.50.  Economic  Classics.  Adam  Smith.  Ricardo.  Malthus,  same, 
75c  each.  Alfred  Marshall,  Economicso  f  Industry;  Macmillan,  $1.50.  Thomas  Car- 
lyle  (extracts),  Socialism  and  Unsocialism,  2  vols;  Humboldt  Pub.  Co.,  25c.  each. 
John  Ruskin  (extracts).  Communism  of  John  Ruskin;  same,  25c.  W.  C.  Owen,  The 
Economics  of  Herbert  Spencer ;  same,  25c.  Henry  George,  Progress  and  Poverty : 
Henr  r  George  &  Co.,  $1;  35c.  Charles  Sotheran,  Horace  Greeley,  Socialist;  Hum- 
boldt Pub.  Co.,  25c.  H.  D.  Lloyd.  Wealth  against  Commonwealth.  Harpers,  $2.^0. 
Prof.  J.  R.  Commons,  The  Distribution  of  Wealth.  Macmillan.  $1.75.  A.  E.  T. 
Schaeffie,  The  Essences  of  Socialism;  Humboldt  Pub.  Co..  25c.  Fabian  Essays:  same, 
25c.  Fabian  Tract  No.  51,  Socialism,  True  and  False:  Fabian  Society.  276  Strand, 
London,  25c.    John  Stuart  Mill   (extracts),  Socialism,  Humboldt  Pub.  Co.,  25c.     Ed- 

16 


war.!  Bellamy.  Looking  Backward;  Houghton,  Mifflin,  50.  Prof  R.  T.  Ely,  Social- 
ism .mi!  Social  Problems;  Crowell,  $1.50.  Robert  Flint,  Sociali  m,  1  bister,  London; 
Lippincott,  Philadelphia.     Dr.  A.J.  F    Behrends'  Socialism  ianity;  Baker  & 

Taylor  Co.,  $1.50.     Dr.  Joseph  Cook,  Labor,  Sociali  m,  z  vols;  Houghton,  $1.50  c  ch. 
President   K.   B.  Andrews,   Wealth  and   Moral   I. aw;    Hartford  Seminary 
Dr.  Washington  Gladden,  Working  People  and  their  Employers;   Funk  &   Wagnalls 

?i.  Rev.  Charles  Roads,  Christ  Enthroned  in  the  industrial  World;  Hunt  & 
Fatun.  $1.     J.  P.  Thorold  Rogers,  Six  Centuries  of  Work  and  Wages;  Humboldt  Pub- 

25c.  U.  S.  Bureau  of  Labor  reports  on  Chicago  Strike.  Profit  Sharing,  Building 
and  Loan  Association,  etc.  House  "t"  Representatives  Report,  2309,  on  Sweating.  Wil- 
liam Tram.  Trades  Unions;  American  Federation  <>f  Labor,  Washington,  D.  (".  10c. 
John    Rao,    Eight    Hours   for    Work;    Macmillau.   $1.25.      Benjamin    Jom  itive 

luction;  Macmillan.  Paul  Gohre,  Time  Months  in  a  Workshop;  Scrihncrs. 
Henry  Dyer,  The  Evolution  of  Industry;  Macmilllan.  $1.50.  Rev.  William  Booth,  In 
Darkest  England  and  the  Way  Out;  Funk  &  Wagnalls  To..  $1.50;  50c.  Darkest  Eng 
land  Social  Scheme;  30c;  Salvation  Army  Headquarters,  New  York.  Re] 
American  Social  Science  Association;  F.  B.  Sanborn,  Secretary. C  oncord,  Mas-;.  An- 
nals of  the  American  Academy;  Philadelphia,  Station  I'..  bimonthly,  sent  only  to  mem- 
demy.     Prof.  J.   B.  Clark.  The  Philosophy  of  Wealth;   Cum   &  Co..  Sr.io. 

ident  N.  P.  Gilman,  Profit  Sharing  between  Employer  and  Employee;  Houghton, 

in,  St. 75.  Rev.  Dr.  J.  M.  Ludlow,  Cooperative  Production  in  the  British  Isles; 
Atlantic  Monthly,  January.  1895.  George  E.  McNeill,  The  Labor  Movement;  A.  M. 
Bridgman,  Boston,  S^.;-.  George  Howell,  The  Conflicts  of  Capital  and  Lahor;  Mac- 
millan. $2.50.  Alfred  Tennyson,  Locksley  Halll  Sixty  Years  After.  W.  D.  P.  Bl 
Cyclopedia  of  Social  Reform-;;  Funk  &  Wagnalls  Co.  $6.  Walter  A.  Wyckoff,  The 
Workers.  2  volumes:  Scribner's,  $1.50  each.  Charles  B.  Spahr,  American  Working 
People;  Longmans,  Green  &  Co..  $1.50. 

JUNB  TOPIC— MARRIAGE  AND  DIVORCE. 

I.  The  family,  not  the  individual,  the  unit  of  society. — Unus  homo, 
nullus  homo;  Latin  for,  "The  bachelor  is  nobody."     Man  and  woman  arc- 
each  a  half  hinge.     Bible:    "They  twain  shall  be  one."    Longfellow: 
"As  unto  the  how  the  cord  is, 

•  unto  the  man  is  woman  ; 
Though  she  bends  him.  she  obeys  him; 
Though    she   draws    him.    yet    she    follows; 
Usi  ich  without  the  othi 

Spurgeon  (to  bride)  :  "Your  husband. is  the  head,  hut  do  you  he  the 
neck  to  turn  him  whithersoev  will." 

The  family  being  the  unitary  blood  drop  in  the  life  1  ety,  the  social 

health  depends  on  the  condition  of  it^  families.     No  reform-,  therefore,  can 

undamental  as  those  that  relate  to  marriage  and  childh 1. 

If.  Prerequisites  of  sound  family  life. —  (i)    Purity    in    both    ;    ■ 
Nature  has  no  "double  standard."     During  tl  rts  to  raise  the  age  of 

■    tection  in  Ohio,  a  senator  said:  "Soi  men  take  a  night  ofl  now  and 

then."     But  the  laws  of  nature  never  tal  e  '"  a  nighl  off."     "\Y1  r  a 

man  th  that  shall  he  also  reap" — and  his  wife  and  children  with  him. 

i  )l  all   follies  and  hyprocrisies,  marryii  "fast"  man  "to  reform  him 

If  he  can  he  reformed  at  any  time  it  is 
!'.-  ••    -  never  have  the  attentions  and  SO  never  the  aff  .  of  a  man  pr 

Ided  to  liquor  or  lust,  who        |    idly  heredity  reformation  can 
cancel. 

u'l    Supreme  affection.     To  marry   for  a  title  i  I        r   wealth  ven 

for  support,  is  prostitution.     The  craze  of  the  American  h<  •  marry 

some  foreign  count,  usually  "no  count,"  or  worse,  is  not  a  folly  only,  hut 
when  not  prompted  by  supreme  affection,  a  sin  as  well.    It  is  not  un-Am  I 

17 


can  only,  it  is  also  un-Christian.  It  is  even  lower  to  sell  one's  body  for 
wealth.  The  opening  of  new  occupations  to  woman  is  reducing  the  number 
of  marriages  for  support,  and  so  far  as  the  current  decrease  in  marriages  is 
due  to  woman's  increasing  economic  independence,  it  is  a  decrease  of  sin  and 
sorrow.  No  fear  the  independent  woman  will  not  marry  when  she  finds  one 
who  is  worthy  of  supreme  affection ! 

III.  God's  laze,  monogamy,  as  against  both  contemporaneous  and  con- 
secutive polygamy. —  (i)  God's  original  Edenic  plan  of  family  was  the 
union  of  one  man  and  one  woman.  Polygamy,  like  slavery,  was  tolerated 
in  Old  Testament  times,  but  never  approved.  Its  evil  workings,  which  men 
would  only  learn  by  experience,  constantly  appear. 

(2)  When  Christ  came  it  was  not  contemporaneous  but  consecutive 
polygamy — that  is,  easy  divorce — which  needed  and  called  forth  his  reitera- 
tion of  the  Edenic  law,  that  a  person  once  married  can  never  marry  again 
unless  death,  or  the  death  of  marriage  by  the  mortal  wound  of  adultery, 
has  come  to  one  or  other  of  the  wedded  pair.  Only  one  of  the  United  States 
(New  York)  has  adopted  the  law  of  Christ,  giving  absolute  divorce,  with 
permission  to  marry  again,  for  the  one  cause  only,  and  only  to  the  innocent 
party.  Congress  in  1901  made  the  same  law  for  the  national  Capital.  (Send 
for  Senate  Document  No.  305,  57th  Congress,  1st  session.) 

(3)  "Legal  separation,"  which  does  not  allow  remarriage,  but  does 
allow  reconciliation,  is  and  should  be  allowed  for  drunkenness,  desertion, 
and  cruelty.  It  would  be  very  wholesome  if,  when  a  husband  comes  home 
drunk  a  second  time,  his  wife  should  at  once  secure  legal  separation  and 
alimony,  before  he  is  past  reform  and  his  money  wasted,  to  protect  herself 
and  her  children  against  brutality  and  poverty. 

In  some  European  countries  there  is  a  public  officer  whose  duty  it  is 
to  seek  the  reconciliation  of  the  husband  and  wife  who  have  been  parted 
by  "legal  separation,"  as  well  as  to  resist  and,  when  possible,  prevent  divorce, 
on  the  ground  that  the  preservation  of  the  family  is  of  vital  importance  to 
the  state. 

(4)  It  is  not  legal  separation,  but  easy  divorce  with  permission  to  re- 
marry which  reformers  resist  as  a  social  peril.  Canada  with  five  millions 
of  people  has  but  eight  divorces  a  year,  partly  because  it  makes  divorce  diffi- 
cult by  allowing  divorces  to  be  granted  only  by  Parliament.  (A  like  plan 
has  worked  well  in  South  Carolina,  where  the  legislature  holds  the  power  to 
divorce  in  its  own  hands  and  never  uses  it ;  but  in  Delaware,  in  like  case, 
the  legislature  granted  divorces  in  such  scandalous  abundance  that  the  peo- 
ple in  1897  secured  the  transfer  of  this  function  to  the  courts.)  The  United 
States,  in  which  for  many  years  there  have  been  "divorce  colonies"  where 
absolute  divorce  can  be  had  by  a  nominal  residence  of  six  months,  has  out- 
run all  civilized  lands  in  its  percentage  of  divorces,  which  are  about  one- 
tenth  of  the  marriages,  to  which  must  be  added  the  many  homes  broken  up 
without  legal  formalities.  Now  that  Congress  has  passed  the  International 
Reform  Bureau's  bills  to  forbid  Territories  to  grant  divorce  on  less  than  a 
year's  residence,  and  to  make  the  law  of  the  Capital  as  good  as  that  of  New 
York,  it  will  be  safe  to  change  the  Constitution  and  put  marriage,  divorce, 
and  polygamy  wholly  under  the  control  of  Congress  for  the  sake  of  uni- 
formity. 

IV.  Child-bearing  and  child-training,  and  the  influence  of  both  on  the 

18 


parents, — (i)  The  fundamental  purpose  of  marriage  is  to  have  children. 
Let  no  pruder)  attempt  to  hide  what  should  be  the  family's  pride.  It  is 
hardly  conceivable  that  any  wife  is  childless  by  choice  A  suspicion  often  at- 
taches to  small  families,  but  the  fact  that  families  are  smallest  anion-  the 

re  educated  classes  is  at  least  partly  due  to  the  effect  of  culture  upon  the 
nervous  system.  People  are  not  easily  persuaded  in  these  times  when  the 
both  should  also  teach  the  profound  meaning  of  heredity  to  prevent  prenatal 
world  has  so  many  more  in  it  than  can  find  employment  that  t  is  a  parental 
duty  to  have  as  large  a  family  as  possible.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  preacher 
and  physician  alike  must  fearlessly  condemn  even-  form  of  infanticide,  and 
injury,  hardly  less  serious  than  infanticide,  from  parental  character. 

profoundest  pur  of  the   family  relation  is  to  school  the 

affections.     The  family  as  the  sociological  unit  is  really  a  unity  in  trinity, 
the  father,  the  mother  and  the  child,  constituting  the  first  of  the  circles  of 
love,  of  which  the  outermost  are  the  world  and  God.     Selfishness  is  I 
weaned  by  the  love  of  husband  and  wife;  then  further  by  the  love  of  one's 
children;  all  this  as  the  first  step  toward  loving  the  whole  world  as  a  lar 
family,  dod  its  Father  and  all  men  brothers. 

It  is  an  important  part  of  this  schooling  that  the  wife's  separate  rights 
in  her  own  property  are  heing  increasingly  recognized.  And  let  her  right  to 
her  own  person  be  also  recognized,  that  love  may  be  free  from  any  taint  of 
force. 

I    Child  training  is  mightier  than  heredity  and  primarily  a  parental 
duty.     It  is  now  generally  admitted  that  heredity  has  mated. 

influence  is  chiefly  physical  and  mental,  not  moral.  \\  hen  the  children  of 
the  slums  are  placed  early  in  good  country  homes  by  home-finding  societies, 
they  usually  become  morally  more  like  their  adopted  parents  than  like  their 
own.     But  God  holds  parents  responsible  for  child-training,  of  which  con- 

>ion  is  the  only  safe  basis.    The  teacher,  whether  of  week  da}        Sabbath, 

at  the  parents's  assistant.  Two  of  the  most  serious  perils  of  the  hour 
are:  i  I  i  That  only  one-tenth  of  the  church  members  in  the  cities  maintain 
daily  family  worship;  (2)  that  not  more  than  the  same  proportion  of  the 
children  of  city  Sabbath  schools  attend  the  church  service,  and  so  are  prepar- 
ing to  graduate  into  the  street.  The  home,  the  church,  the  school  must  all 
be  ■  1  to  the  utmost  in  behalf  of  imperiled  youth  in  this  a^e  of  citie 

Something  to  do. — Petition  State  legislatures  for  I;  allowing  remar- 
riage in  divorce  decrees  only  in  cases  of  adultery  and  only  to  the  innocent 
party. 

Reading. — S<-<  "Practical  Christian  Si  ure  II.  mid  appendfc  E. 

ermarck.  Tlie  History  of  Human  Marriage,  Macmillan,  i  j    hillings.  C 
The    Primitive    Family.    Appleton,    $1.7."-     Dr.    Joseph    C     >k.     Marriage.     11- 
Mifflin.  $1.50.     Report  on    Divorce.   U.   S.   Bureau   of    Labor,  and    1» 

ments  of  National  Divorce  Reform  League,   Rev.  Dr.  S.  W.  Dike,  .  :rn- 

I'.  Convert  Marriage  and  Divorce,  Lippim  I     V   Rii 

the  Other  Half  Lives,  $1.50;  The  Children  of  the   Pi 

Campbell,    Pris.  •'   Poverty.   50c.  ;    Women    Wage   Karri'  A 

Haunted  (Hampton    Heath   Tract).    Putnam.   8c,     IV     H  Trumbull. 

Hints  on  Child  Training,  John  D.  Wattles  &  Co..  Phila.    R.  VV.  Gilder,  T 
M.  Y  nicnt  of  lenement-house  1  State.    U.  S.  Bureau  "f  I. 

ts  on  Housing  of  the  Poor.  Slums,  and  on  Building  and  Loan   A 
Department  of  State.  Consular  Report   117.  June     it  rihincr  municipal   arti- 

dwellings  in   Liverpool.     Riverside   Build'  phlet   of   Improved    Dwelling 

pany,  rn  Joralemon  street,  Brooklyn. 

1 


JULY  TOPIC— THE  UNITED  STATES  GOVERNMENT. 

God,  the  Supreme  Ruler. — The  Decalogue  is  the  world's  constitution. 
The  codes  of  Justinian,  Charlemagne,  and  Alfred,  the  "common  law"  of 
civilization,  all  rest  on  the  Decalogue. 

The  oath  with  which  all  rulers  in  Christian  lands  enter  upon  their 
duties,  kissing  or  touching  the  Bible,  is  in  fact  an  oath  of  allegiance  to  God 
and  his  law,  and  refutes  the  saying  that  "politics  owes  no  allegiance  to  the 
Decalogue  and  the  golden  rule."  The  saying  in  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence that  governments  "derive  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of 
the  governed"  should  be  read  with  the  further  declaration  in  that  document 
of  "firm  reliance  upon  Divine  Providence."  The  Supreme  Court,  in  a  de- 
cision against  the  Louisiana  Lottery,  said :  "The  legislature  can  not  barter 
away  the  public  health  or  the  public  morals.  The  people  themselves  can  not 
do  it."  The  Supreme  Court  has  also  said,  "This  is  a  Christian  nation." 
(Trinity  Church  case,  February  29,  1892.) 

The  'sovereign  people." — The  people's  law,  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  and  the  constitutions  of  the  several  States,  made  by  the  peo- 
ple's direct  vote,  is  the  fundamental  law,  to  which  legislatures,  courts,  and 
executives  must  conform. 

The  citizens  should  put  into  their  own  law,  the  Constitution,  express 
provisions  in  regard  to  such  matters  as  experience  has  shown  are  liable  to  be 
dealt  with  weakly  or  corruptly  by  their  representatives  including  the  liquor 
traffic,  gambling,  impurity,  Sabbath  breaking,  and  corporations,  or  else  cover 
such  cases  by  the  referendum. 

The  "sovereign  people,"  too  big  and  too  busy  for  a  real  democratic  gov- 
ernment by  "town  meeting,"  as  in  ancient  Greece  and  modern  Switzerland 
(this  is  still  wisely  used  in  small  towns  in  New  England  for  local  matters 
only),  delegates  the  work  of  government,  like  European  sovereigns,  to  three 
groups  of  officers — executive,  legislative,  and  judicial.  When  the  people  so 
govern  by  representatives,  the  government  is  strictly  "republican"  rather  than 
"democratic."  (The  use  of  these  words  by  parties  was  at  first  intended  to 
represent  tendencies  to  less  or  more  delegation  of  power.) 

The  "sovereign  people"  provides  its  officers,  executive,  legislative, 
judicial — 

1.  By  selection  at  the  primaries  (which  include  the  caucus  and  nomi- 
nating convention).  The  primary  is  usually  unrecognized  and  unregulated 
bv  law,  but  the  time  has  come  when  it  should  be  included  in  the  laws  govern- 
ing elections.  Since  the  election  is  itself  governed  by  the  preceding  selec- 
tion, opportunity  should  be  made  for  every  voter  to  participate  equitably  in 
the  nominating. 

Even  though  we  restrict  immigration  and  condition  suffrage  we  shall 
never  elect  better  men  to  office  unless  better  men  are  nominated,  in  order  to 
which  the  better  men  must  attend  the  primaries.  Better  political  machinery 
will  not  avail  if  bad  men  are  allowed  to  run  it.  Liberty  is  a  "one-price" 
commodity,  and  it  is  the  same  old  price  to  the  world's  end,  "eternal  vigi- 

2.  By  election  at  the  polls.  The  great  number  of  stay-at-home  voters, 
many  of  'them  Christians,  suggests  that  preachers  do  not  sufficiently  brand 
as  a  vice  neglect  to  vote.     Because  some  refuse  to  vote  for  conscientious 

20 


reasons,  compulson   voting  is  impracticable,  but  compulsory  recording  of 
reaj  »r  not  voting  should  be  provided  for. 

The  Government. —  i.  Executive:     President,  Cabinet,  marshals,  Army 
and  Navy,  governor,  sheriffs,  militia,  mayor,  police.     Presidents,  govern 
and  m.  y  veto,  usually  have  a  legislative  power  equal  to  one-third  of 

the  legislative  body  whose  acts  call  for  their  approval,  but  it  needs  to  be 
emphasized  that  the  chief  duty  of  the  chief  executive  of  nation,  state,  or  city 
is  to  see  that  all  laws  are  executed.  Whenever  an  '"executive"  "willfullly 
refuses  or  neglects"  to  enforce  laws,  lie  ought  to  he  liable,  not  merely  to  im- 
sible  impeachment  by  his  partner.-,  in  neglect,  hut  also  to  trial  by  indictment 
like  other  criminal.-.  The  hot  work  of  a  law  and  order  league  is  not  to  do 
the  neglected  work  of  public  executives,  but  to  compel  them  t<>  do  it.  W  hen 
city  officers,  mayor,  police,  prosecutor,  have  each  been  called  on  to  initiate 
the  of  the  laws,  as  each  has  sworn  to  do — not  city  ordinances 

only,  i  Siate  laws — appeal  should  be  made  to  their  superior,  the  sher- 

iff, who  i-  bound  to  see  that  laws  are  enforced  in  the  whole  county — to  do  it 
hims  sser  officers  fail.     If  he  will  not  act.  appeal  to  the  governor. 

ruary  topic.) 

In  some  States  police  commissioners  are  appointed  by  the  governor, 
and  so  are  under  his  orders  as  fully  as  the  sheriffs.  As  a  competent  wife 
-  the  kitchen  work  temporarily  when  her  servants  neglect  it.  pending 
their  dismission  for  better  ones,  so' the  "sovereign  people"  should  go  into  its 
courts  and  enforce  law  when  its  executives  fail,  hut  only  till  it  can  put  better 
servants  in  their  place. 

2.  Legislative:     Congress,    State    legislatures,    city    councils,  lobbies 
The  lies  consist  of  two  houses  (there  are  a  few  cities  wtih  hut  one), 

the  "upper  house"  being  elected  for  a  longer  period  than  the  lower,  to  make 
them  a  rvative  check  on  the  "lower  house,"  whose  constant  nearness  to 

a  new  election  is  supposed  to  make  them  liable  to  catch  every  fever  of  pop- 
ular excitement,  and  so  at  times  to  act  too  hastily.    But  "upper  houses"  h 
of  late,  shown  themselves  quite  as  much  in  danger  of  being  too  responsive  to 
plutocracy.     The  great  legislative  evil,  however,  is  that   provincialism  so 
larg  .places  patriotism,  every  legislator  struegling  for  the  selfish  inter- 

own  district,  with  no  one  to  speak  for  the  whole  country  or 
ept  incidentally.    "The  river  and  harbor  bill"  i  tita- 

bill.    ■  f  the  bills  passed  are  of  the  same  local,  i 

T:  ary  and  the  lobby  are  the    two    chambers    of    the    sovereign 

Christian  men  must  lav  hold  of  these  two  handl  —the  pri- 

mary and  the  lobby— of  which  last  the  e  is  the  ai  Both 

ly  in  had  hand-.     Both  must  he  taken  in  hand  by  Christian  citi 

[f  p  •  elevated.     Such  citizens  do  not  - 

an,i  Mary,  and  determined  as  to  i  -  by 

md  foil 

•    m,  dip    • 

nize.  :       i     ically  at  least,  that  the  primary  I 
in,  s  the  primary.  But  few,  even  in  theory,  i  ize  that :  the  mail 

box  .tier  than  the  The  mail  b  legitimate 

or-an  of  public  opinion,  a  constant  |  •    Ferendum,  by  winch  the 


1  a* 

21 


will  of  the  "sovereign  people"  should  be  constantly  expressed  on  all  subjects 
of  legislation  save  the  one  dominant  issue  on  which  the  ballot  box  has  spoken. 

The  primary  may  be  hard  to  capture,  but  the  mail  box,  the  lobby  trans- 
mitter, is  ours  at  once  if  we  will. 

3.  Judicial :  United  States  Supreme  Court,  United  States  district  and 
circuit  courts,  State  supreme  and  county  courts  city  police  courts.  The 
courts  are  the  purest  part  of  our  American  politics,  but  that  they  are  open  to 
criticism  is  the  avowed  opinion  not  of  political  platforms  only,  but  of  Su- 
preme Court  judges  also,  who  in  public  addresses  have  in  recent  years  con- 
demned their  guilty  delays  and  suggested  reforms.  These  are  most  of  all 
needed  in  the  lowest  courts,  in  which  the  poor  oftenest  seek  justice. 

It  is  a  scandal  that  so  much  depends  on  one's  ability  to  hire  a  smart 
lawyer.  Judges  have  great  powers,  and  should  be  aroused  to  use  them  to 
prevent  juries  from  being  confused  with  high-priced  sophistries  to  the  det- 
riment of  the  poor  or  of  the  public,  and  especially  should  they  protect  both 
against  delays.  Let  us  also  insist  that  technicality  shall  not  be  allowed  to 
defeat  equity.  When  the  Roby  racers  of  Indiana,  being  forbidden  to  race 
more  than  fifteen  days,  divided  forty-five  days  of  racing  equally  on  three 
adjacent  tracks,  and  their  lawyer  insisted  that  it  could  not  be  assumed  that 
this  was  done  to  evade  the  law,  the  judge  declared  that  courts  were  not  de- 
nied the  use  of  common  sense,  and  thus  set  up  a  new  precedent,  greatly 
needed  in  many  courts. 

Public  sentiment. — The  driving  power  of  all  this  machinery  is  public 
sentiment  and  public  conscience — the  latter  less  talked  of  than  the  former, 
but  as  much  mightier  and  more  enduring  as  the  ground  swell  of  the  ocean 
is  mightier  than~the  foam  crest  of  its  waves.  The  necessities  of  life  in  a  re- 
public are  intelligence  conscientiousness,  and  the  spirit  of  equality,  which 
can  not  be  produced  except  through  the  Sabbath  and  its  institutions.  Repub- 
lics are  born  of  Christ  and  can  not  live  without  Him. 

Something  to  do. — Form  "Government  of  the  People's  Leagues."  one 
at  least,  if  only  of  one  member,  whose  rule  shall  be  to  read  the  news,  pad  in 
hand,  to  note  bills  introduced  in  legislative  bodies  that  ought  to  be  passed, 
and  others  that  ought  to  be  killed,  and  write  letters  to  legislators  to  those 
ends ;  also  to  aid,  in  like  manner,  enforcement  of  law. 

Readings.— Charles  F.  Dole,  Manual  of  Civics;  D.  C.  Heath  &  Co..  $1.  Ex- 
President  J.  H.  Seelye,  Citizenship ;  Ginn  &  Co.,  60c.  S.  E.  Forman.  First  Lessons  in 
Civics;  Americnn  Book  Company,  75c.  Prof.  Woodrow .  Wilson,  The  State;  Heath 
&  Co.,  $2.  Prof.  F.  S.  Hoffman,  The  Sphere  of  the  State;  Putnam,  $1.50.  Ehsha 
Mulford,  The  Nation;  Houghton,  Mifflin,  $2.  James  Price,  The  American  Common- 
wealth, 2  vol.,  $2  each.  Dr.  Philip  Schaff,  Church  and  State;  Scrihners,  $1.50.  Eh  F. 
Ritter.  Moral  Law  and  Civil  Law;  Hunt  &  Eaton,  75c.  Dr.  Carlos  Martyn,  Chris- 
tian Citizenship;  Funk  &  Wagnalls  Co.,  60c.  Prof.  Amos  Wells,  Citizenship;  En- 
deavor Society,  Boston.  W.  M.  Ivins,  Machine  Politics  (ballot  reform)  ;  Harpers, 
25c.  U.  S.  Supreme  Court,  "This  is  a  Christian  Nation;"  U.  S.  Supreme  Court  Re- 
ports, cxliii,  457.  Dr.  A.  McAllister,  Allegheny,  Pa.,  Manual  National  Reform  As- 
sociation, 75c.  W.  D.  MacCrackan,  Swiss  Solutions  of  American  Problems:  Arena 
Pub.  Co.,  25c.  J.  W.  Sullivan.  Initiative  and  Referendum;  Humboldt  Pub.  Co.,  25c 
Rev.  Dr.  Josiah  Strong,  Our  Country;  Baker  &  Taylor  Co.,  75c;  35c.  Factors  of 
\merican  Civilization  (miscellaneous  addresses)  ;  Appleton's.  Report  of  National 
Tivil  Service  Reform  League,  s6  Wall  St..  N.  Y.  Tribune  Almanac,  New  York.  25c. 
J  J  Lalor,  Cyclopedia  of  Political  Science;  C.  E.  Merrill,  57  Lafayette  place.  New 
York      Statesman's    Yearbook,   .Macmillan,    $3.     Mulhall's     Dictionary    of    Statistics 


22 


Patriotic  poems  of  Lowell,  Whittier,  Longfellow.     Progress  of  the  World  in  Review 
of  Reviews.    World  Notes,  in  New  York  Observer.    The  Digest,  N.  Y.    Hi 
the  Internationa]  Reform  Bureau;  10.?  Maryland  avenue  n.  <■ .  Washington,  I). 
(Gives  list  of  moral  measures  passed  by  Congress,  1895-191 

AUOUST  TOPIC -AMUSEMENTS,  WITH  SPECUI.  Kl.l  -THENCE  TO  PLKITY. 

It  is  our  duty  to  keep  body  and  mind  at  their  best  as  instruments  of  the 
soul,  and  so  much  recreation  as  will  do  this  i>  therefore  a  means  of  gt 
But  no  earnest  man  will  wasu-  time  in  amusements  which  do  not  r< 
much  less  in  those  that  weaken  body  or  mind  or  soul ;  and  there  ar<  tany 

recreations  whose  wholesomeness  is  unquestioned  that  he  will  not  indulgi 
those  which  the  leaders  of  morals  have  generally  regarded  as  sins  or  at  i 
as  "weights"  (Heb.  xii,  1). 

In  all  ages  the  problem  of  amusement  has  been  in  the  main,  the  pr 
lem  of  purity,  to  which  we  now  turn.     1  In  young  people's  societies  let  the 
social  study  be  on  the  foregoing  points,  and*  let  what  follows  be  read  pri- 
vately or  studied  with  parents  and  teachers.     Parents  may  well  study  t; 
facts  together. ) 

I  Impurity  increasing. — "Impurity  is  increasing  apace  in  all  parts  of 
the  land."  This  was  the  verdict  of  conferences  of  physicians  in  [896,  based 
on  the  awful  evidence  which  comes  to  this  profession  in  diseased  men  and 
ruined  girls.  The  crowded  divorce  courts,  and.  yet  more,  the  divorce  law- 
yers, tell  the  same  story.  Mrs.  Maud  Ballington  Booth,  on  the  basis  of 
abundant  information  gathered  by  the  Salvation  Army,  estimated,  about 
1896,  that  there  were  in  this  country  2^0,000  professional  prostitutes.  .Add- 
ing the  apprentices,  there  were  even  then  a  full  quarter  million  supported  by 
more  than  a  million  male  prostitutes.  In  this,  as  in  other  crimes,  the  offend- 
ers are  not  more  than  one-tenth  women.  They  follow  this  awful  trade  but 
five  years  on  the  average.  That  would  mean  50,000  deaths  a  year,  and  50.- 
000  seductions  to  fill  their  places — [,000  a  week  on  Mr-.  Booth's  estimate — 
but  in  1901.  Judge  Jerome,  of  Xew  York,  said  there  were  100,000  such 
women  in  Xew  York  City  alone.  No  Other  vice  more  swiftly  and  surely 
ruins  body  and  soul,  and  none  has  been  so  fatal  to  national  life.  Babylon, 
Greece,  Rome,  all  were  destroyed  by  this  plague,  and  France  is  dying  of  it 
to-day.  In  no  other  civilized  nation  is  impurity  so  bold  as  in  France,  and  in 
ither  has  the  birth  rate  fallen  below  the  death  rate,  a  warning  to  individ- 
uals and  nations  alike. 

II.  Causes. —  f  1  >    In  the  case  of  the  nc  'his  vi<  artly  a  I 

I  slavery  days,  but  the  blame  must  be  partly  laid  on  their  religion,  which, 
in  many  cases  —  there  arc  nobl<  ns — gives  undue  attention  to  emol 

and  provides  too  little  ethical  instruction  and  discipline  the  writer 

r  no  adequ.r  ;•    made    by    white    chur 

'hern  hern,  to  make  t:  ligion  more  ethical. 

■   In  the  case  of  the  ners,  the  blame  must  be  laid  in  lar 

ure,  upon  a  religion  thai  1         :ts  ethi  1  tual.    The      '  r 

•i"t  the  only  ones  where  one  can  break  the  I  h  ■  with 

n. 
'  In  the  case  of  Americans,  tl  vth  of  luxury  has  born<  tal 

fruit  ial  is  self-love  living  for  the  future."     But   self-indu 

is  an  Esau  living  for  the  present,  ready  to  sell  the  birthright  of  purity  for  the 


momentary  gratification  of  passion.  Wherever  pleasure  becomes  the  chief 
object  of  life,  the  Puritanism  of  purity  is  swept  along  in  the  same  tide  that 
destroys  the  Sabbath. 

(4)  In  all  races  the  chief  promoter  of  lust  is  liquor.  Alcohol  acts  as  a 
whip  on  a  spirited  steed,  resulting  in  a  runaway.  The  sentinel  of  shame  has 
to  be  drugged  before  a  woman  yields  to  lust,  much  more  before  she  invites 
it.  A  new  peril  has  arisen  in  the  disguised  intoxicants  of  the  soda  fountains 
and  the  disguised  beer  of  the  malt  extracts. 

(5)  Impure  literature  and  art  is  only  second  to  drink  in  promoting 
licentiousness.  These  whip  the  imagination  into  fury.  Fifty  American  peri- 
odicals, excluded  from  Canada  by  its  government  as  indecent,  were,  at  the 
close  of  the  nineteenth  century,  circulated  by  millions  in  our  country,  at  a 
cost  of  millions  of  dollars  to  the  taxpayers  and  of  heartbreaks  and  soul 
wrecks  beyond  reckoning.  Seventeen  of  these  were  published  in  New  York 
City,  thirteen  in  Maine,  some  in  almost  every  State.  The  writer  called  the 
attention  of  the  governor  in  each  case  to  the  judgment  of  the  Canadian  gov- 
ernment on  the  periodicals  published  in  his  jurisdiction.  Governor  Wolcott 
replied  that  he  would  investigate.  Governor  Black  feared  a  "censorship  of 
the  press."  The  other  governors  made  no  replies.  The  daily  papers  are, 
many  of  them  guilty  of  abetting  impurity  by  corrupting  word  pictures  of  it. 
Many  of  the  magazines  are  becoming  so  salacious  in  their  pictures  that  sev- 
eral Y.  M.  C.  A.  secretaries  tell  me  they  have  to  expurgate  (better  expel) 
them  before  putting  them  on  the  files. 

(6)  The  theatres,  not  only  by  their  plays,  which  mostly  turn  on  illicit 
loves,  but  especially  by  their  infamous  advertisements,  rank  high  among 
the  promoters  of  impurity,  although  church  members  are  in  many  instances 
owners  of  the  opera  houses  which  present  these  shows,  that  are  only  show 
cases  for  the  brothels.  The  streets  might  be  cleaned  of  the  pictorial  insults 
to  womanhood  by  some  one  reading  the  riot  act  to  the  one  billposter  who 
•does  it  all.  A  new  peril  is  the  outdoor  Sunday  vaudeville  in  the  suburban 
parks,  which  are  becoming  like  the  heathen  sacred  groves  through  this  de- 
vice of  trolley  owners,  aided  by  the  wicked  carelessness  of  parents. 

(7)  Tobacco  is  also  a  sexual  irritant,  although  young  men  struggling 
to  be  pure  have  seldom  had  this  part  of  the  indictment  of  this  nasty  weed 
brought  to  their  notice.  As  if  the  tobacco  itself  were  not  whip  enough  to 
passion,  foulest  pictures  have  been  in  its  company  in  cigarette  cases,  cigar 
hoxes,  and  tobacconist  windows,  these  combined  incentives  to  lust  being 
sent  out  largely  by  leading  church  members  of  North  Carolina,  whose 
profits  are  in  part  accepted  by  the  churches  without  a  word  in  behalf  of 
imperiled  and  corrupted  youth.  The  Dingley  tariff  law  now  forbids  putting 
pictures  or  prizes  in  packages  of  tobacco. 

III.  Remedies. — Lynching  is  clearly  no  remedy  for  rape.  It  is  but  the 
outburst  of  the  same  savagery  that  it  seeks  to  punish.  Urbana's  women  and 
Ohio's  governor  said  that  lynchings  would  not  occur  if  rape  had  a  death 
penalty,  but  the  very  next  day.  in  Maryland  a  black  rapist,  already  sentenced 
to  death  was  lynched.  Nor  is  it  a  remedy  or  even  a  restriction  of  impurity 
to  confine  prostitution  to  a  prescribed  district.  Those  who  so  propose  pro- 
claim their  gross  ignorance  of  the  failure  f  this  plan  in  Europe.  Write  to 
T>r.  O.  Edward  Janney.  Baltimore,  for  reports  as  to  this ;  also  as  to  tlie  fail- 


urc  of  medical  examinations.     Nor  is  it  a  remedy  to  draw  twirls  from  stores 
and  factories  into  domestic  service,  for  it  is  in  this  last,  as  statistics  oi  Hon. 
Carroll  D.  Wright  show,  that  an  evil  life  oftenest  begins— an  argument  for 
cooperative  kitchens,  which  would  prevent  many  a  divorce.     Low   wa 
arc  not  a  prominent  cause  of  vice,  save  as  children  are  raised  in  the  slums. 

i  i  i   The  causes   given  above  suggest   correlative  remedies  especially 
more  ethical  training  in  churches,  and  moral  street  cleaning. 

Let  the  age  of  protection  for  girls  be  everywhere  raised  to  18,  and 
let  other  laws  against  impurity  be  made  more  severe,  including  always  death 
as  the  maximum  penalty  for  rape. 

A  profounder  remedy  is  to  exalt  the  sacredness  of  marriage.  It  is 
sadly  significant  that  the  beastly  Seeley  dinner  in  New  York  was  a  wedding 
ration  of  the  marriage  of  one  of  the  aristocrats.  Many  Christian 
parents  speak  about  marriage  as  if  it  were  "midway  between  a  joke  and  a 
crime."  Love  is  a  sacrament,  lust  a  sacrilege.  Sex  is  the  image  of  God  in 
man,  his  creatorship  given  us  in  a  measure  in  sacred  trust  (Gen.  i.  27). 

(4)  One  of  the  sacredest  duties  of  parenthood  is  to  see  that  chilhood's 
purity  is  not  wrecked  by  ignorance  of  itself  and  its  perils.  I  would  not  Tie 
to  a  child  about  its  birth,  but  tell  of  it  in  words  which,  though  not  under- 
stood at  the  time,  would  later  be  found  to  be  beautifully  true.  As  the  child 
watches  the  growth  of  seeds  in  the  window  or  the  garden,  let  it  be  told 
'•father  planted  a  seed  and  mother  hid  it  away  in  a  box  till  by  and  by  it  grew 
to  be  you."  Such  a  book  as  Almost  a  Man.  by  Dr.  Mary  Wood-Allen  Ann 
Arbor,  Mich.,  25  cents,  or  Dr.  Sylvanus  Stall's  What  Every  Boy  Should 
Know  1  Vir  Publishing  Company,  Philadelphia.  $1).  should  be  read  to  every 
of  ten  by  parent  or  teacher,  and  the  tract.  A  Mother'-  Letter  to  Her 
Son,  by  Mis.  Leavitt  should  be  used  a  few  years  later.  Read  the  discussion 
Puritv"  in  the  Appendix  of  Practical  Christian  Sociology;  also  chapter- 
on  '-Transfi-ured  Flesh."  and  "The  Half  Truth  in  Darwinism"  in  Before  the 
Lost  Art-.  Anthony  Comstock.  New  York,  and  Josiah  W.  Leeds,  West- 
chester, Pa.  can  give  important  aid  in  suppressing  had  literature  and  in- 
flation of  it-  deadly  work. 

g  I   Most  of  all  should  the  Xew  Testament  conception  of  the  bod) 
the  tempi       '  God  he  kept  before  the  mil  young  and  old.    "Know  ye 

that  vour  body  i-  the  temple  of  the  Holy  Ghost  which  i-  in  you?"     Such 
a  temple' was  the' transfiguration,  to  which  we  are  also  called  by  the  com- 
mand, "Glorif  ur  body,"  and  by  the  command  "Thou  -halt  love 
thy  G  >d  with  all  thy  strength,"  with  which  chime  the  words  of 
Ten;'.;             'might — 

"My  strength  is  as  the  strength  of  ten. 
Because  my  heart  is  pur 

Something     to     do.— Have  a  committee  wait  on  the  Opera-house  pro] 
.  newsdealer-,  barbers,  and  tobacconists  to  rcpi. 
king  pictures,  and  upon  publ  ers  to  ask  enforcemei 

all  law-  enacted  in  the  in:  irity.     Help  to  •  tter  law-  on  this 

subject. 

Readings.— Publication-    nf    American    Purity    Alliance.    Dr.    O     I  T.inney. 

pre-  more.       (Also  books  1  above.) 


SEPTEMBER  TOPIC— GAMBLING. 

I.  The  evolution  of  the  ant  {gambling  doctrine. — Gambling  is  a  particu- 
larly interesting  study  as  in  this  reform  we  catch  an  ethical  evolution  in  the 
very  act,  gambling  not  yet  having  been  wholly  eliminated  even  from  the 
church.  The  reformation  of  the  sixteenth  century  was  mostly  individual, 
intellectual,  doctrinal — individual  more  than  social ;  intellectual  more  than 
affectional ;  doctrinal  more  than  ethical.  Drunkenness  dwelt  harmoniously 
with  devotion.  Slavery  and  sanctiflcation  were  preached  from  the  same 
pulpits.  Personal  purity,  in  Protestant  princes,  like  Henry  VIII,  was  not 
counted  essential  to  piety,  not  even  to  leadership  of  piety.  And  gambling 
to  the  glory  of  God  went  right  on  in  church  lotteries.  Then,  as  now,  certain 
forms  of  common  stealing  were  condemned,  and  "common  gambling ;"  but 
new  forms  of  both  in  lotteries  were  not  only  tolerated,  but  even  sanctified  by 
church  usage.  Only  in  the  prdesent  generation  have  American  Protestant 
churches  discontinued  the  use  of  this  "means  of  grace"  and  revenue ;  and 
the  Roman  Catholics  are  yet  in  the  process  of  sloughing  it  off.  Many  benev- 
olent societies  also  make  themselves  malevolent  by  their  demoralizing  raffles. 
It  is  like  the  highwaymen  who  "robbed  the  rich  to  help  the  poor." 

Of  course  the  state  could  not  rise  in  morals  above  the  church,  and  so 
State  lotteries  also  lingered  until  the  last  decade  of  the  nineteenth  century 
in  the  United  States,  and  at  its  close  were  still  sanctioned  in  Italy  and 
France.  Strange  to  say,  Canada,  first  of  commonwealths  in  temperance  and 
Sabbath  keeping,  was  also  pestered  at  that  time  with  various  forms  of 
gambling.  Canadians  should  petition  the  Dominion  Parliament  to  abolish 
all  forms  of  gambling.  And  let  all  opponents  of  gambling  petition  Congress 
for  the  Gillett  bill  (pending  at  this*  writing,  1902,  with  a  favorable  report 
to  its  credit  from  a  preceding  Congress),  to  prohibit  interstate  race  gamb- 
ling by  telegraph. 

In  the  United  States  the  legislative  evolution  of  the  antigambling  move- 
ment has,  in  most  States  reached  the  point  of  suppressing  lotteries,  but  only 
of  forbidding  race  gambling,  the  laws  on  this  last  being  mostly  unenforced 
for  lack  of  united  support  by  the  antigambling  forces.  In  New  York  State, 
for  instance,  the  new  State  constitution  forbids  all  gambling,  including  even 
church  lotteries,  but  the  legislatures  which  have  since  met  have  authorized 
race  gambling  in  some  forms,  and  for  the  others  have  named  only  a  nominal 
penalty,  which  last  the  Court  of  Appeals  has  declared  is  not  sufficient  ground 
for  setting  aside  the  law  as  unconstitutional,  this  legislative  and  judicial 
trampling  on  the  constitution  being  a  concession  to  the  millionaire  Jockey 
Club,  whose  members  are  afflicted  with  the  American  disease  of  greed  to  so 
deadly  an  extent  that  even  in  so-called  "sport"  they  must  pursue  their  Wall 
street  mania  for  "fleecing  the  lambs." 

This  is  all  very  consistent  with  the  stage  that  the  antigambling  evolu- 
tion has  reached  in  our  boards  of  trade,  whose  principal  business  is  "stock 
gambling"  and  "grain  gambling" — that  is,  betting  on  future  prices — 90  per 
cent  of  the  brokers  never  handling  a  pound  of  merchandise. 

The  church  itself  has  not  yet  clear  vision  of  the  essence  of  gambling, 
and  so  condemns  the  man  who  bets  on  the  pace  of  animals  at  a  horse-race, 
but  elects  to  trusteeship  the  man  who  bets  on  the  price  of  vegetables  at  the 
corn  exchange — if  he  wins  the  bet.    The  story  is  pertinent  here  of  the  South- 

26 


era  gambler,  converted  from  his  fan.  and  race  gambling  m  a  revival,  who, 
feeling  the  old  passion  reviving,  noted  that  the  rich  members  of  the  church, 
with  no  condemnation,  bet  on  the  future  price  of  cotton,  and  so  took  to  the 
>n  exchange  and  found  it  satisfactory. 

All  this  shows  clearly  that  the  pulpit  has  failed  to  define  gambling  ef- 
fectively, leaving  the  thoughtless  to  be  caught  by  the  old  foe  in  every  new 

face  he  assumes. 

II.  What   is  gambling? — "When  it   is  determined  by  chance,  what  and 

.  much  he  wh<>  pay-  money  has  for  it,  it  is  a  lottery."     (56  N.  Y.  Supreme 

irt,  424.)  "A  lottery  is  a  scheme  to  distribute  or  obtain  anything  of 
value  by  chance."  (04  N.  V.,  137.)  We  shall  never  defeat  gambling,  hut 
only  drive  it  to  new  costumes  and  fresh  aliases,  unless  its  very  flesh  marks 
are  made  known  and  its  criminal  measurements  published.  It  must  be  cut 
up  by  the  roots  by  a  full  exposition  of  the  eighth  commandment.  "Thou 
shalt  not  steal"  Christ  translated,  "Defraud  not."  Another  standard  expo- 
sition is  the  proverb,  "A  fair  exchange  is  no  robbery."  Every  other  ex- 
chai  robbery.     When  one  man  0  from  any  kind    of    lottery, 

whatever  named,  in  return  for  $1 — in  gambling  by  guessing,  for  example — 
while  more  than  one  hundred  others  get  nothing,  there  is  no  "fair  ex- 
change" either  in  case  of  winner  or  loser.  Betting  is  the  brother  of  bur- 
glary.  "Value  received."  as  a  necessary  part  of  a  legal  note,  ought  to  be  ex- 
pounded in  every  school  as  implying  that  no  one  (except  in  receiving  an 
outright  gift  when  he  has  a  right  to  receive  it.  from  one  who  has  a  right  to 
give  it  1  can  rightfully  receive  more  than  a  just  equivalent  for  what  he  has 
rendered  in  goods  and  services.  To  get  something  for  nothing,  or  even 
much  for  little  in  a  business  transaction,  is  nothing  less  than  stealing.  Let 
"money's  worth"  be  set  above  "bargains."  The  subtler  forms  of  gambling 
can  be  reached  only  by  education,  but  legislation  and  law  enforcement  sh< 

1  on  all  forms  of  lotteries  and  on  all  who  make  it  a  busine  aote 

betting  whether  on  race  tracks  or  in  1  of  trade,  whose  "1  and 

"hulls"  are  the  pe>ts  of  the  farmer  and  the  public ;  also  on  tl  rms 

ibling  that  initiate  youth  into  this  vice,  such  as  the  nickel-in-the-slot 

machines,  which  ex-Chief  of  Police  Powell,  of  Indianapolis, 

n  examined  for  him  by  a  chess  expert  and  found  to  give  back  on  the 
•r  each  101  cent?  received  only  the  one  odd  cent.     These  should 
by  poli  irt. 

It  is  indeed  surprising  that  the  churches,  while  urging  their  m 

individ  ■  avoid  lotteries  and  race  -ambling,  have  failed  thus  far  to 

realize  that  such  evils  can  not  he  sup:  I  by   individual   action,  or  by 

.rate  churches,  The  firecrackers  that 

Chinese  use  to  frighten  away  evil  spirits.     In  the  case  of  gambling, 
in  every  other  social  evil,  tl;  more  intelligent   study  of  the 

problem;  second,  united  warfare  upon  it  by  all  of  its  opponents  in  each  city, 
each  State,  ami  in  the  nat; 

Something    to    do — I.,  mmitt  appointed  to  ask  city  oft' 

to  sup)  gambling  or  whatever  1  of  it  is  carried  on  in  the 

locality,  and  let  petitions  and  lettei  Gillett  ant;- 

gambling  bill,  and  to  the  State  l<  r  whatever  legislation  may  be 

needed. 

;J7„r.s —Anthony  Com>tock.  Tra:  c  \oung:  Funk  &  \\  agnail;  I    •.  $r. 


OCTOBER  TOPIC- PREVENTION  AND  PUNISHMENT  OF  CRIME. 

I.  Crime  increasing. — Prof.  J.  R.  Commons  wrote,  about  1895 :  "Crime 
has  increased  in  forty  years  five  times  as  fast  as  the  population.  Yet  min- 
isters of  the  Gospel  know  little  of  that  divine  science — penology.  *  *  * 
Christians,  along  with  others,  have  made  wonderful  progress  in  utilizing 
the  results  of  physical  science,  steam,  and  electricity,  but  they  know  little 
of  the  results  of  social  science."  (Social  Reform  and  the  Church,  pp.  41, 
42.)  Hon.  Abram  S.  Hewitt  said,  about  the  same  time:  "In  1850  the 
criminals  constituted  I  in  3,500  of  the  population ;  in  1890,  1  in  786. 
*  *  *  We  must  get  honest,  competent,  and  faithful  lawgivers ;  and 
herein,  it  appears  to  me,  the  true  mission  of  the  churches  is  set  before  them 
— saving  souls  where  they  may,  but  saving  society  at  all  hazards."  (Chari- 
ties Review,  2:  314.) 

Mr.  F.  H.  Wines,  in  Punishment  and  Reformation,  seeks  to  mitigate 
the  deep  damnation  of  these  statistics  by  showing  that  a  few  long-term 
prisoners  are  counted  twice.  But  even  so  small  a  comfort  will  not  serve  in 
the  case  of  murders,  which  are  multiplying  three  times  as  fast  as  the  popu- 
lation, with  American-born  murderers  in  full  proportion,  verifying  Lowell's 
lines : 

From  the  Rio  Grande  to  the  Penobscot  flood 
This  whole  great  nation  loves  the  smell  of  blood. 

A  murder  in  a  New  England  village  led  to  investigations  that  showed 
that  New  England  villages  generally  are  overrun  with  gangs  of  young 
thugs  who  are  growing  up  in  crime,  unrestrained  by  parents  or  public  offi- 
cers. The  curfew  movement  proclaims  a  like  condition  in  the  West,  but 
with  more  effort  at  a  cure. 

II.  The  failure  of  the  prison  system. — Mr.  W.  M.  F.  Round,  of  the 
New  York  Prison  Association,  in  a  paper  read  at  the  Social  Science  As- 
sociation in  Saratoga,  September,  1897,  speaking  the  general  sentiments 
of  penologists,  proclaimed  the  failure  of  the  current  system  of  prisons, 
which  penology,  a  new  science,  only  a  quarter  of  a  century  old,  aims  to  re- 
construct. Prisons  at  first  were  built  only  to  keep  prisoners  securely.  If 
they  died  of  unsanitary  conditions,  all  the  better,  it  was  thought,  as  the 
creed  was,  "Once  a  criminal  always  a  criminal."  Then,  from  selfish  con- 
siderations largely,  prisoners  were  put  to  work  to  earn  their  keep,  with  no 
reference  to  the  reformatory  relations  of  their  industry.  Later,  other  selfish 
elements  came  in  as  prisons  became  party  spoils. 

Mr.  Round  advocates : 

1.  The  removal  of  all  imprisoned  minors  to  reformatories  and  other 
educations  institutions. 

2.  The  removal  of  all  drunkards  to  inebriate  asylums. 

3.  The  Massachusetts  probation  system  for  common  drunks,  the  of- 
fender being  released,  but  watched  and  liable  to  rearrest  and  imprisonment 
without  further  trial. 

4.  More  frequent  suspension  of  sentence  when  persons  stand  ready  to 
be  sureties  in  money  or  promise  of  oversight. 

5.  Conditional  release  of  prisoners  on  learning  a  trade  in  prison,  pro- 
vided friends  have  found  a  job  in  advance,  as  is  the  custom  at  Elmira. 

2S 


6.  Domiciliary  sentence  in  case  of  petty  the  offender  being 

required  to  at  home  and  conform  to  certain  restrictions,  under  sur- 

veillance, the  alternative  of  the  prison  hanging  over  him  intly,  and  the 

Bertilon  a  of  measuring  the  bony  parts  of  the  body  for  identification 

I  in  this  and  other  cases  to  prevent  escape. 

-  The  indeterminate  sentence,  favored  by  all  penologists,  under  which 
a  criminal  may  be  r  I  on  parole  before  the  expiration  of  his  sentence 

if  he  seems  to' have  been  reformed.  This  last  is  the  system  so  largely  used 
in  the  foremost  of  reformatories,  that  of  Elmira.  X.  Y..  where  physical  and 
industrial  education  are  also  used  effectively  as  reforming  agencies.  I  Send 
superintendent  for  Papers  on  Penology,  free,  and  also  to  Ohio  State 
Charities,  Columbus,  Ohio,  for  Prison  Sunday  Circular  Xo.  5. 
free. ) 

TTT.  Prevention  of  crime.— Prof.  R.  T.  Ely  says:  "It  is  largely  the 
-oeial  will  which  determines  the  amount  of  crime  and  pauperism.  If  we 
have  the  will  to  learn  what  should  he  done,  and  then  the  will  to  do_  what 
we  know  should  be  done,  we  may  reduce  to  a  small  fractional  part  of  their 
present  force  the  dependents  and  the  delinquents." 

Formerlv  the  periodic  decimation  of  Europe  by  the  plague  was  counted 
a  "visitation  of  God.*'  Sanitation  has  abolished  it.  Reform  can  also  abolish 
the  so-called  "necessary  evils"'  of  our  civilization. 

1.  As  prisons  themselves  are  undoubtedly  schools  of  crime,  increas- 
the  evil  they  were  designed  to  cure,  prison  reform  is  itself  one  of  the 

ventives  of  crime.     The  churches  of  each  town  or  city  and  other  organi- 
zations devoted  to  social  welfare,  such  as  the  Young  Men's  Christian 

iation  and  the  Woman's   Christian   Temperance  Union,  should  have  a 
union  reform  committee,  with  a  good  subcommittee  on  prisons,  to  visit  them, 

ich  only  and  furnish  readincr.  but  to  correct  abuses  such 
accused  of  his  first  crime,  and  not  even  tried,  with  old  of- 
■ 

2.  As  police  courts  are  also  schools  of  crime,  the  same  committee  might 

•  visiting  the  police  court,  to  expose  and  reform  abu 
ncis  Wavland,  of  Vale  Law  School,  at  the  social-science  meeting 

e  remedy  for  hoodlumism  better  police  courts 
(through   combination   of   several   if   n<  that   the- 

which  '  me  for  first  and  second  off  might  be  of  sufficient  wi- 

nder in  such  a  way  as  to  check,  rather  than  ac- 
•riminal  pro]  To  this  end  an  indeterminate  sent. 

!.     In  higher  courts 

.  be  abated,  notably  the  browbeating  of  wir  and 

art  of  lawyers,  which  too-indul-cnt 

ju<'.  mmonly  permit. 

lisplacement  of  bad  readin  1  is  one  of  the  cbi< 

ventiv  rime.     (Send  to  Jfosiah  W.  Leeds,  Westchester,   Pa., 

•-,.  C.  R.  Skinner.  Albany,  X.  V..  for  lean  wing  how  evil  reading 

n  the  direct  c  juvenile  crin  Anthony  O  mstock, 

Building,  New  York,  for  last  report  of  Society   for  Prevention  of 
Vic 

- 


4.  Industrial  education  should  bridge  the  dangerous  gap  between  gram- 
mar school  and  the  boy's  first  job,  enabling  him  to  earn  a  living  at  once  on 
leaving  school.  This  would  save  very  many  of  that  great  number  or  young 
prisoners  who  write  after  their  names  the  words  "No  trade." 

5.  The  George  Junior  Republic  should  be  studied  as  a  new  type  of 
reform  school,  which  is  also  a  vacation  school,  a  school  of  civics,  and  an 
industrial  school,  not  neglecting  mental  and  moral  culture.  It  has  the  best 
library  for  boys  we  have  seen,  and  is  predominantly  Christian  in  spirit,  not 
relying  on  environment  only  for  reform,  but  on  conversion,  most  of  all. 
(Send  to  Freeville,  N.  Y.,  for  its  report.) 

6.  The  churches  must  so  arouse  Christian  citizenship  that  laws  will 
be  made  and  obeyed,  including  prohibition,  that,  in  the  words  of  Gladstone, 
will  "make  it  as  easy  as  possible  to  do  right  and  as  hard  as  possible  to  do 
wrong." 

7.  Most  of  all,  the  homes  must  be  made  to  feel  that  the  family  is  a 
divine  government,  a  training  school  for  citizenship.  And  wherever  chil- 
dren are  not  being  so  trained,  on  their  very  first  petty  crime,  or  better  still, 
before  it,  they  should  be  turned  over  to  some  institution  or  society  which 
will  give  them  this  training,  and  so  a  fair  chance.  (Send  to  State  School, 
Coldwater,  Mich.,  for  best  plan  in  this  line.) 

8.  One  of  the  oft-recurring  recommendations  at  the  Conference  of 
Charities  and  Correstions,  held  at  Toronto,  July,  1897,  went  one  step  further 
back  and  proposed  that' incurable  degenerates  should  not  be  allowed  to  have 
children  but  should  rather  be  segregated,  with  compulsory  work  and  abund- 
ant food  and  kind  treatment,  but  no  chance  to  further  injure  society  whether 
by  their  own  crimes  or  through  degenerate  progeny. 

One  thing  to  do.— Visit  nearest  prison  and  help  to  make  it  a  true  re- 
formatory.    Help  secure  better  prison  laws. 

Readings. — Prof.  C.  R.  Henderson,  Dependents,  Defectives,  Delinquents:  D.  C. 
Heath  &  Co.,  $1.75.  Havelock  Ellis,  The  Criminal:  Scribner  &  Welford,  $1.  W.  M. 
F.  Round,  Our  Criminals  and  Christianity :  Funk  &  Wagnalls  Co.,  50c.  Arthur  Mac- 
Donald,  Criminology :  Funk  &  Wagnalls  Co.,  $2.  Dr.  F.  H.  Wines.  Publishment  and 
Reformation:  Crowell,  $1.75.  Documents  and  Reports  of  New  York  Prison  Associa- 
tion, 135  East  Fifteenth  street,  N.  Y. 

NOVEMBER  TOPIC— THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

I.  Why  I  should  totally  abstain  from  intoxicating  beverages?  1.  Be- 
cause if  I  do  not  use  them  I  can  not  become  a  drunkard,  while  if  I  do  I 
may.  2.  Because  if  I  do  not  use  them  I  can  not  possibly  lead  anyone  else 
to  drunkenness  by  my  example,  while  if  I  do  I  may.  3.  Because  if  I  use 
them,  even  if  I  am  never  intoxicated,  I  shall  poison  my  whole  body  (as  Dr. 
Benjamin  Ward  Richardson  has  shcAvn)  and  endanger  my  children's  chil- 
dren. 4.  Because  such  beverages  are  in  no  sense  necessities  of  life,  but 
are  rather  destructive  of  life. 

Meal  Dowrs  two  watchwards  are  appropriate:  "Self-denial  is  self- 
love  living  for  the  future."  "No  one  has  a  right  to  do  that  which,  if  the 
whole  world  follows  his  example,  will  produce  more  harm  than  good." 

At  the  opening  of  the  twentieth  century  a  great  pledge-signing  crusade 
was  being  hopefully  inaugurated  in  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States, 
led  by  the  National  Temperance  Society  (3  E.  14th  St.,  N.  Y.)     The  best 


form  of  pledge,  probably  for  boys  is  that  of  a  declaration  of  independence. 

In  the  immortal  Declaration  our  fathers  "pledged  their  lives,  their  forttu 
and  their  sacred  honor."     As  that  Declaration  was  a  "pledge,"  so  the  tem- 
perance pledge  is  a  declaration  ui  independence  hurled  at  a  foolish  custom. 

With  a  firm  reliance  upon  God,  I  herein-  make  my  DECLARATION  uF  IN- 
DEPENDENCE against    King  Alcohol,  whose  intoxicating  drinks   I   pie 
my  I  honor  never  to  use. 

(Signed.)  . 

//.  Why  should  the  sale  of  intoxicating  beverages  be  prohibited  by 
law?  i.  Because  they  are  the  worst  foes  of  the  home.  2.  Because  they 
are  they  the  worst  foes  of  business.  3.  Because  they  are  the  worst  foes  of 
civil  liberty.  4.  Because  the  attitude  of  government  toward  the  worst  foe 
of  home,  of  business,  and  of  liberty  should  be  one  of  uncompromising  hos- 
tility. 

Congress  and  Parliament,  in  accordance  with  -Mr.  Gladstone's  state- 
ment of  the  1  of  law.  should  "make  it  as  easy  as  possible  to  do  r: 
and  as  hard  as  possible  to  do  wrong."  which  is  our  reply  to  the  outworn  ob- 
jection to  legislative  reforms  that  you  '"can  not  make  men  moral  by  act  of 
Congr<  Congress  should  at  least — and  Parliament  as  well — cease  to 
make  men  immoral  by  licensing  wrongdoing.  In  licensing  liquor  selling 
the  State  makes  it  as  hard  as  possible  to  do  right  and  as  easv  as  possibl 
do  wrong.  The  contrary  purpose  of  true  law  calls  for  prohibition,  which, 
even  when  it  does  not  make  drinking  impossible,  makes  it  as  hard  as  p< 
ble  to  do  wrong  and  as  as  possible  to  do  right.  That  prohibition  re- 
stricts liquor  selling  more  than  any  form  of  license  is  conclusively  proved, 
withoul  the  fact  that  liquor  sellers  fight  it  hardest,  as  they 
surely  would  not  do  if  they  could  "sell  more  liquor  under  prohibition"  while 
saving  the  license.  Even  though  the  lawless  and  degraded  may  still  find 
opportunitv  to  drink,  the  law-abiding  and  untainted  will  be  far  less  likely  to 
fall  than  if  the  State  declares  by  its  license  that  drink  is  lawful  and  respect- 
able. 

Prohibition  is  even  a  comparative  failure  only  where  it  is  mistaken  for 
a  cure-all  and  is  left  to  work  out  the  salvation  of  society  all  by  itself,  un- 
supported by  those  methods  of  moral  education  by  which  it  was  originally 

lined,  and  by  which  it  must  be  continually  sustained  in  pulpits,  sch< 
and  horn-. 

Those  who  cry  out  for  "liberty"  for  every  one  to  do  as  he  likes  for 
that  the  streets  are   full  of  undeveloped  youth.     "Give  the  hoy-  a  char 

ning  the  street^  of  the  pitfalls  laid  for  their  feet — the  brutalizing 
prize  fight,  the  bar.  the  brothel,  the  gambling  den.  the  Sunday  excursion, 
indecent  pictures,  and  the  corrupt  \  n 

III.     Best  methods  of  enforcing  liquor  lazes:     I.  Secure  a  law.  like  that 
of  V  nt,  that  a  district  attorney  can  not  collect  salary  except  on  certifi- 

cate of  a  supreme  court  judge  that  he  has  enforced  the  liquor  laws.  2  A 
law  also,  like  that  of  Minnesota,  making  a  mayor,  justice  of  peace,  or  other 
officer  indictable  for  refusing  or  wilfully  neglecting  to  enf  such  la 

j    By  electing  foes  of  the  liquor  trar  office. 


Things     to     do.  — Secure  enforcement  of  existing  laws  by  a  balance  of 

power  enrollment  of  those  who  will  vote  for  no  one  who  will  not  do  his  part 

to  that  end.    Help  pass  better  liquor  laws. 

Readings. — Send  to  International  Reform  Bureau,  Washington,  D.  C,  for  Cart- 
ridge Box  of  Temperance  Documents,  12c.  Cyclopedia  of  Temperance  and  Prohibi- 
tion, $3.50;  E.  J.  Wheeler,  Prohibition,  75  cents;  35  cents;  both,  Funk  &  Wagnalls  Co. 
Send  to  The  New  Voice,  Chicago,  for  sample  copy,  also  for  leaflets;  for  same  to  Union 
Signal,  Chicago,  and  National  Temperance  Advocate,  New  York. 

DECEMBER  TOPIC— TRUE  CHARITY. 

5.  There  is  a  neiv  charity  and  a  newest.  The  newest  charity,  the 
truest  also,  is  just  wages,  which  would  make  other  charities  much  less  neces- 
sary. This  newest  charity  might  well  have  a  larger  place  in  charity  con- 
ferences, for  it  is  only  by  conference  and  co-operation  that  just  employers 
can  pay  just  wages.  Under  free  competition  the  meanest  competitor  fixes 
the  scale  both  of  wages  and  prices.  Individual  employers  might,  indeed,  in 
many  cases,  make  a  fairer  division  than  they  do  of  the  margin  of  profit. 
But  no  adequate  reform  is  possible  until  by  combination  and  co-operation 
the  noblest  employers  protect  themselves  against  their  meanest  competitors 
and  secure  their  right  to  pay  just  wages.  In  the  case  of  a  monopoly,  there 
is  no  excuse  for  not  paying  just  wages,  and  it  is  as  foolish  as  it  is  wicked 
for  monopolies  to  lay  up  wrath  against  themselves,  as  statistics  show  that 
most  of  them  do,  by  reducing  wages  and  increasing  prices  when  they  are  in 
a  position  to  be  just  in  both.  If  combinations  were  made  in  order  to  pay 
just  wages  as  well  as  to  reduce  waste,  with  equitable  division  of  the  un- 
doubted economic  gains  of  co-operation,  which  is  an  advance  stage  beyond 
competition,  we  should  not  be  driven  so  rapidly  to  the  yet  more  advanced 
stage  of  public  ownership  of  monopolies.  By  some  kind  of  combination  of 
producers  and  of  consumers,  too,  the  right  to  pay  a  just  wage,  or  at  least 
living  wage,  should  be  straightway  established. 

2.  A  higher  ideal  for  business  life  is  yet  more  needed.  We  should 
despise  a  doctor,  preacher,  or  statesman  who  did  not  put  service  above  sel- 
fishness, philanthropy  above  salary.  Let  us  expect  as  much  of  merchants, 
Colonel  Ingersoll  said,  in  defense  of  that  extreme  luxury  of  the  rich  which 
Bishop  Potter  calls  "wasteful,  wanton,  and  wicked,"  that  "extravagance  is  a. 
splendid  form  of  charity."  This  is  economic  heresy  as  bad  as  the  scoffer's 
theological  errors.  But  there  are  signs  that  wealth  is  learning  the  higher 
law  of  stewardship.  In  this  connection,  study  the  completeness^  of  New 
York's  charities,  especially  in  summer,  including  even  free  ferry  tickets  for 
mothers  who  can  go  from  home  with  their  babes  but  an  hour. 

3.  Another  neglected  fundamental  preventive  charity  is  moral  reform. 
When  the  Sundav  laws  of  New  York  were  enforced  by  Hon.  Theodore 
Roosevelt  (since  President)  before  the  Raines  law  re-enforced  rum.  the  hos- 
pitals of  New  York  were  thinned  out  and  the  calls  for  relief  in  that  city  also 
fell  off  decidedlv.  Therefore,  one  of  the  best  preventive  fundamental 
works  of  charitv  is  for  citizens  to  turn  out  to  primaries,  nominate  men  for 
the  legislature  who  will  make  the  proper  laws,  and  then  elect  local  officials 
who  will  enforce  them. 

4  Another  fundamental  preventive  charity  is  the  care  of  neglected 
children.  The  best  orphanages  are  not  homes,  but  home-findmg  societies. 
It  is  the  deepest  cruelty  possible  to  encourage  or  allow  anv  child  to  beg. 


32 


5-  If  we  prize  the  self-respect  of  those  we  help,  we  shall  bestow  reliet 
through  a  loan  bureau,  or  an  employment  bureau,  or  in  some  other  form 
than  alms.  "Pingree  potatoes"  has  come  to  be  a  familiar  phrase,  represi 
ing  a  scheme  of  ex-Mayor  Pingree,  of  Detroit,  of  great  economic  and  phil- 
anthropic value,  by  which  the  vacant  suburban  lots  of  cities  have  been 
utilized  to  furnish  gardens  for  the  unemployed,  under  supervision  of  city  au- 
thorities in  the  case  of  Detroit,  of  the  Society  for  Improving  the  Condition 
of  the  l'oor  in  the  ease  of  New  York.     Send  to  both  for  reports. 

6.  The  best  forward  movement  of  charity  is  the  action  of  the  Buffalo 
Charity  Organization  Society  is  arranging  with  seventy  churches  to  estab- 
lish, each  of  them,  in  some  poor  district  of  the  city,  under  a  co-operative 
arrangement,  a  social  settlement  for  humanitarian  work,  for  applied  Chris- 
tianity in  the  form  of  neighborliness. 

One  thing  to  do.-Find  some  family  to  whom  you  can  "lend  a  hand," 
not  in  almsgiving,  but  in  uplifting — helping  them  to  help  themselves.  Help 
to  secure  laws  that  will  cut  oft  the  vicious  roots  of  poverty. 

Readings. — Prof.  A.  G.  Warren.  American  Charities:  Crowell.  $1.50.  Handbook 
of  Friendly  Visitors  Among  the  Poor:  Putnam,  50c.  Mrs.  Josephine  Shaw  Lowell. 
Public  Relief  and  Private  Charity:  Putnam.  40c.  Report  on  Penny  Provident  Fund, 
Loan  Association,  etc.,  from  New  York  Charity  Organization  Society,  Charities  Build- 
ing. N.  Y.,  Charities  Review,  $1  per  year.  The  Commons,  Chicago,  Organ  of  Social 
Settlements;  send  stamp  for  sample.  Reports  and  leaflets  of  following  institutional 
churches:  Berkeley  Temple,  Boston;  Pilgrim  Church.  Worcester;  Tabernacle.  Jersey 
:.  George's,  St.  Bartholomew's.  Jud^on  Memorial,  all  of  New  York;  Pilgrim 
Church,  Cleveland.  Documents  of  Christian  Social  Union,  Dean  Hodge,  secretary, 
Cambridge,  Mass.     Leaflets  of  King's  Daughters,   156  Fifth  avenue,   New  York. 


33 


58th  Congress,  )  SENATE.  (  Document 

2d  Session.       )  1    No.  150. 


MORAL  LEGISLATION  IN  CONGRESS,  PASSED  AND  PENDING. 


Report    of   the    International    Reform    Bureau's    Legislative 
Committee,  Rev.  J.  G.  Butler,  Chairman. 


Feb.  8,  1904,  on  motion  of  Senator  J.  H.  Gallinger,  ordered  to  be  printed. 


The  Interna!  ional  Reform  Bureau,  a  Christian  organization,  non-sectarian  and  non- 
partisan, was  inaugurated  in  1895  by  Rev.  Wilbur  F.  Crafts,  Ph.  D.,  in  a  Princeton 
course  of  lectures  on  "Practical  Christian  Sociology,"  since  published.  It  was  incor- 
porated at  the  National  Capital  in  1896.  Its  trustees  are :  Hon.  Charles  Lyman,  Presi- 
dent;  Rev.  F.  D.  Power,  D.  D.,  Secretary;  Rev.  Wilbur  F.  Crafts,  Superintendent  and 
Treasurer;  Gen.  John  Eaton,  LL.D.,  Rev.  Asa  S.  Fiske,  D.  D.,  all  of  Washington, 
D.  C. ;  Mr.  L.  T.  Yoder,  Mr.  J.  J.  Porter,  Mr.  J.  W.  Houston,  all  of  Pittsburg;  Mr. 
Joshua  Levering,  Baltimore;  Rev.  B.  L.  Whitman,  D.  D.,  Philadelphia.  Its  head- 
quarters are  at  206  Pennsylvania  Avenue,  s.  e.,  Washington,  D.  C.  (Phone,  "East  845 
A"),  It  is  the  only  national  reform  organization  having  a  building  of  its  own— a  guar- 
a&.je  of  permanence.  It  promises  to  stand  as  long  as  the  adjoining  Capitol  and  Library 
of  Congress— an  ally  of  the  first  in  good  legislation,  of  the  second  in  civic  education. 

THE  BUREAU  AIDS  MANY  REFORMS. 

Through  the  Bureau's  Superintendent,  aided  by  Rev.  O.  R.  Miller,  A.  M.,  Field 
Secretary,  Mr.  C.  N.  Howard,  the  Bureau's  platform  advocate  against  the  Saloon,  ana 
ten  other  secretaries  and  clerks,  the  Reform  Bureau  promotes  Christian  reforms  on 
which  the  churches  sociologically  unite  while  theologically  differing.  It  proffers  co- 
operation to  all  associations  that  stand  for  the  defense  of  the  Sabbath  and  purity ;  for 
the  suppression  of  intemperance,  gambling,  and  political  corruption;  for  the  substitu- 
tion of  arbitration  and  conciliation  for  both  industrial  and  international  wars. 

In  a  broad  and  statesmanlike  way  the  Bureau  deals  with  the  whole  hemisphere  of 
right  relations  between  man  and  man. 

REFORM   BUREAU'S   PRIMARY  OBJECT. 

The  primary  object  of  the  Reform  Bureau  is  to  secure  the  passage  by  Congress  of 
important  and  much-needed  legislation  along  all  the  above  lines  of  moral  reform,  and 
also  to  prevent  the  passage  of  bad  legislation  affecting  the  moral  welfare  of  our  country. 

In  the  legislative  work  the  Reform  Bureau  aims  to  be  an  organ  of  communication 
and  co-operation  between  legislators  and  other  officials  who  favor  moral  measures  and 
good  citizens  of  the  whole  country  who  desire  such  legislation.  The  Bureau's  Legisla- 
tive Committee  is  glad  to  report,  to  the  credit  of  Congress  and  for  the  encouragement 
and  rebuke  of  good  citizens,  that  in  eight  years  of  the  Bureau's  history  no  moral  meas- 

34 


failed  to  I      which  public  opinion  has  adequately  expressed  itself  in  peti- 

ims,  and  living  deputations,  nor  has  Congress  failed  to  defeat  any 
•  il  measure-  against  which,  by  the  same  mean-,  adequate  popular  protest  has  I 
ma  ' 

TO  AROUSE   AND   EXPRESS    TUBUC   0PIM1    N 

To  those  who  say  thai  lawmakers  should  pass  moral  measures  without  waiting  to 
hear  from  the  people,  they  say  that  such  measures  should  be  passed  only  when  evidence 
has  been  presented  that  public  opinion  is  ready  for  them,  and  whatever  criticisms  one 

may  make  on  this  view,  all  may  as  well  accept  the  fact  that  the  unusually  numerous  and 
important  pending  measures  mentioned  hereinafter,  in  restraint  of  intemperance,  gam- 
bling, obscenity,  and  Sunday  work,  will  most  of  them  fad  in  Congress  if  citizens  fail 
them  in  the  mail  box,  the  only  reliable  organ  of  public  opinion  on  all  meas- 
ure.- save  the  -ingle  issue  voted  on  in  the  ballot  b 

Tins  Committe  not  concur  in  the  view  thai  citizens  should  concentrate 

their  appeals  on  a  single  bill,  especially  as  the  last  Congress  and  the  one  before  it  each 
four  and  a  half  measures  in  the  interest  of  temperance  besides  as  many  more  on 
other  reforms,  only  one  or  two  of  which  in  each  case  would  have  won  on  the  concentra- 
tion policy.  Nor  do  we  believe  that  legislative  efforts  for  morals  should  be  mostly  de- 
voted to  the  one  evil  of  intemperance.  To  the  Bureau's  leaders,  intemperance,  impurity, 
gambling  and  Sabbath-breaking  arc  not  four  separate  r  -ides  of  one  fort. 

that  is  firing  on  every  home,  every  church,  every  honest  business  and  C\  feguard 

of  civil  liberty,  which  should  therefore  be  attacked  on  all  sides  at  once  in  the  name  of 
science  and  of  commerce.    That  such  a  campaign  i-  not  a  wasteful  scattering  of  lire 
is  seen,  for  example,  in  the  fact  that  in  the  thirteen  weeks  of  th<  'on- 

•he  cro  :'  the  centuries,  six'.  '         'rnment.  legislative  and  Hxec- 

.  were  sccrro!  by  reformers  in  behalf  of  divorce  reform,  the  Sabbath  and  temper- 

REF0RM    BUREAU    Ml     H 

secret  of  the  Reform  Bureau's  success  in  large  part  has  been  its  ability  to  in- 

uickly  of  any  moral  measure  pending,  which  prompt-  man] 

to  Congressmen  and  Senators  from  those  already  in  favor  of  it.    Our  Bureau  members 

me  in  i  ate— include  many  men  of  great  influence,  judges,  bankers,  manu- 

mill  owners,  with  many  i  minent.    When  many  of  these 

.  to  their  representatives  in  Washington  their  words  have  great  weight. 

REFORM    BUREAU   Bl  illNXS    1 

RCV.  Dr.  G                       ison,  of  Allegheny.   Pa.,  -ays;     "The  Reform  Bureau  br 
Many  -  have  g 1  inl 

f  the  things  which  tin 

■nail  ha- 

uid  Executive  which  the 

Bureau  has  had  a  'leading  part. 

We  n  the  eight  moral  m  wn  by  I  that  h 

an  apprec  lawmakers,  and  af 

1  men  in  and  -nit  i  rry  other  measures 

rd  with  "The  P*  m  u  t0 

tit  as  hard  as  possible  to  do  a  U  easy  as  possible  to  do  right. 


EIGHT    LAWS    PASSED    BY  CONGRESS    THAT    WERE    INTRODUCED   ON 

REFORM  BUREAU'S   REQUEST. 

These  successful  Bureau  bills,  and  others  Provided,  That  in  such  case  the  innocent 
partially  successful  were  introduced  and  party  only  may  remarry;  but  nothing  here- 
championed  by  the  following  legislators:  in  contained  shall  prevent  the  remarriage 
Senators  Lodge,  Gallinger,  Hansbrough,  of  the  divorced  parties  to  each  other;  and 
Teller,  Hoar,  Penrose,  Wellington;  Con-  provided,  that  legal  separation  from 
gressmen  F.  H.  Gillett,  M.  ...  Johnson,  bed  and  board  may  be  granted  for  drunk- 
Grout,  Bowersock,  Littlefield,  Ray,  Landis,  enness,  cruelty,  or  desertion;  and  pro- 
Hepburn,  Aldrich,  Morse.  vided,  that  marriage  contracts  may  be 
I.    Laws  in  Defense  of  the  Family  AND  declared  void  in  the  following  cases : 

Purity  First.     Where   such   marriage  was   con- 

_.  ,  ,       ...  ...     i„  tracted  while  either  of  the  parties  thereto 

New   Divorce   Law  for  Washington.        ,     ,       ,  .,  ,..,•• 

had  a  iormer  wile  or  husband  living,  un- 

The  Wellington  amendment  to  the  Dis-  less  the  former  marriage  had  been  law- 
trict  of  Columbia  code,  limiting  absolute  di-   funy  dissolved. 

vorce  as  does  the  New  York  code  to  one  Second.  Where  such  marriage  was  con- 
tuse, that  which  Christ  allows.  This  tracted  during  the  lunacy  of  either  party, 
has  set  a  high  standard  on  the  divorce  ques-  unless  there  has  been  voluntary  cohabita- 
tion, up  to  which  it  is  hoped  to  bring  all  tion  after  the  lunacVj  or  was  procui-ed  by 
the  State  laws — New  York  alone  now  hold-  fraud  or  coercion. 
ing  up  that  standard.  Third.  Where    either   party    was    matri- 

So  loose  was  the  former  District  of  monially  incapacitated  at  the  time  of  mar- 
Columbia  law  on  this  subject  that  Courts  riage  and  has  continued  so. 
declared  Washington  had  become  "a  Mecca  Fourth.  Where  either  of  the  parties  had 
for  divorces."  The  Bureau  carefully  pre  not  arrived  at  the  age  of  kgal  consent  to 
pared  this  bill  and  requested  Senator  W  el-  the  contract  of  marriage,  unless  there  has 
lington  to  champion  it  in  the  Senate,  where  been  voluntary  cohabitation  after  coming 
it  was  first  passed,  and  later  it  also  passed  to  kgal  age>  but  in  such  cases  Qnly  aJ.  thc 
the  House,  where  it  had  been  first  mtro-  suit  of  the  party  nol  capable  of  consent- 
duced  by  Congressman  Ray.    Divorce  law-  jncr> 

yers  have  made  two  attempts  to  have  this  sec.  967.  Foregoing  section  not  retro- 
law  repealed,  but  Senator  Wellington  and  active.— The  provisions  of  this  act  shall 
the  Bureaus  representatives  together  were        ,     .       ...  ,  . 

, ,     .     ,     ,  ,  e    ,     ,  „  not    invalidate    any    marriage    heretotore 

able  in  both  cases  to  defeat  these  efforts.       .        .      ,  ,.  .  _         . 

...  „.  „       „.  T         .     ~.  solemnized  according  to  law,  or  aftect  the 

\\  ellington-Ray  Divorce  Law  in  District       .....        ,  ,  .    ,  ,.    ,. 

.„,,.„,.,,  v  validity  of  any  decree  or  judgment  of  di- 

of  Columbia  Code  (Mar.  3,  1901)  :  ,  .  , 

,,0         o       m,        1     1       r    1  •      vorce  heretorfore  pronounced. 

Sec.  185.    The   clerk  of  the   court     in       „.  ,       ,     •        ,      ,        ■     r  „       ■  , 

...  ,.         .       ,.  .    „  ,  those  who  desire  the  law  in  full,  with 

which  any  proceedings  for  divorce  shall  be  r  .    ,  .   .  .  ,  .  . 

,,„.,.,,  .,        ,       statements  of  judges,  letters  of  bishops 

instituted     shall     immediately    notify    the         ,      .,  .     .  ,      ,.  , 

_T  .     ,  „  .....         ,   and   other  valuable   divorce   reform   raa- 

United  States  attorney  of  the  institution  01  ....      ,.         ,  r  ,,    . 

,.  ,  •      ,    11  .       1       .  .      terial,   should  apply  to  one  of  their  own 

such  proceedings,  and  it  shall  be  the  duty    0  ,       c  ^  ,T 

f ,  ,  .  Senators    for    Senate    Document    No.   305, 

of  said  attorney  to  enter   his  appearance         .    n  „»„„:„„ 

.     .  ,  J  ,,.  ,   57th  Congress,   1st  session, 

therein  in  order  to  prevent  collusion  ana  .  .  ... 

to  protect  public  morals.  Breaking    Up    Divorce    Colonies    in    the 

"Sec.  966.     Causes  for  divorce  a  vinculo  Tern  ones. 

and  for  divorce  a  mensa  ct  thoro.  A  divorce  The  Reform  Bureau  also  originated  the 
from  the  bond  of  matrimony  may  be  grant-  Gillett  divorce  reform  bill,  which  broke 
ed  only  where  one  of  the  parties  has  com-  up  the  "divorce  colonies"  in  the  Territor- 
mitted     adultery     during     the     marriage:   ies,   especially  in  Oklahoma,  by  requiring 

36 


twelve  months'  bona  fide  residence  before  II     TEMPERANCE  Laws. 

one    could    secure    a     divorce.        President  Protecting    Our    Soldier    Boys. 

Cleveland   recognized   the    Bureau   as   the  The   Reform    Bureau    >'  o     ecured  the 

author  of  the  bill  by  sending  the  pen  with  introduction  of  the     original     Johnson- 

which  he  signed  it,  by  the  hand  of  Sec-  Hansbrough    Anti-Canteen    Amendment, 

rctary   Pruden,   to   the   Bureau's   hcadquar-  U)  remove  from  the  camps  of  our  Amer- 

Before  the  passage  of  this  bill,  people  ican   soldiers   the   temptation  oi  intoxi- 

from   all    over    the    country    would   go   to  eating   liquors. 

Oklahoma,    stay   a   few                 get   a   di-  The    Johnson-Hansbrogh    Anti-Canteen 

:.  marry  again,  and  return  to  the  home  Amendment      (  March      17,      1899)  :     "No 

towns.     It  had  become  a  national  scandal,  officer  or  private  soldier  shall  be  detailed 

,                t  -n     t    r  1     1   •  to  sell  intoxicating  drinks,  as  a  bartender 

but  this  bill  abolished  it.  or   othcrwisc>    in    any    post    exchange    or 

Cillett    Divorce    Act    (May    25,    1806)  :  canteen,  nor  shall  any  other  person  be  re- 

"N'o  divorce  shall  be  granted  in  any  Ter-  quired  or   allowed   to   sell   such   liquors   in 

ritory  unless  the  party  applying  for  the  di-  any  encampment  or  fort,  or  on  any  prem- 

vorce   shall    have    resided   continuously    in  ises    used    for    military    purposes    by    the 

:he   Territory    for  one   year  next  preced-  United    States." 

ing  the  application."  This  law  %vas  nu;iined  by  an  interpre- 

Protecting  Young    Girls.  tation   put   on   it   by   the    then    Attorney 

The    Broderick    act,    which      extended  General  which  found  no  other  legal  en- 

the  protection  of  girls  from  16  to  21  by  dorscment  in  or  out  of  Congress  except 

doubling  the  penalty   in  the    District   of  from  the  liquor  dealers'   attorneys.       It 

Columbia  for  the  greatest  wrong  to  wo-  was  never  set  aside  by  the  courts.     To 

man  when  done  to  a  girl  under  twenty-  avoid  the  delay  and  expense  of  getting  it 

one  years  of  age.  judicially  interpreted  it  was  thought  best 

15     j     •  1       c  j     *•          a          /\t          m  to   recnact   it  in  the   form   suggested   !>v 

Broderick     Seduction     Act      (Mar.     3>  .                ^           , 

1899 )  :     "If  any  person   shall   seduce  and  the  Attorney  General,  which  was  accom- 

carnally    know   any    female    of    previous  plished    under    the    combined    leadership 

chaste  character  between  the  ages  of  six-  0f  tjie  Anti-Saloon  League,  the  Reform 

teen   and   twenty-one   years,   out   of   wed-  Bureau.   the   W.    C.   T.   U.   and   the    Na- 

lock,    in    the    District    of    Columbia,    such  ,     _                                             .      . 

seduction  and  carnal   knowledge   shall    be  :'onal     Temperance     Society.         Anti-can- 

deemed  a  misdemeanor,  and  the  offender,  teen  documents  may  be  had  of  Gen.   X. 

being  convicted  thereof,  shall  be  punished  \.    Miles,   Senator  J.   H.  Gallinger,  or  of 

by  imprisonment   for  a  term  not  exceed-  tjic  Rcform  Bureau, 
ing  one  year  or  fined  not  exceeding  two 

hundred   dollars,   or   may   be   punished   by  Protecting    Pacific    Islands   Against    Rum 

both    such    fine    and    imprisonment.     Skc.  and    Opium. 

2.  That  this  Act  shall  not  be  construed  as  The  Gillctt-Lodge  bill,  to  prohibit  the 

repealing  or  modifving  any   statute   relat-  ....                                  ,    ,                  , 

ing  to  rape."  Weakened  in  the  House.  As  sale    "    h  ■                             A    fi"»™/    ,,v 

originally  drawn  and  passed  by  the  Sen-  American    traders    in   the   islands  of  the 

ate  (Apr-  22,  1896)  was  a  bill  to  raise  the  Pacific   '                      civilized            rnment. 

age  of  protection  for  girls  to  18  in  the  Dis-  This    is    the    bill    for    which    the    famous 

trict  of  Columbia  and   the  Territories,   as  „       p.      T    ■       n     o»*«.«    -~  • 

/  n              ..tr                               \.  11              it  .  missionarv.     Jr. 
follows:       If    any    person     shall    carnally 

know  any  female  between  the  ages  of  16  appealed    to    tl                                       Presi- 

and  18  years,  out  of  wedlock,  in  the  Dis-  reau 

trict   of  Columbia  or  in   any  Territory  of  t]ic  pcn  with  which  he  signed  the  bill,  a 

'te,,U^!te?  StatfS'   sl,c.hJc;irnal  knowledge  p .,.,                                                                        t 
shall   be   deemed   a   misdemeanor   and   the 
offender,  being  convicted  thereof,  shall  he 

punished  by  imprisonment   for  a  term  not  Gillett-Lodge      Act      (Feb.      15.      1002)  : 

exceeding  eleven  months  and  twenty-nine  "Any   person    subject   to   the   authority   of 

days,  or  fined  not  exceeding  S200,  or  may  the   United   States  who  shall  frive.   sell   or 

be    punished   by    both    s'<<-h    fine    and    im-  otherwise   supply,    any   arms,    ammunition, 

prisonment.     Sec    2,   same   as  above.]  explosive  substance,  intoxicating  liquor,  or 


opium  to  any  aboriginal  native  in  any  oi  International  Temperance  Treaty  Favored 
the    Pacific    Islands    lying    within    twenty  by   the   Senate   and    President, 
degrees  North  latitude  and  forty  degrees       2.     Lodge    resolution     (drawn    by    Re- 
South  latitude,  and  the  120th  meridian  of  c  tj  \     £  .    , 
longitude  West  and  the  120th  meridian  of  form    Bureau)>    first    measure    passed    by 
longitude  East  of  Greenwich,  not  being  in  United  States  Senate  in  20th  century  (Jan. 
the  possession  or  under  the  protection  of  4.  1904)  : 
any  civilized  power,  shall  be  punishable  by       «Tn  the  opin;on  of  this  body  the  time 


imprisonment  not  exceeding  three  months, 
with  or  without  hard  labor,  or  by  a  fine 
not  exceeding  fifty  dollars  or  by  both. 
And  in  addition  to  such  punishment  all 
articles  of  a  similar  nature  to  those  in  re- 
spect to  which  an  offense  has  been  com- 
mitted found  in  the  possession  of  the  of- 
fender, may  be  declared  forfeited.  Sec 
2.  If  it  shall  appear  to  the  Court  that 
such  opium,  wine  or  spirits  have  been 
given  bona  fide  for  medical  purposes  it 
shall  be  lawful  for  the  Court  to  dismiss 


has  come  when  the  principle,  twice  affirmed 
in  international  treaties  for  Central  Africa, 
that  native  races  should  be  protected 
against  the  destructive  traffic  in  intoxi- 
cants, should  be  extended  to  all  uncivilized 
peoples  by  the  enactment  of  such  laws 
and  the  making  of  such  treaties  as  wlil 
effectually  prohibit  the  sale  by  the  signa- 
tory powers  to  aboriginal  tribes  and  un- 


the   charge.    Sec   3.  All    offenses    against   civilized  races  of  opium  and  intoxicating 
this  act  committed  on  any  of  said  islands   beverages." 


or  on  the  waters,  rocks  or  keys  adjacent 
thereto  shall  be  deemed  committed  on  the 
high  seas  on  board  a  merchant  ship  or 
vessel  belonging  to  the  United  States,  and 
the  courts  of  the  United  States  shall  have 
j  urisdiction  accordingly." 

When  Dr.  Paton  received  a  letter 
from  the  Bureau  informing  him  of  the 
passage  of  this  bill  he  immediately  wrote 
back  two  letters  thanking  the  Bureau 
for  securing  its  passage,  in  which, 
among  other  things,  he  said: 

"In  tears  of  joyful  gratitude  I  read  your 
letter,  and  cordially  thank  you  for  all  you 
have  so  devotedly  done,  with  and  by  your 
Reform  Bureau,  and  helpers  to  get  the 
Gillet-Lodge  bill  passed,  and  now  all 
friends  of  our  mission  will  rejoice  and 
praise  the  Lord  for  the  evils  likely  to  be 
prevented  by  it,  and  also  the  good  and  far 
felt  moral  influence  for  good  sure  to  be 
felt  by  it.  When  put  in  force  it  will  pre- 
vent many  murders  and  much  misery  and 
crime  among  our  from  40.000  to  60,000 
savage  cannibals  yet  in  the  New  Hebri- 
des. A  thousand  thanks  for  all  you? 
kind  and  able  help  ***** 
The  dear  Lord  Jesus  bless  and  prosper 
your  Bureau  more  and  more.  I  am.  sorry 
I  cannot  meet  all  the  expenses  of  your 
noble  and  so  successful  campaign  for  the 
good  of  man." 


■  President  Roosevelt,  the  coordinate 
branch  with  the  Senate  of  the  treaty- 
making  power  of  the  United  States,  en- 
dorsed this  proposition  in  his  first  mes- 
sage to  Congress,  and  the  Secretary  of 
State  has  asked  the  British  Government 
to  join  with  the  United  States  in  draw- 
ing up  such  a  treaty  to  submit  to  the 
other  great  nations  of  the  world. 

Such  an  international  treaty,  when  se- 
cured, will  do  for  all  the  uncivilized 
races  of  the  world,  what  we  have  done 
for  the  New  Hebrides  Islands,  and  it 
will  be  of  great  advantage  to  every 
Christian  missionary  among  those  un- 
civilized races,  as  almost  universally 
the  missionaries  report  that  liquors  sent 
in  among  those  peoples  from  Christian 
nations  creates  the  most  serious  prob- 
lem with  which  they  have  to  contend. 

(Senate  Doc.  200,  57th  Congress,  is 
devoted  to  "Protection  of  Native 
Races,"  etc.  May  be  had  of  any  Sena- 
tor.) 

This  treaty  will  save  markets  as 
well  as  men,  for  the  British  Government 
has  found  that  when  the  rum  trade  is 
allowed  among  savages  it  "kills  buyine; 
power,  and  presently  the  very  buyers 
themselves,"  because  of  which  discovery 
that  government's  policy  for  savages  is 
prohibition.  (See  book  on  "Protection 
of    Native    Races     Against     Intoxicants 


38 


ami  Opium.")  Some  day  governments 
will  see  that  as  surely,  if  more  slowly, 
the  liquor  traffic  "kills  buying  power 
ami   buyers"    in   civilized   lands   also. 

In  a  letter  to  the  Superintendent  of  the 
Reform  Bureau,  January  I,  1901,  Ex-Pres- 
ident Harrison  said: — 

"It  does  seem  to  me  as  if  the  Christian 
nations  of  the  world  ought  to  be  able  to 
make  their  contact  with  the  weaker  peo- 
ple- of  the  earth,  beneficial  and  not  de- 
structive, and  1  give  to  your  efforts  to  se- 
cure helpful  legislation  my  warmest  sym- 
pathy." 

Legislation  for   Hawaii. 

Gillett  Amendment  to  Hawaiian  Act 
(passed  House,  Apr.  5,  1900)  :  "Nor 
shall  saloons  for  the  sale  of  intoxicating 
drinks  be  allowed."   (Lost  in  conference.) 

(This  amendment  would  no  doubt  have 
passed  the  Senate  and  so  become  a  law- 
had  not  the  Reform  Bureau  been  so 
short  of  helpers  that  it  could  not  be 
taken  up  till  the  bill  had  passed  the 
Senate  unamended.  It  was  consequently 
killed  in  the  conference  committee.) 
Liquor  Selling  Prohibited  in  Immigrant 
Stations. 

The  Bowersock  Amendment  to  the 
immigration  bill,  suppressing  the  sale  of 
intoxicating  liquors  in  all  the  immigrant 
stations  of  the  country  (passed  March  3, 
I003-):  "^o  intoxicating  liquors  shall 
be  sold  in  such  immigrant  stations." 

As  a  r-  suit  of  the  agitation  in  the 
House  over  the  Bureau's  measure  to 
suppress  liquor  selling  in  immigrant  sta- 
tions came  that  other  important  law  to 
suppress  liquor  selling  in  the  CapiV>! 
building,  drawn  and  introduced  by  Con- 
gressman Landis,  of  Indiana,  to  v.' 
belongs  the  chief  credit,  though  the  Re- 
•.ireau  and  W.  C.  T.  U.  had 
prepared  the  way  by  years  of  petitioning 
for  the  I  IcCumber  bill  "to  prohibit 

the  sale  of  liquors  in  all  government 
building 

III.     Sabbath  Defense  Laws. 

Sunday  Closing  of  the  St.  Louis  Fair. 

Teller     Sunday     Clocincr     Amendn 
(passed    March   4,    l'joi.) 


"As  a  condition  precedent  to  the  pay- 
ment of  tin-,  appropriation  the  directors 
shall  contract  to  close  the  gates  to  visitors 
On  Sundays  during  the  whole  duration  of 
the  Fair." 

KILLS    FAVORABLY     REPORTED. 
Anti-Prize    Fight    Bills. 

Aldrich-Hepburn  Anti-Prize  Fight  Bill 
(reported  in  House,  54th,  55th  Congress)  : 
"No  picture  or  description  of  any  prize 
fight,  or  encounter  of  pugdists  under 
whatever  name,  or  any  proposal  or  record 
of  betting  on  the  same,  shall  be  trans- 
mitted in  the  mails  of  the  United  States 
or  by  interstate  commerce,  whether  in  a 
newspaper  or  other  periodical  or  tele- 
gram, or  in  any  other  form.  Sec  2.  Any 
person  sending  such  matter,  or  knowing- 
ly receiving  such  matter  for  transmis- 
sion by  mail  or  interstate  commerce,  shall 
be  deemed  guilty  of  a  misdemeanor  and 
shall  be  punishable  by  imprisonment  for 
not  more  than  five  years,  at  the  discretion 
of  the  court  or  by  a  fine  not  exceeding  one 
thousand  dollars-" 

Hoar  Bill  to  prohibit  Kinetoscope  Re- 
productions of  Prize  Fights  (favorably 
reported  in  Senate.  55th  Congress):  "It 
shall  be  unlawful  for  any  person  or  per- 
sons or  corporation  to  exhibit  in  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia  or  the  Territories,  by 
means  of  the  biograph,  vitascope,  kineto- 
scope, or  any  kindred  device  or  machine, 
any  picture  of  such  a  pugilistic  encounter 
or  fight  as  is  forbidden  by  the  Act  of 
Congress  entitled  "An  Act  to  prohibit 
prize  fighting,"  approved  Feb.  7.  i8q6. 
Sec  2.  That  it  shall  be  unlawful  to  send 
by  mail  or  to  send  in  any  manner  from 
any  State.  Territory  or  the  District  of 
Columbia  to  any  other  State,  or  Terri- 
tory, or  the  District  of  Columbia,  or  to 
bring  into  this  country  from  any 
foreign  country  any  picture  or  pictures  or 
other  materials  to  be  used  in  such  exhi- 
bitions as  are  described  in  the  pri-cedinf 
section,  or  knowingly  to  receive  such 
materials  from  the  mails  or  from  anr 
common  carrier  engaged  in  interstate 
commerce.  [Penalty  fine  of  $500  t« 
$1000-] 

The  Gillett  Anti-gar  ill  and  the 

Allen  Sunday  bill  hav< 
hie  rep<  •  • 
i  s  1  a  t 

OTHER  RK. 

The   Bureau  has  ire 

the  •  of  many  reform  bills  drawn 

up  '  rs. 


Eight  other  measures  drawn  by  the 
Bureau  have  been  favorably  reported,  Ex- 
ecutive endorsement  has  been  given  to  two 
of  our  measures  in  advance  of  enactment : 
once  in  McKinley's  administration— Gillet- 
Lodge  act :  once  in  Roosevelt's  adminis- 
tration— the  world  treaty  to  protect  unciv- 
ilized races. 

It  Prevents  Bad   Legislation. 

The  Reform  Bureau  has  also  prevent- 
ed much  bad  legislation.  For  example 
it  secured  the  defeat  of  the  Bartlett- 
Cameron   bill   to   license   race    gambling 


in  the  District  of  Columbia;  the  defeat 
of  two  attempts  to  repeal  the  divorce 
law  of  the  District;  also  an  attempt  to 
grant  an-  opium  monopoly  in  the  Phil- 
ippines, against  which  the  Evangelical 
Union  of  missionaries  in  Manila,  when 
the  monopoly  bill  had  been  approved  by 
the  Philippine  government  and  the  War 
Department,  appealed  to  the  Reforni 
Bureau  in  a  hundred  dollar  cablegram, 
asking  that  the  people  should  be  quickly 
aroused  to  veto  the  opium  bill  through  the 
President,  which  was  accomplished  by  a 
telegraphic  vote  in  half  a  week's  time. 


PENDING   BILLS   APPROVED  BY   BUREAU. 

(When  not  otherwise  stated  bills  were  administrative   laws   by   providing  a    pen- 
introduced  at  request  of  the  Reform  Bu-  alty.     All   who   concur   in    the   statements 
reau.     As   bills   are   enacted   they   will   be  of    two    House    reports    that    the    United 
marked  with  a  blue  pencil.)  States    Government    should    not    in     any 
I.    Bills   in   Restraint   of   Intoxicants  sense  be  connected  with  the  liquor  traffic, 
and  Opium.  should   support   this   bill.     Appeals   for   it 
To    Prohibit    Liquor  Selling    in   All    Gov  are   the  best   defense   of  past   anti-canteen 
ernment    Buildings.  legislation,  of  which  this  is  the  consistent 
McCumber-Sperry     Bill     (S.     2352,     H.  completion. 


R.    7034)  : 
lawful     to 


"Hereafter    it    shall    be    un- 
sell     intoxicating    liquors     in 


Interstate  Liquor  Bill. 
Next  in  logical   order  should  come  the 


any     building     owned     or     used     by     the    two  "States'  rights"  bills,  to  protect  State 
United     States     Government     or     in     the   liquor  laws    of   all   kinds   against    outside 


grounds  appertaining  to  the  same.  Sec.  2. 
That  any  violation  of  this  Act  shall  be 
deemed  a  misdemeanor,  and  shall  be  pun- 
ished by  a  fine  not  exceeding  five  hundred 
dollars." 


nullifiers  acting  under  federal  powers  of 
"interstate  commerce"  and  "internal  rev- 
enue." 

The  Hepburn-Dolliver  Bill  H.  R.  4072, 
S.    1390,    (originated   by    the    Iowa   Anti- 


(The    argument    for    this    bill    may    be  Saloon  League,  improved  by  the  National 

found  in  Senate  Doc.  379,  57th  Congress,  Anti- Saloon  League,  with  proposed  amend- 

ist  Session.     May  be  had  of  any  Senator.)  ments  of  the  Reform  Bureau  in   italics.) 

This  is  the  next  logical  step  in  the  line  "All  fermented,  distilled,  or  other  in- 
of  temperance  legislation  which  Congress  toxicating  liquors  or  liquids  transported 
has  been  following  for  three  Congresses  into  any  State  or  Territory  for  delivery- 
past,  all  directed  toward  the  banishment  therein,  or  remaining  therein  for  consump- 
of  liquor  selling  from  government  build-  tion,  sale  or  storage  therein,  shall,  upon 
ings.  Congress  having  done  this  for  the  arrival  within  the  boundary  of  such  State 
buildings  of  Army  and  Navy  and  immi-  or  Territory,  before  and  after  delivery,  be 
grant  stations,  and  the  National  Capi-  subject  to  the  operation  and  effect  of  the 
tol,  this  bill  would  complete  the  movement  laws  of  such  State  or  Territory  enacted  in 
by  banishing  it  from  the  old  soldiers'  the  exercise  of  its  police  powers  to  the 
"homes  and  whatever  other  government  same  extent  and  in  the  same  manner  as 
buildings  still  harbor  the  traffic,  while  at  though  such  liquids  or  liquors  had  been 
the  same  time  strengthening  the  previous  produced  in  such  State  or  Territory,  and 


40 


shall  not  be  exempt  therefrom  by  reason 

d   therein    in    original 

Six-.   2.     That  all 

es,  and  persons  en- 

mmerce  shall,  as  to 

ill    shipment    or    shipments    or 

•'    fermented,    distilled,    or 

liquors    or    liquids,    be 

and   police   regulations 

reference   to   such   liquors  or  liquids, 

shipment     or     the     transportation 

ther  '  the  State  or  Territory  in  which 

the   place    of   destination    is    situated,    and 

the     '    -  ■•■•■    n  and 
uch    laics    and    regulations    by 
reason  of  --uch  liquors  or  liquids  being  in- 
troduced  therein    in    original    packages   or 
otherwise:  but  nothing  in  this  act  shall  be 
ed  to  authorize  a  State  or  Terri- 
l   •      to   control   or    in    any   wise   interfere 
the  transportation  of  liquors  intended 
for       ipment  entirely  through   such   State 
rritory  and  not  intended  for  delivery 
therein,     and     actually     passing     entirely 
said  State  or  Territory  to  a  desig- 
'  beyond.' 

to   the    interpretation    of   our 

interestate   commerce    law   by    the 

ed     States     Supreme     Court,     liquor 

dealers  in  one  State  can  ship  liquor  in  the 

"original    packages"    into    no    license    or 

prohibition  territory  in  another  State,  and 

such    liquor    does    not    become    subject    to 

the    law    of    the    State    into    which    it    is 

shipped   until   after   it    is   delivered   to   the 

nee;  which  means  that  it  cannot  be 

by    the    local    officers 

unti'  -  delivered  by  the  ex: 

pany  to  the  person  to  v. 

This  construction   of  the 

to  nullify   the   prohibitory   and 

no-!  ites.     Hence  the 

•'    this    bill    to     subject     liquor 

shipped    into   any    State    from    without    in 

"original  pai  to  the  aut!  :'  the 

State  so  soon  ;  v5es  the   State  line. 

German-Americans    and    the    Hepburn 
Bill. 

•  hearing  on  this  bill  on  Janu- 
ary 20.   1904.  all   the  opposition   was  made 


in    the    name    of    German-Americans,      of 
whom   thousands   have    been  Lively 

marshalled  by  the  brev  defend  their 

isy"  trade.  Many  of  these  op- 
posers  arc  law-abiding  men  who  do  not 
know  that  it  is  anarchy  and  not  liberty 
which  they  have  been  called  to  defend.  All 
American  citizens  of  German  birth  or  de- 
scent, and  churches  and  other  bodies  made 
up  largely  of  such  citizens,  were  invited 
immediately  after  this  hearing,  in  anticipa- 
tion of  another  hearing  dangerously  post- 
poned to  March  2,  to  say  by  letters  and 
petitions  sent  to  the  Reform  Bui 
whether  all  German-Americans,  or  even  a 
majority  of  them,  could  fairly  be  qu 
as  opposed  to  a  law  that  does  not  pre- 
vent any  one  from  buying  liquors  wherever 
they  are  legally  sold,  in  his  State  or  out  ot 
it,  but  only  prevents  liquor  dealers  out- 
side of  a  State  from  invading  it  to  sell 
"original  packages"  of  liquors  to  "speak- 
easies" by  the  aid  of  the  "interstate  com- 
merce" powers  of  Congress.  By  compar- 
ing this  law  with  a  sample  of  State  laws 
following,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  Hep- 
burn bill  d'  prevent  buying  liquors 
for  private  use. 

The  Reform  Bureau  is  co-operating  with 
the  Anti-Saloon  League,  W.  C.  T.  I*,  and 
the  National  Temperance  Society  in  press- 
ing this  important  measure  to  enactment. 
Besides  mini  indicate  articles  in  the 

and  platform  the  Bureau  has 

sent   out    more   than    hi 

merits  and  petition  blanks  in  pi  :i  of 

this  bill.      The  arguments  for 
this   bill    will    doubt'     .  lished   early 

in    March. 

any   Cong: 

To    Stop    the    Issuing    of    Feder.-d    Liquor 
Tax    Receipts    in    No-License   Territory. 

1    Humphn 

eel  by  .  M.  C.( 

n  in  itali 

•:  small 

Chapter    t1 

of    t ': 


amended    in    section    three    thousand    two 
hundred  and  forty  so  as  to  read : 

Sec.  3240.  Each  collector  of  internal 
revenue  shall,  under  regulations  of  the 
Commissioner  of  Internal  Revenue,  place 
and  keep  conspicuously  in  his  office,  for 
public  inspection,  an  alphabetical  list  of 
the  names  of  all  persons  who  shall  have 
paid,  and  upon  application  of  any  person  he 
shall  furnish  a  certified  copy  of  the  list  of 
persons  who  have  paid  such  taxes,  or  a 
copy  of  the  tax  receipt  or  receipts  issued  to 
any  person,  company,  or  corporation,  as  of 
a  public  record,  for  which  a  fee  of  one  dol- 
lar for  each  hundred  words  or  fraction 
thereof  in  the  copy  or  copies  so  requested 
may  be  charged,  but  this  shall  not  pre- 
vent ANY  PERSON  FROM  MAKING  A  COPY 
FOR  HIMSELF,  AS  HERETOFORE,  WITHOUT  PAY- 
MENT  OF   ANY   FEE." 

In  view  of  recent  orders  of  the  Treasury 
Department  putting  obstacles  in  the  way 
of  using  these  liquor  tax  receipts  as  evi- 
dence, a  law  providing  that  any  citizen  may 
buy  a  certified  copy  of  such  tax  receipt, 
which  is  a  public  document,  is  urgently 
needed  at  once,  and  the  Bureau's  corre- 
spondence shows  that  public  sentiment  is 
fast  ripening  to  further  revolt  against  the 
collection  of  revenue  for  a  Christian  gov- 
ernment from  "blind  tigers"  and  brothels. 
The  Gallinger  Bill  S,  1526,  introduced  by 
request  of  the  National  Temperance 
Society,  aims  to  prevent  this. 
State  Law  also  Needed  for  Protection 
of  No  License. 

The  full  protection  of  no  license  towns 
will  require  not  only  the  Hepburn  and 
Humphreys  bills  above,  but  also  such  State 
legislation  as  the  Bowman  law  of  West 
Virginia,  which  is  as  follows : 

Sec.  1.  Any  agent  or  employee  of  any 
person,  firm,  or  corporation  carrying  on  the 
business  of  a  common  carrier,  or  any  other 
person,  who,  without  a  State  license  for 
dealing  in  intoxicating  liquors,  shall  en- 
gage in  the  traffic  or  sale  of  such  liquors, 
or  be  interested  for  profit  in  the  sale  there- 
of, or  act  as  the  agent  or  employee  of  the 
consignor    or   consignee    of   the    same,    or 


who  shall  solicit  or  receive  any  order  for 
the  sale  of  any  intoxicating  liquors  or  de- 
liver to  any  person,  firm,  or  corporation  any 
package  containing  such  intoxicating 
liquors,  shipped  "Collect  on  Delivery"  or 
otherwise,  except  to  a  person  having  a 
State  license  to  sell  the  same  or  to  the  bona 
fide  consignee  thereof,  who  has  in  good 
faith  ordered  the  same  for  his  presonal  use, 
shall  be  deemed  to  have  made  a  sale  there- 
of, contrary  to  law,  and  to  be  guilty  of  a 
misdemeanor,  and  upon  conviction  thereof 
shall  be  fined  not  less  than  ten  nor  more 
than  one  hundred  dollars,  and  may  at  the 
discretion  of  the  court  be  imprisoned  in 
the  county  jail  not  exceeding  six  months. 
Sec.  2.  If  any  person  shall  make  affi- 
davit before  any  justice  of  the  peace  that 
he  has  cause  to  believe  and  does  believe 
any  spirituous  liquors,  wine,  porter,  ale, 
beer,  or  drink  of  like  nature  are  being  held, 
sold  or  delivered  in  violation  of  the  pro- 
visions of  this  act,  such  justice  shall  issue 
his  warrant  as  provided  in  section  twenty- 
three  of  chapter  thirty-two  of  the  code,  and 
like  proceedings  shall  thereupon  be  had 
as  provided  therein.  (Send  to  Bureau  for 
improved  State  law  to  same  end.) 
Proposed  Prohibition  for  the  "Indian 
Country"    in   Alaska. 

Amendment  to  be  proposed  to  S  3340,  to 
prevent  the  licensing  of  saloons  in  Alaska 
except  where  white  people  constitute  the 
majority  of  the  population.  (New  ligisla- 
tion  in  italics.) 

Add  to  bill  as  Sec.  4,  the  following: 
"Sec.  4.  That  section  four  hundred  and 
sixty-four,  chapter  fifty-four  of  said  Act, 
approved  March  third,  eighteen  hundred 
and  ninety-nine,  be,  and  hereby  is,  amended 
to  read  as  follows:  "Sec.  464.  That  be- 
fore any  license  is  granted,  as  provided  in 
this  Act  in  relation  to  intoxicating  liquors, 
it  shall  be  shown  to  the  satisfaction  of  said 
court  that  a  majority  of  the  population  liv- 
ing within  tzvo  miles  of  the  place  for  which 
a  license  is  asked  are  white  people,  and 
that  a  majority  of  the  white  male  and  fe- 
male residents  over  the  age  of  eighteen 
years  residing  within  the  two  mile  limit 


42 


have  in  good  faith  consented  to  the  issue  that  more  than  half  the  business  estab- 
of  said  license  for  the  manufacture,  bar-  lishments  of  the  country  require  in  eer- 
ier, sale,  or  exchange,  or  the  barter,  sale  tain  occupations  and  under  certain  circum- 
and  exchange  of  intoxicating  liquor,  stances  that  the  employees  shall  not  use 
and  the  burden  shall  be  upon  the  applicant  intoxicating  liquors,  the  civi!  service  law 
or  applicants  to  show  to  the  satisfaction  of   and   rules  and   examination   papers   should 

all  be  readjusted  so  as  to  provide  as  sober 
men  to  run  the  Government  as  are  re- 
quired to  run  a  freight  train. 

National    Prohibition    of    Interstate    Com- 
merce   in    Liquort. 

Beyond  these  temperance  measures  the 
Bureau's  Legislative  Committee  respect- 
fully points  Congress  and  the  people  to  the 


said  court  that  such  a  majority  has  con- 
sented thereto,  and  no  license  shall  be 
granted  in  the  absence  of  said  evidence : 
provided,  that  when  it  is  made  to  appear 
that  said  majority  has  consented  to  the 
manufacture,  barter,  sale,  or  exchange,  or 
the  barter,  sale  and  exchange  of  intoxicat- 
ing liquor  no  further  proof  of  such  con- 


sent shall  be  required  for  twelve  months    opportunity  opened  by  the  Supreme  Court 

thereafter."  decision   in    1903   that   the  power   of   Con- 

This  amendment  has  been  approved  by    gress   to   control    interstate   commerce    in- 


the    Alaska    sub-committee    of    the    Com- 
mittees   on    Territories,    namely,    Senators 
Nelson,  Dillingham,  Burnham  and  Patter- 
con. 
National  Inquiry  Liquor  Commission:. 

National  Temperance  Society's  Gallinger 
Liquor  Inquiry  Commission  Bill  (S.  32 
— Reform  Bureau  amendment  in  italics : 

"There  shall  be  appointed  by  the  Pres- 
ident by  and  with  the  consent  of  the  Sen- 
ate, a  Commission  of  Inquiry,  of  five  or 
more  competent  persons,  whose  duty  it 
shall  be,  first,  to  inquire  and  take  testi- 
mony as  to  the  results  of  the  traffic  in 
alcoholic  liquors  and  opium  in  connection 
with  crime,  pauperism,  the  public  health, 
the  moral,  social,  and  intellectual  well- 
being  of  the  people;  second,  concerning 
license  and  prohibitory  legislation  in  the 
several  States  of  the  Union;  and,  third, 
t  mxnend    what   additional    leg 

y,  would  be  beneficial  on  the  part  of 
'^ress  to  suppress  in  the  sphere  of 
..!    authority    the    traffic    in    alcoh 

as  beverages  and  to  limit  : 
pium,  as  in  Japan,  to  prescripts 
■■ 

C'v'l   Service   Suggestion. 


eludes  the  power  wholly  to  prohibit  inter- 
state commerce  in  any  harmful  thing,  such 
as  lottery  tickets,  which  logically  invites 
the  election  of  a  Congress  on  the  issue  that 
selling  liquor  is  as  bad  as  selling  lottery 
tickets.  That  being  done,  national  pro- 
hibition of  interstate  commerce  in  liquors 
can  be  decreed,  and  the  national  power  of 
the  liquor  traffic  reduced  as  was  that  of 
the  lottery,  so  that  a  distillery  or  brewery 
would  rob  only  the  people  of  the  State 
which  tolerated  it. 

Bill     to     Prohibit     Opium     in     the     Entir* 
Jurisdiction    of    Congresi. 

(This  is  an  attempt  to  adopt  Japan's 
successful  policy  of  prohibiting  opium  ex- 
cept for  medical  prescriptions  and  to  do  it 

by  national  law.  The  bill  enters  an  un- 
tried field  and  the  criticism  of  lawyers  and 

1  d. )      This  hill   was 

I    with    tli'-    aid    of    Mrs.    Mary    II. 
W.  C.  T.  U.  Sup( 
ent  of  S  .      perance   Instrui 

II.  R >  to  pro- 

hibit  the  im:  n,  manufacture  and 

the  juri-d  I  the 

rrunent  ext 
ndents  appointed  by  the 

:it. 

The  Bureau  suggests  to  the  people  and 
to  Congress  th  much  as  a  Govern-   America  i,  That 

ment  Report  ngress  (Limed  .•  „,. 

'  -  .  .  or    11  :nt<>   any    place    in    or 

States    Bureau   of   Labor.     Economic    As-    .  United 

pects  ci  the  Liquor  Question")   has  shown  by    three    Opium    Supcrint' 


who  shall  be  appointed  by  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  with  the  concurrence  of 
the  Senate.  Said  Superintendent  shall 
give  adequate  bonds  and  shall  sell  said 
opium  only  to  reliable  and  trustworthy 
manufacturers  and  wholesale  dealers.  All 
sales  by  Opium  Superintendents  shall  be 
without  profit  to  said  Superintendents. 
Said  manufacturers  and  wholesale  dealers 
shall  contract  under  sufficient  bonds,  to  be 
determined  by  the  Opium  Superintendents, 
that  they  will  sell  opium  only  to  druggists 
of  repute  who  have  contracted  under  suffi- 
cient bonds,  to  be  determined  also  by  the 
Opium  Superintendents,  to  use  opium  only 
to  fill  medical  prescriptions  of  local  physi- 
cians in  good  and  regular  standing,  and 
only  once  on  each  prescription,  except  as 
the  prescription  orders  otherwise, — in  no 
case  shall  there  be  more  than  five  sales 
under  one  prescription — and  will  keep 
such  prescriptions  on  file  for  ten 
years,  including  record  of  each  time  pre- 
scription is  refilled,  subject  to  inspection  at 
any  time  by  any  of  said  Superintendents 
or  their  representatives,  or  by  any  public 
officials.  National,  State  or  local.  And  all 
bonds  shall  be  deposited  with  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  as  security  for  compliance 
with  this  act. 

Sec.  2.  That  all  proprietary  medicines 
and  other  articles  in  which  opium  is  a  con- 
stituent, imported  into  or  manufactured  in 
any  place  in  or  subject  to  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  United  States,  shall  specify  on  the 
bottle,  package,  box.  or  other  wrapper  the 
amount  of  opium  therein  contained. 

Sec.  3.  That  proprietary  medicines  and 
other  articles  containing  opium  in  their 
composition  can  be  imported  and  sold  only 
by  express  permission  of  one  or  more  of 
said  Opium  Superintendents,  and  under 
the  same  conditions  that  govern  the  im- 
portation and  sale  of  crude  or  prepared 
opium,  as  set  forth  in  section  one  of  this 
act.  Said  articles  and  opium  in  crude 
and  prepared  forms  shall  not  be  shipped 
from  one  State  or  Territory,  or  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia,  or  other  place  subject  to 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States,  to  any 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States,  to  any 
other  State  or  Territory  or  the  District 
of  Columbia,  or  any  other  place  subject  to 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States,  or 
from  any  place  subject  to  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  United  States  to  any  foreign  coun- 
try, directly  or  indirectly,  except  by  ex- 
press permission  of  one  or  more  of  said 
Opium  Superintendents,  indicated  by  a 
stamp. 

Sec.  4.  One  of  the  Superintendents  shall 
have  his  office  in  or  near  the  New  York 
custom-house,  whose  force  and  all  custom 


officers  are  hereby  directed  to  cooperate  in 
regulating  the  importation  of  and  exporta- 
tion of  opium  as  herein  provided.  A  sec- 
ond Opium  Superintendent  shall  have  like 
relation  to  the  custom-house  at  San  Fran- 
cisco, and  a  third  to  the  custom  house  at 
Manila.  These  officers  may  be  changed 
about  or  dismissed  by  order  of  the  Presi- 
dent. Deputy  Opium  Superintendents 
may  be  appointed  for  the  Sandwich  Islands 
and  Porto  Rico. 

Sec.  5.  The  salary  of  each  Superintend- 
ent shall  be  three  thousand  dollars  and  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  shall  make  such 
allowances  for  salaries  of  their  assistants 
and  other  expenses  necessary  to  the  en- 
forcement of  this  act  as  he  may  deem 
necessary. 

Sec.  6.  The  penalty  for  violation  of  the 
provisions  of  this  act  shall  be  a  fine  of  not 
less  than  one  hundred  nor  more  than  one 
thousand  dollars,  with  forfeiture  of  bond 
when  any  is  provided,  or  imprisonment  for 
not  more  than  five  years,  or  both  such  fine 
and  imprisonment. 

Sec.  7.  This  act  shall  take  effect  three 
months  after  its  passage. 

(Pending  the  passage  of  this  bill  the 
President  is  asked  to  see  to  it  that  in  the 
Philippines  we  do  not  fall  below  Japan  in 
prohibition  of  opium.) 

II.— Bills  in  Defense  oe  the  American 
Civil  Sabbath. 

To  Close  Lewis  and  Clarke  Portland  Ex- 
position of  1905  on  Sunday. 

Hawley  Amendment :  S.  276,  appropriat- 
ing money  for  the  Lewis  and  Clarke  Ex- 
position, be  and  hereby  is.  amended  in  Sec- 
tion 25  so  as  to  read :  "Sec.  25. — As  a  con- 
dition precedent  to  the  payment  of  any  and 
all  appropriations  made  in  this  Act,  the 
corporation  in  charge  of  the  Expositon 
shall  contract  with  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  to  keep  the  gates  closed  on  Sun- 
days during  the  entire  period  of  the  exhi- 
bition." (Passed  Senate  Feb.  8;  pend- 
ing in  House.)  This  law  would  simply  put 
on  the  Lewis  and  Clarke  Exposition  the 
same  necessity  of  protecting  our  national 
civil  Sabbath  as  a  condition  of  a  national 
appropriation  as  was  in  the  last  Congress 
put  on  the  St.  Louis  Fair. 
To  Prohibit  Sunday  Banking  in  Post 
Offices. 

Penrose-Sibley  Bill  ($.  35i8,  H.  R. 
1 1433)  :  "The  issuing  and  paying  of  money 


44 


orders,  and  the  registering  of  letters,  and 
delivery  of  registered  mail  on   Sundays  is 

by  prohibited  in  the  mail  service  of 
the  United  States."  (This  law  might  well 
be  extended,  if  possible,  to  Stop  increasing 

day  work  in  Government  Departments 
at   Washington,  i  illy   in  the  Printing 

:e,  and  also  the  use  of  United  States 

iers  for  parades  at  catch-penny  Sun- 
day picnics.) 

Sabbath   Law  for  District  of  Columbia. 

Allen-Dillingham  Bill  (twice  approved 
by  Commissioners  of  the  District  of  Col- 
umbia; :  "It  shall  not  be  lawful  for  any 
person  to  keep  open  any  place  of  business 
or  maintain  a  stand  for  the  sale  of  any 
article  or  articles  of  profit  during  Sun- 
day, excepting  vendors  of  books  or  news- 
papers, and  apothecaries  for  the  dispens- 
ing of  medicines,  and  undertakers  for  the 
purpose  of  providing  for  the  dead,  or 
others  for  the  purposes  of  charity  or  ne- 
cessity ;  nor  shall  any  public  playing  of 
football  or  baseball,  or  any  other  kind  of 
playing,  sports,  pastimes,  or  diversions, 
disturbing  the  peace  and  quiet  of  the  day, 
be  practiced  by  any  person  or  persons 
within  the  District  of  Columbia  on  Sun- 
day ;  nor  shall  any  building  operations  or 
work  upon  railroad  construction  be  lawful 
upon  said  day ;  and  for  any  violation  of 
this  Act  the  person  offending  shall,  for 
each  offense,  be  liable  to  a  fine  of  not  less 
than  rive  dollars  nor  more  than  fifty  dol- 
lars, and  in  the  case  of  corporations  there 
shall  be  a  like  fine  for  every  person  em- 
ployed in  violation  of  this  Act  laid  upon 
the  corporation  offending.  Sec.  2.  It 
shall  be  a  sufficient  defense  to  a  prosecu- 
tion for  labor  on  the  first  day  of  the  week 
that  the  defendant  uniformly  keeps  an- 
other day  of  the  week  as  a  day  of  rest 
and  that  the  labor  complained  of  was  done 
in  such  a  manner  as  not  to  interrupt  or 
disturb  other  persons  in  observing  the 
first  day  of  the  week  as  a  day  of  rest. 
This  Act  shall  not  be  construed  to  pre- 
vct.t  the  sale  of  refreshments  other  than 
malt  or  spirituous  liquors,  or  to  prevent 
the  sale  of  malt  and  spirituous  liquors  as 
now  provided  for  by  law.  or  tobacco, 
cigars,  railroad  and  steamboat  tickets,  or 
the  collection   and  delivery  of  baggage- 

the    National    Capital   had   a  city 
ncil    it   enacted  a   law- 
labor    and    traffic,    but    it    was    afterv 
I      nd   that    the   ma]    r    f  rgot    to    sign    it. 
Efforts  have  be  ..  in  vain  since  1889 


to  get  Congress  to  correct  the  clerical  ;rror 
restore  the  law,  which  was  in  sub- 
stance as  above.  If  the  American  people 
would  ask  for  their  Capital  as  good  a  law 
as  is  common  elsewhere  in  the  country, 
it  would  be  speedily  provided. 

III.     Bills    in    Restraint    of    Obscenity 
and   Gambling. 

Hepburn-Elkins  bill,,  II.  R.  9493,  S. 
3431,  to  prevent  the  importation  and  ex- 
portation of  obscene  matter  by  amending 
Act  of  Feb.  8,  1897.  (The  purport  of  the 
amendment  is  fully  shown  by  the  title.  It 
has  been  unanimously  reported  by  House 
Interstate  Commerce  Committee,  and  by 
Senate  sub-committee.) 

Penrose-Atchison  Bill  S..H.  R.  72.315: 
"Section  thirty-eight  hundred  and  ninety- 
three  of  the  Revised  States  be,  and  the 
same  is  hereby,  amended  by  adding  'And 
when  any  issue  of  any  periodical  has  been 
declared  nonmailable  by  the  Post-Office 
Department,  the  periodical  may  be  ex- 
cluded from  second-class  mail  privileges  at 
the  discretion  of  the  Postmaster  Gener 

Penrose  bills  S.  2514,  2747,  to  amend 
anti-lottery  acts  for  more  explicit  ex- 
clusion of  turf  investment  companies, 
guessing  contests  and  other  disguised 
gambling  from  mails  and  from  inter- 
state  commerce. 

(The  four  last  named  bills  have  been 
approved  by  law  officers  of  the  Post- 
office  Department,  and  the  last  two  ex- 
plicitly in  the  Postmaster  General's  re- 
port. The  other  two  were  prepared 
since   the    report  was   issued.) 

.ri-Poi.  xt. 

We  ask,  and  1  all  good  citizens  to 

ask  the  S  which  1  d  to  in? 

gate  not  only  Senator  S  Ut  all  p 

cal  .-:  Mormonism,  to  ini 

whether  Utah  has  not  forfeit 
hood  by   failure  to  keep   its  contract 

hers  to  petitii  n,  that 

of  C«  will  r< 

I    any   more   Territories   to   statehood 
until    an    anti-polygamy 
the  National  Constitut  r  which  we 


4; 


also  petition,  lias  been  enacted.  If  this  interstate  cigarette  law,  like  the  Hep- 
amendment  can  not  be  secured  through  burn  bill,  except  that  it  will  apply  to 
Congress,  we  favor  a  constitutional  con-  cigarettes  instead  of  liquors,  giving 
vention  by  mandate  of  State  legisla-  States  full  power  to  deal  with  the  cigar- 
tures.  ette*  evil  undisturbed  by  outside  nulli- 
(The  Bureau  will  send  a  booklet  on  fiers;  also  for  a  law  forbidding  the  sale 
"The  Political  Aspects  of  Mormonism,"  of  cigarettes  to  minors  in  the  District 
by  Dr.  Josiah  Strong  to  any  one  who  of  Columbia  and  the  Territories, 
applies  with  stamp,  also  a  discussion  of  The  Bureau  will  also  cooperate  with 
race  gambling— see  below— condensed  other  societies  in  getting  the  following 
from  a  Senate  document  on  the  same  or  a  similar  curfew  ordinance  enacted 
condition.)  lor  the  District  of  Columbia  and  in  as 

.  _         ,.         _.,,  many  cities   and  towns   as   possible   and 

Gillett    Anti-Gambling    Bill.  ...  '        .  ,    -     „  ,                   *    ..               t 

will  furnish  leaflets  giving  testimony  of 

Gillett    Anti-Gambling    Bill    (favorably  mayors   and  others   to   the   effectiveness 

reported  in  House,  55th  Congress)  :  "Any  of    curfew    ordinances     wherever    fairly 

person  who,  with  intent  to  execute,  con-  .       .               .                         „      ,            , 

duct,  promote,  or  carry  on  in  any  manner  tried  in  reducing  vice,  to  all  who  apply 

whatever  any  lottery,  pool  selling,  book-  with    stamp.     The    following    ordinance, 

making,   or  gambling  on   horse  races,  or  prepared    by    the    Board    of    Children's 

who  with  intent  to  aid,  assist,  or  abet  Guardians  for  the  District  of  Columbia. 
in  the   executing,  conducting,   promoting, 

or  carrying  on  of  any  such  lottery,  pool  amended  by  the  Reform  Bureau,  which 
selling,  bookmaking,  or  gambling,  shall  Congress  is  asked  to  pass,  we  regard 
deposit  with,  send,  or  transmit  by  any  as  a  model  ordinance  in  nearly  all  par- 
telegraph  company  or  telephone  company  ticuiarS;  and  every  city  and  town  in  the 

7iS£?&'SaSL?A5  U"M  su*.  sh-'d  ™"«  «*  *  *- 

tory,  or  from  or  into  the  District  of  Col-  lice   regulation,    which   local   governments 

umbia,  shall  be  guilty  of  a  misdemeanor,  have  the  undoubted  power  to  do,  to  pre- 

and  shall  be  punished  for  the  first  offense  vent  juveniie  crime  and  vice>  so  largely  due 

by   imprisonment   of  not  more  than   two  .  , 

years  or  by  a  fine  of  not  more  than  one  to  street  roving  at  night. 

thousand    dollars,    or   both,    and    for    the  The   school   bell   and   the   curfew  bell 

second  and  each  after  offense  punished  by  lest    on    the    same    rights    and    reasons, 

such     imprisonment     only.    Sec     2.    No  both  aiming  to  protect  at  once  the  child  and 

common    carrier    or   corporation,    or    em-  , 

ployee    thereof,    shall    receive    for    trans-  the  community. 

mission,   or   transmit,   or   send    from   one  a   Bill   for  the    Protection  of  Youth    in 
State  or  Territory  into  another  State  or  the  District  of  Columbia  by  the  Cur- 
Territory,   or    from   or   into   the    District  few,  and  otherwise. 
of    Columbia,    any    dispatch    or    message 

prohibited   by    section    one    of    this    Act;        Bill:      "It    shall    be    unlawful    for 

and  every  person  who  shall  willfully  vio-  parent,    guardian,    or   other  person, 

late  anv  of  the  provisions  of  this  section  ,              tl      ,       ,              ,        , 

shall  be  deemed  guilty  of  a  misdemeanor,  or  persons  having  the  legal  custody  of 

and  shall  be  liable  to  the  same  penalty  as  any  child  or  children  under  fifteen  years 

provided  in  said   section  one."  of  age,  to  allow  such  child  or  children, 

Commercial  interests  have  secured  the  while  in  such  legal  custody,  to  go,  or  be 

addition   of  new   matter   in   a   new     bill  in,  or  upon  any  of  the  streets,  alleys  or 

(H.   R.  7871)   which  would  apply  in  re-  other  public  places  in  the  District  of  Co- 

straint    of    bucket-shop    gambling    also,  lumbia   at    night    after   the    hour    of   nine 

and      the     chances     of     enacting     above  o'clock  P.  M.  from  April  1st  to  Septem- 

provisions    have    thus    been      materially  ber    30th,    both    inclusive,    of    each    year; 

improved.)  or     after     the     hour     of     eight     o'clock 

Laws  for  Protection  of  Youth.  P.     M.     from     October     1st     to     March 

The  Reform  Bureau  will  work  for  an  31st,    both    inclusive,    unless     such    minor 

46 


person     be     accompanied     by     a     parent,  shall   be  had  and  taken  as  prescribed  by 

adult    guardian,   or   other   person   having  law  in  such  case-. 

the  legal  custody  of  such  minor  person,  Sec.  4. — Each  member  of  the  Police  De- 

is    in    the    performance    of    an    errand  partment    while   on   duty,    is   hereby   given 

of     duty     or     necessity,     having     written  authority    to   arrest    without    warrant    any 

authority    therefor    signed    by    such    par-  person    or    persons    violating    the    provi- 

ent,    guardian   or   other   person,   or  per-  sions  of  section  2  of  this   Act.     But  any 

sons    having    the    care    and    custody    of  officer,  while  on  duty,  may  in  his  discre- 

such    minor    person.        Any    person,    or  tion    warn    and    send,    or   take    home    any 

persons  violating  the  provisions  of  this  minor  person  who  is  not  an  habitual  vio- 

section  shall  be  fined  not  more  than  fif-  lator  of  the  aforesaid  section  2.     In  such 

teen    dollars,    and    in    default    of  payment  cases-  noticc  in  writing  shall  be  given  to 

thereof,   imprisoned   for   not  more   than  the  parent,  guardian,  or  other  person  or 

thirty   days.  persons  having  the  charge  of  such  minor 

Src.  2. — It    shall    be    unlawful    for    any  e              _,      _          .    .               .    .      _ 

,        eri  oEC.  5. —  the  Commissioners  of  the  Dis- 

person    or    persons    under    fifteen    years  .  .  .      -  „  .      ,.       ,    .. 

c                                       .        .  tnct  of  Columbia  shall   cause  the  curlew 

of     age     to     go,     or     be     in,     or     upon  .    .._  .     .            .     .        ,.,,-, 

bc    ,                            „                  ..         '  hour  to  be  marked  each  night  fifteen  min- 

any  of  the  streets  or  alleys,  or  other  pub-  utes  before  the  time  specincd  in  Section  1 

he  places  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  0f  this  Act  by  rining  of  such  bc,]s  through. 
within  the  time  prohibited  in  Section  1,  Qut  the  District  of  Columbia,  for  the  per- 
except  as  therein  provided;  but  this  Act  iod  0f  one  minute,  as  may  be  neceSsarv  as 
shall  not  deprive  any  such  minor  person,  a  warning,  and  after  said  specified  hour  all 
or  persons  of  the  right  to  go,  or  be  in,  or  such  m;nor  persons  must  be  in  their  he 
upon  the  street,  or  alley,  in  front  and  ad-  or  off  the  streets,  alleys,  or  other  public 
joining  the  building  wherein  the  parent,  places  as  hereinbefore  provided, 
guardian,  or  other  person  or  persons  hav-  Sec.  6.— It  shall  be  unlawful  in  the 
ing  legal  custody  of  such  minor  person  re-  District  of  Columbia  for  any  manager 
side,  until  the  hour  of  ten  o'clock  P.  M.  or  other  person  or  persons  in  charge  of  a 
from  April  1st  to  September  30th,  both  in-  theatre  or  other  place  of  amusement  where 
elusive,  of  each  year.  Any  such  minor  regular  stated  performances  are  given,  to 
n  violating  the  provisions  of  this  sec-  admit  to  such  theatre  or  other  place  ot 
tion  shall  be  punished  as  hereinafter  pro-  amusement  any  minor  person  under  the 
V1"ec*-  age  of  sixteen  years,  unless  accompanied 
:.  3.— Upon  the  conviction  of  any  by  parent,  guardian,  or  other  person  hav- 
such  minor  person  for  the  violation  of  ing  legal  custody  of  such  mitt 
Section  1  of  this  Act,  said  person  shall  be  son.  Any  person  violating  the  provisions 
fined  not  more  than  ten  dollars,  but  may  of  this  Section  shall,  upon  conviction,  be 
paroled  at  the  discretion  of  the  Court,  fined  for  each  offense  not  less  than  ten. 
under  the  care  of  the  Chief  Probation  n  re  than  twenty-five  dollars,  or  in 
Officer;  Provided,  however,  that  when  the  default  of  payment,  bc  imprisoned  not  ex- 
guardian,  or  other  person  or  per-  ceeding  thir'y  days  for  each  offense, 
sons  having  local  custody  of  such  Sec.  7  hall  1  ful  in  the 
minor  child  refuse  to  become  re-  District  of  Columbia,  for  any  person  un- 
sponsible  for  said  minor  person  for  viola-  der  the  1  .  sell  n< 
tions  of  the  provisions  of  this  Act.  proper  papers  in  the  str<  vith- 
investigation  shall  1  :  into  the  ai  ut  a  license.  Said  lie.  -ued 
and  the  conditions  and  circumstance  f  nnually  by  the  V><  cation  at  a 
such  minor  person,  and  if  it  shall  appear  c  I  :'  five  cent-  each,  to  such  minor  per- 
that  such  minor  person  is  an  habitual  va-  son-  larly  atten'  '.  and  upon 
grant,    or    is    incorrigible,    suitable    action  recommendation,  in  each  en-                 I    -ch- 


er  of  the  grade  that  the  pupil  attends.  Any  The  Reform  Bureau  will  endeavor  by 
person  violating  the  provisions  of  this  sec-  appeals  to  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  and 
tion  shall  be  punished  according  to  the  law  if  necessary,  by  asking  legislation  of  Con- 
for  ordinary  misdemeanor.  gress,  and  the  Executive  Departments,  to 

Sec.  S. — It  shall  be  unlawful  in  the  check  the  great  increase  of  needless  Sun- 
District  of  Columbia  for  any  em-  day  work  done  by  Government  clerks  and 
ployer  or  employers  of  messengers,  deliv-  other  Government  employees  in  Washing- 
ery  boys,  special  messengers,  or  any  other  ton,  especially  in  the  Government  Printing 
person  to  send  any  person  under  the  age   Office. 

of  sixteen  years,  or  cause,  or  allow  such  The  Reform  Bureau  favors  proposed 
person  to  be  sent  to  any  disreputable  place  British-American  Treaty  of  Arbitration 
on  any  duty  whatsoever.  Any  person  or  and  "Stated  International  Congress"  and 
persons  violating  the  provisions  of  this  refers  enquiries  to  the  American  Peace 
section,  shall,  upon  conviction,  be  fined  for  Society,  Boston,  for  particulars, 
each  offense  not  less  than  twenty-five,  nor  We  oppose  the  proposed  change  in  defi- 
more  than  fifty  dollars,  and  in  default  of  nition  of  second  class  mail  by  which 
payment,  be  imprisoned  not  exceeding  monthlies  and  quarterlies,  which  are,  as  a 
thirty  days  for  each  offense.  rule,  the  most   educational  of  periodicals, 

SEC_  9. — This  Act  shall  go  into  force  are  discriminated  against  in  favor  of  more 
thirty  days  from  date  of  its  passage.  ephemeral  daily  and  weekly  papers. 

reform  of  child  labor.  We   favor   bill  to  give   author's   manu- 

This  Bureau  will  also  work  for  better  scripts  third  class  mail  rates, 
child  labor  laws  in  the  various  States,  es-  We  favor  the  post  check  system  for 
pecially  in  Pennsylvania,  where  the  condi-  sending  small  sums  of  money  by  mail  as 
tion  is  worst.  First  of  all  better  enforce-  also  favorable  to  the  circulation  of  good 
ment  of  existing  laws  is  needed.  The  aim  literature.  (H.  R.  4842,  5808.) 
should  be  to  exclude  (1)  all  under  16;  In  the  name  of  beauty,  as  well  as  duty, 
(2)  not  alone  from  factories  and  mines  of  art  as  well  as  morals,  we  shall  ask  leg- 
but  from  all  gainful  occupations  (3)  al-  islation,  national,  state,  and  local,  to  abate 
together  at  night  (4)  altogether  during  the  nuisance  of  public  signs  and  billboards 
regular  school  hours,  especially  in  the  case  that  mar  the  landscape  and  invite  to  lust 
of  illiterates   (5)  limiting  such  child  labor   and  drink. 

even  in  vacations  under  favorable  condi-  TRE  SACRED  RIGHT  OF  PETITION, 
tions  to  48  hours  per  week,  as  in  Illinois 

law  (6)  with  no  exceptions  for  Decern-  The  oft-repeated  declaration  that  "peti- 
ber  when  Christmas  shopping  brings  a  tions  are  of  no  account"  because  they  are 
new  slaughter  of  the  innocents  by  night  sometimes  signed  carelessly,  can  have  no 
work  of  cash  girls  and  delivery  boys  and  weight  except  with  persons  of  very  short 
others  memories,  who  have  forgotten,  for  exam- 

Send  for  copies  of  best  child  labor  laws  pie,  that  even  the  petitions  of  unenfranchis- 
to  National  Consumer's  League,  105  E.  ed  women  were  unquestionably  the  decisive 
22nd  St.,  N.  Y.  Ask  especially  for  late  re-  element  in  the  rejection  of  polygamist 
port  of  Mass.  Commission,  of  which  Hon.  Roberts  by  the  House  of  Representatives. 
Carroll  D.  Wright  was  Chairman  and  for  Personal  letters  are  more  effective,  and 
other  up-to-date  documents  and  reports,  telegrams  and  personal  interviews  are  most 
Miscellaneous  Measures.  influential  of  all,  but  petitions  are  the 

The  Reform  Bureau  joins  with  many  only  available  "referendum"  by  which 
good  citizens  of  Indian  Territory  in  asking  the  general  public  can  vote  for  or 
Congress  that  if  statehood  is  to  be  given  against  pending  non-partisan  measures, 
to  it  separately  or  with  Oklahoma,  the  and  when  they  are  sufficiently  numerous 
present  prohibitory  law  be  continued.  to  indicate  the  general  demand,  are  usually 

48 


granted.  ngely    the    scliools   of   the 

Republic   seldom  teach  its  future  citi 
how  to  do  their  part  in  legislation.     Every 
school  graduate  knows  how  to  addi 

y  letter  or  a  love  letter,  but  they  are 
nut  taught  how  to  petition  or  even  hu\v  to 
address  public  officials,  and  so  days  of 
time  are  wasted  at  Washington  in  making 
over  petitions,  even  those  from  college 
graduate-.  In  order  to  correct  this  we 
present  here  a  petition  pattern,  and  urge 
that  teachers  in  schools  and  colleges  make 
it  the  basis  for  a  blackboard  lesson  in 
practical  civics. 

Petition  should  be:  (i)  as  short  as  pos- 
sible, (2)  duplicated  for  two  houses  of 
Congress,  or  Legislature,  (3)  devoted  to 
only  one  measure,  (4)  neatly  and 
carefully  prepared,  (5)  sent  not  to  any 
society  but  directly  to  one's  Congressman 
and  one  of  his  Senators,  except  that  peti- 
tions from  national  or  interstate  bodies  or 
the  Philippines  or  Alaska  or  the  District 
of  Columbia  should  go  to  the  President  of 
the  Senate  and  the  Speaker  of  the  House, 
accompanied  and  followed  up  by  brief, 
courteous  letters  from  influential  men. 
STATE  LEGISLATION. 

The  Bureau's  legislative  work  is  not  con- 
fined to  Washington  but  includes  State 
legislatures — for  example,  it  was  instru- 
mental in  defeating  an  effort  in  1903  to 
legalize  race  gambling  in  Pennsylvania.  The 
Bureau  has  also  secured  legislative  reforms 
in  Canada  and  the  cooperation  of;  govern- 
ments in  Europe.  Africa,  and  Asia  in  the 
crusade,  now  led  by  the  United  States, 
winch  Presidents  McKinley  and  Roosevelt 
and  both  Houses  of  Congress  have  offi- 
cia-lly  aided,  to  protect  the  uncivilized  races 
of  the  world  against  intoxicants  and  opi- 
um. The  Bureau  has  accompli -lied  some 
Its  in  every  continent.  America,  Eu- 
rope, Africa.  Asia,  Oceanica,  towards 
izing  its  motto,  "To  make  a  'better  world' 
here  and  now." 

LOCAL  REFORM  WORK  OF  THE 
BUREAU. 

The  Reform   Bureau's  lecturers 
of  the  places  where  they  have  held  meet- 


ings  have   persuaded   the   city   attorney   to 
publish   the   unenforced   laws   ag; 
scenity  on  a  card,  with 

tying  the  law  and  adding  needed  "ju- 
dicial definitions"  and  that  the 
law  is  published  for  the  information  of 
those  who  have  violated  it  "unwittingly." 
Thus  re-enforced  the  passing  reformer  ac- 
complishes  even  in  a  day  or  two  some 
moral  street  cleaning,  with  no  arrest  but 
the  "arrest  of  thought,"  through  a  quiet 
exhibition  of  the  law  to  newsdealers,  bill 
posters,  tobacconists  mutoscopc  managers. 
and  theatre  proprietors.  Several  foul  and 
brutal  plays  have  been  kept  out  of  theatres 
by  the  Bureau's  efforts.  Gambling  slot 
machines  are  often  driven  out  also,  and  the 
crying  of  Sunday  papers  stopped,  and  even 
the  Sunday  opening  of  saloons  is  sup- 
pressed in  some  cases.  Best  of  all,  a 
Curfew  ordinance,  most  fundamental  of 
all  municipal  reforms,  is  often  secured. 

Twenty-one  presidents  of  great  railway 
systems  have  in  writing  stated  that  certain 
foul  periodicals  and  novels  have  been  or- 
dered out  of  all  trains  and  depot  news- 
stands at  the   Bureau's  suggestion. 

Millions  of  petitions  and  practical  re- 
form documents  have  been  sent  to  reform 
leaders  and  workers  everywhere,  reaching 
every  city,  village  and  borough  of  the 
United  States,  and  every  foreign  land. 

THE  REFORM  BUREAU'S  COOPER- 
ATION WELCOMED  BY  CON- 
GRESS. 

The   Bureau  has  often  been  thanked  by 

tors  and  Congressmen,  and  other  offi- 

.  for  the  help  it  has  been  to  them  in 

gathering  data  concerning  important  moral 

re  at  the  service  of  all 

— and  in  carrying  bills  to  enactment.     I 

'-•ah  A.  Morse  wr<  te :  "I  have 

conversant   with   the   work   done   in 

and  among  its  members  by   Rev. 

Wilbur   I'     ("rifts.   Superintendent  of  the 

:i   of   Reform.       I   think   it 

I  vlingly     valuable    to    the     friends    of 

reform  t<>  have  such  a  man  at  the 

i   Capital   on   guard  and   on   watch, 

and   to  confer   with  and   advise   the   mem- 


40 


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U.  S.  SENATE. 


Petition  from 


of  ... 


State  of. 


for  the  passage  of  a  bill  to  require 
internal  revenue  officers  to  furnish 
certified    lists,  on    demand,  of  per- 
sons  paying  federal    tax  as  liquor  a 
dealers  in  no  license  towns.  m 


a 
o 

— • 

u 

03 
— 
at 

*■> 
3 

u 


Please    refer 
Judiciary. 


to    Committee   on 


Senator 


Please  present  and  promote  this 
petition. 


U.  S.  MOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES. 


Petition  from 


ot 


State  of- 


for  the  passage  of  a  bill  to  require 
internal  revenue  officers  to  furnish 
certified  lists,  on  demand,  of  per- 
sons paying  federal  tax  as  liquor 
dealers  in  no  license  towns. 


Please  refer  to  Committee  on  the 
Alcoholic  Liquor  Traffic. 


Congressman 


Please  present  and  promote  this 
petition. 


5i 


bers  in  regard  to  such  matters,  which  are   Christian  reforms  on  which  churches  and 
frequently  coming  before  Congress;  other-    Christian  men  and   women  as  individuals 
wise  vicious  legislation  is  liable  to  be  im-   unite,     notwithstanding     their     theological 
posed  upon  the  country  before  the  country   differences, 
knows  it.      I  hope  he  will  be  maintained     N0T    A    GOVERNMENT    BUREAU. 


in  his  work  here  at  Washington."  This 
sentiment  was  endorsed  by  Congressmen 
Nelson  Dingley,  F.  H.  Gillet,  and  other 
Congressmen  and  Senators. 


Some    suppose    the    Reform    Bureau    is 
one  of  the  official  Bureaus  of  the  Govern- 
ment, but  it  is  rather  a  purely  voluntary 
society  supported  wholly  by  voluntary  con- 
GENERAL   JOHN    Eaton's    TESTIMONY.         tributions    of   members,    who   in    turn    re- 

"You  do  well  to  put  in  form  the  definite  ceive  information  of  reform  movements 
statement  of  results.  Your  works  should  and  of  the  Bureau's  work  and  plans 
be  your  justification.  All  may  not  agree  through  its  organ,  the  "20th  Century 
with  you  on  all  points,  but  none  can  find  Quarterly,"  and  through  numerous  docu- 
fault  with  your  work  on  all  points.  Con-  ments  and  books.  Its  educational  work  in 
gress  should  be  thankful  for  a  force  of  civics  is  hardly  second  to  its  legislative 
this  kind  to  help  in  the  best  matters."  work.     A    full    illustrated   history    of   the 

bishop  Alexander   mackay-smith.  Bureau  has  been  prepared  by  its  Directors 

"The  Reform  Bureau  is  one  of  those  in-  and  will  be  sent  free  to  those  who  re- 
stitutions   absolutely    necessary    in    Wash-   quest  it. 

ington  to  get  Congress  to  do  things  which   A  "Christian  Lobby"  With  "Publicity"  in 
must  be  done,  but  which  has  no  one  else  to  Its    Plan. 

put  them  in  motion.     I  do  not  believe  that       The    International    Reform    Bureau    has 
any  other  society  for  aiding  decent  things    made  this  fuI1  discIosure  of  its  plans  and 
gets  such  large  results  at  so  small  a  cost.     '  methods  in  accordance  with  its  theory  that 
OPINIONS   OF   THE  PRESS.  "publicity"  is  more  effective  than  any  secret 

United  Presbyterian. — In  these  days  deals  with  political  parties  or  persons  in 
when  the  churches  are  having  so  much  to  accomplishing  moral  reforms.  The  best 
say  on  the  desirability  of  union,  it  should  reward  or  punishment  of  a  public  official 
not  be  overlooked  that  the  Reform  Bureau  is  usually  the  wide  publication  of  his 
at  Washington  is  doing  a  noble  work  in  deeds.  The  Bureau's  official  organ  goes 
which  all  churches  can  and  ought  to  unite,  to  every  city,  borough,  and  village  in  the 
It  is  doing  a  magnificent  service,  and  ought  United  States,  and  its  syndicate  articles  are 
to  have  the  sympathy  and  substantial  help  sent  often  to  hundreds  of  leading  papers. 
of  every  church  member  who  loves  purity  Its  communications  to  the  press  and  re- 
and  righteousness  and  the  Christian  Sab-  ports  of  its  meetings  in  the  daily  papers 
bath.  reach  a  much   larger  number.     Congress- 

Christian  Herald. — The  Reform  Bureau  men  whose  reform  work  has  been  heralded 
is  doing  a  unique  work  in  applied  Chris-  have  testified  to  the  support  it  has  brought 
tianity,  seeking  to  help  conversion  before  them.  If  Christian  citizens  would  "think 
and  after  by  creating  a  better  moral  envi-  and  thank"  when  they  hear  that  a  public 
ronment,  a  work  of  preventive  charity  also,  man  has  stood  for  an  unpopular  reform 
devoted  to  cutting  off  the  vicious  causes  of  they  would  have  ever-increasing  occasions 
poverty:  intemperance,  impurity,  gambling,  for  their  thanks.  And  if  even  one  million 
Sabbath-breaking  and  the  like.  of  the  nearly  thirty  millions  in  this  country 

Advocate  of  Peace. — The  Reform  Bu-  who  call  themselves  Christian  citizens 
reau  at  Washington  ought  to  have  very  would  vote  in  the  mail  box  in  brief,  cour- 
large  support  from  all  parts  of  the  natiom  teous  letters  for  those  measures  named 
It  was  established  to  promote,  and  is  con-  in  this  report  that  they  already  favor,  they 
stantly    most    efficiently    promoting,    those  might  all  be  enacted  within  a  year.    Even 

S-2 


letters  badly  written  would  show  that  the  petition.  'I  want  the  law — witness  my  hand 

"plain  people"  and  the  "labor  vote"  favors  an<l  seal. 

this   legislation.     Holding   up    a   smutted  Respectful  y  submitted, 

■•/■<-<          i                           -it               ••  I .    v '.    ijUTI.KK, 

petition    for    bunday    rest    signed    by    rail-  ",\SA    t;     i.*ISKF; 

road   men   in    their   car  shops,   a   reformer  Whim  k    F.    Crafts, 

ling    the    time    when    few    could  I. relative    Committee   of   The    Interna- 

write  .-mil   documents   were   signed  with   a  tional    Reform   Bureau,  206  Pa.  Av.,   s.  c 

itted  palm,  "Labor  cries  in  this  smutted  Washington,  D.  C,  Feb.  3,   1904. 


53 


PENDING  SUNDAY  BILL  FOR  NATIONAL  CAPITAL. 

(Twice  approved  by  Commissioners  of  the   District   of  Columbia,   Now  before   C<  rn- 

mittees  on  District  of  Columbia.) 

A  Bill  to  further  protect  the  first  day  of  the  week  as  a  day  of  rest  in  the  District  of 

Columbia. 

Be  it  enacted,  etc.,  That  it  shall  not  be  lawful  for  any  person  to  keep  open  any  place 
of  business  or  maintain  a  stand  for  the  sale  of  any  article  or  articles  of  profit  during 
Sunday,  excepting  vendors  of  books  or  newspapers,  and  apothecaries  for  the  dispensing 
of  medicines,  and  undertakers  for  the  purpose  of  providing  for  the  dead,  or  others  for 
the  purposes  of  charity  or  necessity ;  nor  shall  any  public  playing  of  football  or  base- 
ball, or  any  other  kind  of  playing,  sports,  pastimes,  or  diversions,  disturbing  the  peace 
and  quiet  of  the  day,  be  practiced  by  any  person  or  persons  within  the  District  of 
Columbia  on  Sunday;  nor  shall  any  building  operations  or  work  upon  railroad  con- 
struction be  lawful  upon  said  day ;  and  for  any  violation  of  this  Act  the  person  offend- 
ing shall,  for  each  offense,  be  liable  to  a  fine  of  not  less  than  five  dollars  nor  more 
than  fifty  dollars,  and  in  the  case  of  corporations  there  shall  be  a  like  fine  for  every  per- 
son employed  in  violation  of  this  Act  laid  upon  the  corporation  offending. 

Sec.  2.  That  it  shall  be  a  sufficient  defense  to  a  prosecution  for  labor  on  the  first 
day  of  the  week  that  the  defendant  uniformly  keeps  another  day  of  the  week  as  a  day 
of  rest,  and  that  the  labor  complained  of  was  done  in  such  a  manner  as  not  to  interrupt 
or  disturb  other  persons  in  observing  the  first  day  of  the  week  as  a  day  of  rest.  This 
Act  shall  not  be  construed  to  prevent  the  sale  of  refreshments  other  than  malt  or  spir- 
ituous liquors,  or  to  prevent  the  sale  of  malt  and  spirituous  liquors  as  now  provided 
for  by  law,  or  tobacco,  cigars,  railroad  and  steamboat  tickets,  or  the  collection  and 
delivery  of  baggage. 


ISSUING  OF  MONEY  ORDERS  ON  SUNDAY. 

Bill  to  prevent  Sunday  banking  in  post-offices  in  the  handling  of  money  orders  and 
registered  letters.  Be  it  enacted,  etc.,  that  the  issuing  and  paying  of  money  orders  and 
the  registering  of  letters  and  delivery  of  registered  mail  on  Sundays  is  hereby  prohib- 
ited in  the  mail  service  of  the  United  States. 


54 


BILLS.  ACTS   AND   DOCUMENTS 


ON 


SUNDAY  BANKING   IN   POST  OFFICES 
DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA   SUNDAY   LAW 
SUNDAY    MAILS 
SUNDAY  PARADES 
INTERSTATE   SUNDAY  TRAINS 
SUNDAY  OPENING   OF   EXPOSITIONS 


HEARING  ON  PROPOSED  NATIONAL  SUNDAY  REST  LAW. 
nate   Do<  umenl    N  50th  (  ,n.) 

■ 

t  oilier  ith. 

il  6,    1  • 

The  Chairman  (Senator  Blair).     Ti  ry  large 

number  of  petition  ting  many  thou  1  all  parts  of  the  country. 

influences  in  the  country,  a  to  1  ition 

Sunday  work  in  th< 
The]  ire m  triplicate.     One,  regardu 

in    the 

"We,  the  •  ;.  citizens  of  the  Unite  ctfully  • 

r  honorable  bodies  to  pass  a  law  instructing  the  I' 

ther  contracts  which  shall  include  the  carr  first  day  of  the  wi 

and  to  provide  that  hei  no  mail  matter  shall  be  colled  listribul  that 

The  se<  'ition,  regarding  interstate  tigress 

in    these 

"We.  the  undersigned,  citizens  of  the  Unit  pectfully  petition  j 

honorable  bodies   to   forbid   'interstate  commerce'  on  t  v  of  the  week  by 

railroad    train 

third.  ling   Sunday   parades,   addi  re,  reads  as   follows: 

"We,  the  undi  I,  citizens  of  the  United  S1  il!v  petition  your 

•rable  I  -bid  military  drills,  mu  ind  pai  [  Unit     I  States  ca-  1 

.id   marines  on  the  fir  as  into 

ing  not  only  with  the  soldier's  right  to  the  day  of  rest,  bu1  also  with  Ins  rights  of  i 
science 

•itions  are  in  these  they  do  qui 

conscience  and  of  the  industrial  condil  en  sent  to 

Committee  ■  >n  and  !  ration.     Thej   .ire  presented  through 

the  efforts  of  the  Woman's  Christian  Ti  >n  primarily  and  chiefly. 

I  have  here  a  communication  from  Mrs.  J.  C    B   ti  I   im,  of  Painesville,  Oliio.  who 
is  the  national  superintendent  of  th< 

Union. 
"  7  mmittee  on   I 

"  Honored  Sirs:   In  1 
I  have  the  honor  to  present  to  your 
Representatives,   which   is  somewhat    remarkal 

"It  is  impossible  I  the  numbers  rep-  memo- 

large  l>o.lies.  but  a  careful  estimate  in  this  in  I  •  upward 

million  of  citizens  ha\  •  h>-\v  n ■■  ,\  the  petit 

referred  last  winter  to  your  honot 

work  in  Government  ?•  nd  interstate  commerce,  and  this  winter 

many   thousand  more   have   I 


"Multitudes  of  these  petitioners  have  signed  their  names;  the  largest  share  are 
voters,  and  are  amongst  the  most  wise  and  discreet,  the  most  patriotic  and  influential, 
of  our  citizens.  The  names  are  worth  your  study.  The  legislation  asked  by  so  large 
a  portion  of  our  intelligent  citizens  must  be  considered  by  them  very  important,  and 
in  their  behalf  and  in  behalf  of  those  who  suffer  from  the  present  state  of  things  I  am 
instructed  to  outline  the  legislation  asked  and  the  reasons  therefor. 

"We  ask  for  legislation  in  three  distinct  lines,  yet  closely  connected:  For  the 
abolition  of  Sunday  mails,  Sunday  interstate  commerce,  and  Sunday  parades.  We 
ask  them  all  on  the  broad  ground  that  it  is  for  the  best  good  of  our  country  that  the 
Sabbath  be  maintained  as  a  day  of  rest.  Doubtless  the  largest  share  of  your  pe- 
titioners believe,  first  of  all,  that  we  are  bound  so  to  maintain  it  because  God  com- 
mands it,  and  His  commands  are  disobeyed  at  our  peril,  but  we  confine  ourselves  to 
asking    it    on    humanitarian    grounds. 

"History  teaches  that  the  most  prosperous  nations  are  those  that  regard  the  Sab- 
bath. Science  and  physiology  add  their  testimony  that  man's  physical  nature  needs 
one  day  in  seven  for  rest.  It  is  the  eminent  French  political  economist  Michel  Che- 
valier, who  said:  'Let  us  observe  Sunday  in  the  name  of  hygiene.'  It  is  a  law  of 
body  and  brain  that  labor  must  be  followed  by  rest,  and  able  physicians  declare  that 
our  business  men  are  suffering  greatly,  and  many  of  them  dropping  off  suddenly  cr 
becoming  victims  of  softening  of  the  brain,  from  the  steady  excitement  and  pressure 
of  business  life,  and  need  an  enforced  rest  of  one  day  each  week.  We  ask  it  in  their 
names  and  that  of  the'r  families. 

"We  ask  it  in  the  name  of  the  laboring  classes,  over  half  a  million  of  whom  are 
now  deprived  of  their  inherent  and  sacred  right  to  a  day  of  rest  and  a  day  for  worship 
because  of  these  three  evils  that  are  under  government  control.  Many  of  them  have 
earnestly  besought  of  us  this  aid,  and  their  pleas  are  pathetic.  'We  want  a  day  at 
home  with  our  families,'  say  they,  'and  we  greatly  need  a  weekly  day  of  rest,  but  we 
are    powerless    to    obtain    it.' 

"We  consider  it  the  duty  of  Government  to  protect  the  weak,  and  such  are  these; 
they  can  not  help  themselves.     The  right  of  rest  for  each  requires  a  law  of  rest  for  all. 

"Let  Government  but  take  the  action  we  ask,  and  courts  and  corporations  will 
soon  range  themselves  on  the  same  side.  We  believe  no  better  step  could  be  taken 
towards  suppression  of  socialism,  riots,  and  crime  than  by  securing,  as  far  as  Govern- 
ment has  the  power,  a  weekly  day  of  rest. 

"Your  petitioners  consider  Sunday  mail  entirely  unnecessary,  since  Toronto, 
Edinburg,  and  other  large  cities,  and  even  London  has  discontinued  them,  and  we 
ask  for  a  law  that  shall  forbid  the  transportation  or  distribution  of  mails  on  the  first 
day  of  the  week,  thus  liberating  150,000  post-office  clerks  from  unwilling  labor  on  the 
Sabbath,  giving  the  enforced  rest  needed  by  business  men,  and  throwing  the  almost 
unbounded  influence  of  Government  in  favor  of  the  most  hygienic  and  benefi- 
cent measures  possible,  namely,  the  preservation  of  the  Sabbath  as  a  weekly  day  of 
rest. 

"We  ask,  too,  for  a  law  requiring  railroad  companies  to  move  no  trains  except  of 
perishable  commodities  on  the  first  day  of  the  week. 

"Most  of  the  Sunday  railroading  is  in  criminal  violation  of  the  civil  laws  of  the 
States,  who  are  yet  comparatively  powerless  in  the  matter,  because  of  its  character 
as  interstate  commerce.  It  is  also  a  gross  violation  of  the  rights  of  the  people  to  still- 
ness and  quiet,  especially  during  theh  ours  of  public  worship,  and  its  influence  is  un- 
dermining and  destroying  the  blessings  of  our  social,  civil,  and  religious  institutions. 

5S 


"  Mi.n  .  »vcr,  •.*.  has  been  ndence \vi  li  railw 

•  400,000  railway  employes  are  by  the  Sunday  nam,  of  this  country  1 

tlu-ir  Sabbath  rights  and  prn  For  these,  our  fellow  n  by 

enforced  labor  withoul  I  our  very  liv<      ■  ■  well  a 

dangered  because  of  overtaxed  body  and  nerve  .1    well  as  by  the  discontent  and  bit- 
engendered,  we  appeal  for  this  law. 
"  1.  istly,  following  in  the  wake  of  Frai  !  other  countries  that  an  in  advai 

in  such  legislation,  we  ask  that  i  and  marines  of  the  United  S1 

in  tun.  .  all  military  drills,  musters,  and  para 

of  the  week,  thus  securing  to  them  their  1  id  their  day  of 

•  e 

"  We  thank  you  for  thi  unavoidably  detained  person 

,  we  are  glad  to  1  matter  in  ot  id  abler  hands. 

"Mr      I     c     Bateham, 
"Superintendent  .'  Department  .V    11'.  C.   T    U.'' 

Address  of  Rev.  Wilbur  F.  Crafts. 

The  Chairman.      Rev  Wilbui  Fts,  of  New  Y<>rk,  will  now  om- 

on    the  subject   of   the   petitii 
Mr   Crafts.     Mr.  Chairman  and  Senators  of  the  committee,  I  speak  in  behalf  of 
the  petitioners  at   the  request  of  tl  ent  Sabbath  Observance  Superintendent 

statement  you  have  heard      We  come  not  as  Christians  asking  for  a  union  of 
church  ami  state,  but  as  American  citizens,  asking  for  the  perpetuation  of  on< 

•  important  institutions,  the  American  Sabbath,  to  whose  protected  rest  and  cul- 
of  conscience  and  hours  for  thought  we  0  ire  than  to  any thii  the  fact 

•   we  are  not,  like  France,  a  republic  "good  for  this  day  only,  '  lying  uneasily  in 
:  ind    \ 
The  requirements  of  religion  and  the  requirements  of  civil  law  sometimi  i    ide 

1     r    *    tance,  both  forbid  murder  .  I  thieving,  and  in  mosl 

lay  toil;   but  while  religion  forbids  these  things  as  sins  against  God,  the  civil  law 
forbids    them    as   crimes    against    man. 

We  come  to  you  because  you  are  a  committee  on  education  in  behalf   of  wlia: 
call  tin-  workingman's  college      Without  the  American  Sabbath  the  A     erii    1 
would  he  incapable  of  self-government,  like  the  adult  infants  of  conth  1 
who  are  content  to  take  amusement  in  place  of  liberty.     The  hours  afforded  t. 
workingman  for  thoughl  by  twenty-one  1  -  tbbaths  are  equal  to  the  days 

f<>r  study  in  a  college  course      In  the  refi  illiteracy  which  this  com  mitt 

plate  the  influence  of  quid  Sabb  the  one  hand  againsl  the  ai- 

ks  of  greed,  and  on  tlu-  other  hand  against  th  if  lust)  upon    the  diffu 

nd  the  diffusion  of  conscientious™  nored 

We  come  1  .ore  especially  as  the  committee  on  labor  in  behalf  ol  a  mill 

and  a  quart  our  Mlow-countrymen  wh  held  in  the  Egyptian  boi 

srdibathlcsst.il.  chiefly   through  the  influei  the  Government— the  ■ 

n  exaii  ..11   the  street    an>: 

mail-tram  opening  the  way   for  run'  'rams 

Hon   Carroll  I>   Wright,  in  his  report  on  Sunda)  '■', 

■  

no  other  department  mor<  tant  than  the  question  ol  Sunday  labor 


♦Dr.  Rufus  V."    Clark,  of 


me  yesterday,  "No  man  likes  to  work  on  Sunday."  He  is  now  making  investiga- 
tions on  a  large  scale  in  regard  to  railroad  work,  and  especially  in  regard  to  the  op- 
pression of  the  health  and  consciences  of  the  great  army  of  workingmen  from  needless 
Sunday  toil.  The  cutting  down  of  the  hours  of  the  postmen — the  measure  which  has 
already  passed  the  House  of  Representatives  and  I  suppose  is  now  before  the  Senate — 
the  eight-hour  law  for  the  postal  service,  is  not  as  important,  though  we  indorse  it, 
as  this  proposition  for  a  six-day  law  for  postmen.  I  believe  they  should  have  both, 
but  a  man  can  get  more  rest  by  having  one  whole  day  in  every  week  to  be  with  his 
family  than  by  an  equal  reduction  of  labor  scattered  through  the  seven-day  round  of 
toil. 

William  Black  Steele,  in  the  March  number  of  the  North  American  Review,  shows 
that,  the  holiday  Sunday  has  more  work  than  play.  Recent  investigations  of  the 
German  Government,  which  had  become  alarmed  at  the  increase  of  Sunday  work,  and 
was  receiving  protests  from  workingmen,  even  from  socialists,  in  regard  to  this  alarm- 
ing increase — these  investigations  have  shown  that  even  in  the  factories  of  Germany 
57  per  cent  of  the  employes  work  on  Sunday,  and  77  per  cent,  of  those  engaged  in 
transportation  and  trade.  It  is  this  work-a-day  Sunday  which  the  continental  gov- 
ernments are  seeking  to  be  rid  of,  against  which  we  would  have  our  Government  take 
preventive  measures,  because  it  is  easier  to  prevent  than  to  repent.  This  movement 
is  in  harmony  with  the  awakening  American  spirit,  whose  watchword  is,  "America 
for    American    institutions." 

What  we  ask  is  that  this  Committee  on  Labor  (and  here  I  state  the  w-hole  proposi- 
tion in  brief)  shall,  as  far  as  the  national  jurisdiction  extends,  first  among  the  em- 
ployes of  the  Government  and  then  in  the  wider  domain  of  inter-state  commerce,  pro- 
hibit   all    needless    Sunday    work. 

Senator  Payne.     Does  this  include  the  stopping  of  the  transportation  of  the  mails  ? 

Mr.  Crafts.  Yes.  We  no  not  ask  all  this  in  one  bill;  that  is,  we  do  not  expect 
it  all  in  one  bill.  It  would  hardly  be  consistent  for  the  United  States  Government, 
the  largest  of  employers,  while  its  army  of  postal  employes  is  required  to  do  needless 
Sunday  work,  to  prohibit  railroad  employers  to  require  Sunday  work.  What  would 
naturally  and  consistently  come  first  is  a  bill  prohibiting  Sunday  work  on  the  part 
of  the  Government's  employes  in  the  mail  and  military  service.  This  is  important 
not  only  for  the  sake  of  the  men,  but  for  the  sake  of  a  consistent  national  example: 
National  laws  recognize  the  Sabbath.  Congress  rests  commonly  upon  that  day. 
The  employes  of  the  Government,  except  those  in  the  military  and  postal  service, 
rest  on  that  day;  but  the  Government,  by  working  its  postal  employes  in  every  State 
of  the  Union  on  the  Sabbath,  sets  an  example  of  Sabbath-breaking  which  has  its  in- 
fluence in  the  opening  of  stores  and  the  running  of  other  than  mail-trains  on  the  Sab- 
bath. 

Senator  Payne  In  what  respect  does  the  Government  interfere  with  the  observ- 
ance of  the  Sabbath  except  in  the  transportation  and  distribution  of  the  mails? 

Mr.  Crafts.  I  was  about  to  state  that  the  mail  train  was  the  first  Sunday  train. 
The  only  Sunday  train  which  the  States  would  tolerate  at  first  were  these,  which  they 
were  compelled  to  tolerate.  On  some  roads  the  mail  train  is  to-day  the  only  train 
that  prevents  the  railroad  managers,  who  would  stop  Sunday  trains  altogether,  from 
giving  complete  Sabbath  rest  to  the  railroad  employes.  It  is  because  of  the  mail  trains 
that  more  than  500,000  railroad  men  have  to  work  on  Sunday,  besides,  most  of  the 
105,000  engaged  in  the  mail  service  itself. 

60 


if  the  n 
rnmenl 
Mr    I  i  til  and  i 

furthei 
quil  ly. 

Senati  What,  for  in  lilitary  inday? 

Mr.  Ci 

that  tl  lay? 

Mr  -  Marching  is  the  hould  b< 

ims  they  omit  I  Sunday  I 

human  -  -  uires  a  chai  ek. 

I  low  would  j  y? 

Mr  li  at 

mill-'  ould  I-  ■  ither  ships  at 

but  we  would  not  hav<  urk  on 

Sunday. 

r  Payne.    I  do  not  wish  to  interru  i  furthei  >  have  3 

tially  point  out  one  thing.      1  think,  in  theory,  we 

in  what  t,  and  to  v  the  Go\' 

ment  author  re  to  stop  Sunday  v. 

Mr.  I  am  just  coming  to  th;  -o  call  attention  to  the 

that   wl  resolutions  in   I  ten  it   is  the 

Pharaoh  among  em]  not  km  e  in 

the  postal  sei  •  are  worked  from  thirl  y.      They  1 

their  1  p  in  the  morn--  I   return  until  tl 

at  night,  with  night  v.  lay  work  added  We  had 

in  New  led  "the  1 

■ 
De- 
tan-kill* 
Will  you  1 
the  I 

Mr  months  since.  He 

had  • 

-a  mini 
he  h 

I  v. 
-.       ■  '  posl 

these  m 
the  I  i 

[  wish,  first,  to  suggesl 
you  will  think  -  I,  as  ti 

The  I  h  1 

Territ 

■  ly. 

61 


I  believe  I  can  show  the  committee,  first  of  all,  that  the  present  postal  laws  leave 
too  much  to  the  discretion,  or  indiscretion,  of  the  local  postmaster;  for  instance,  in  the 
matter  of  the  Sunday  opening  of  the  post-office.  I  will  read  the  national  law  in  re- 
gard to  the  opening  of  post-offices  on  Sunday,  that  you  may  see  how  a  coach-and 
four  or  more  could  be  driven  through  it.  This  is  section  481  of  the  "Postal  Laws  and 
Regulations,"  which  was    presented  to  me  yesterday   by    the    Postmaster-General. 

"When  the  mail  arrives  on  Sunday  he  (the  postmaster)  will  keep  his  office  open 
for  one  hour  or  more" — 

Twenty-four  hours  is  "more,"  and  some  postmasters  so  interpret  it;  our  own  New 
York  postmaster,  for  instance,  and  certain  others — 

"After  the  arrival  and  assortment  thereof,  if  the  public  convenience  require  it, 
for  the  delivery  of  the  same  only.  If  it  be  received  during  the  time  of  public  worship, 
the  opening  of  the  post-office  will  be  delayed  until  the  services  have  closed.  He  need 
not  open  his  office  during  the  day  of  Sunday  if  no  mails  arrive  after  the  closing  of  the 
office  on  Saturday  and  before  6  o'clock  Sunday  afternoon.  While  open,  stamps  may 
be  sold  to  anyone  applying  for  them;  but  money-orders  must  riot  be  issued  nor  paid 
nor  letters  registered  on  that  day.  Delivery  on  Sunday  must  not  be  restricted  to  box- 
holders,  but  made  to  all  who  call  while  the  office  is  open." 

Senator  Riddleberger.     You  have  read  the   United  States  statute? 

Mr.  Crafts.  That  is  the  United  States  statute  as  it  stands  in  the  volume  of  "Pos- 
tal  Laws,"  given  me  by  the  Postmaster-General  yesterday. 

To  show  the  actual  interpretation  of  this  loose  law,  let  me  tell  you  what  are  my 
reports  from  various  parts  of  the  country.  I  have  letters  from  the  St.  Louis  post- 
master, the  Chicago  postmaster,  the  New  York  postmaster,  the  Philadelphia  post- 
master, and  also  reports  from  four  smaller  cities  and  towns  in  most  of  the  States. 

Postmaster  Pearson,  of  New  York  City,  in  a  letter  to  me,  dated  April  17,  1884, 
said : 

"One-half  the  entire  clerical  and  carrier  force  of  this  office  is  on  duty  during  a 
portion  of  each  Sunday  in  alternate  sections — the  superintendents  and  other  officers, 
myself  included,  being  present  during  a  part  of  every  Sunday.  At  this  office  and  its 
branches  about  700  persons  are  employed  during  a  portion  of  each  Sunday.  Practi- 
cally the  general  delivery  of  this  office  is  never  closed." 

In  a  letter  dated  March  28,  1888,  Postmaster  Pearson  says  of  the  above: 

"The  statements  are  still  true,  except  that  somewhat  less  than  one-half  the  clerical 
force  is  employed  on  Sunday.  The  total  number  of  clerks  and  carriers  on  duty  on 
Sunday  is  perhaps  about  800.  All  kinds  of  mail  are  delivered  on  call  on  Sundays. 
All  second-class  matter  offered  is  received.  Stamps  are  sold  during  limited  hours  at 
branch  offices,  and  in  limited  quantities  at  any  time  at  the  general  post-office." 

Assistant  Postmaster  Henry  Drake,  of  Philadelphia,  in  a  letter  to  me,  dated 
April    3,    18S8,    says: 

"There  are  employed  in  this  office  995  persons.  Of  this  number  but  52  do  not 
work  on  Sundays.  Four  hundred  and  thirty-eight  work  on  certain  Sundays,  averag- 
ing, perhaps,  one  Sunday  in  three;  the  average  time  of  work  being  six  hours.  Every 
class  of  mail  matter,  except  money-order,  registered  or  special-delivery  letters,  is 
handled  on  Sunday.  One  of  the  general  delivery  windows  is  open  the  entire  day, 
there  being  three  windows  usually  open  from  9  a.  m.  to  10  p.  m." 

Postmaster  Judd,  of  Chicago,  in  a  letter  to  me,  dated  March  31,  1888,  says: 
"Only  about  15  per  cent  of  the  clerks  connected  with  this  office  are  off  duty  on 
Sundays;  that  about  50  per  cent,  of  the  letter-carriers  are  off  duty  o     that  day,  and 
the  general-delivery  clerks  are  on  duty  on  said  day  from  10.30  a.  m.  1,0  1  p.  m.     All 

62 


of  mail  matter,  with  the  exception  of  n  !  mail,    ire    lei 

who  may  call  between  the  hours  ol   1 1.30  a.  m.  and  12.30  p.  m      P 

and  drawers  in  this  office  <-;m  gel  their  mail  at  an)  !„  - 

in  the  hours  of  8  a   m   and  10  p.  m.,  and  the  clerks  in  <  mnection  1 
du  lays  from  aboul    to  a.  in.  to  1   p.  m  " 

»ther  source  we  learn  thai    P  t  Judd  has  stopp 

•    of    stamp 

Po  '  Riley  innati,  in  a  letter  to  me,  d  ited  April   1. 

answ  [uestions,  that  of  301  employ  r  work  on  Sundays;  tha 

delivery  and  general  deliver)  >pen  from  g  jo  to  11  a.  ra  .  thai  stam] 

sold  from  9  $0  to  11  a.  m.,  and  from  6.30  to  7  p.  m.;  that  "special-delivery  I. 
are  dehvered;"  that  25  mails  arc  received  on  Sundays  insl  64  on  week  d 

that  mail  is  not  delivered  at  the  branch  offices,  but  only  at  the  general 

tmaster  Hyde,  of  Si    Louis,  through  A    istanl  P  ter  McHenry,  in  1< 

of  March  30,  1 888,  informs  me  that  of  the  1  iployes  in  that  1  lythei2inthe 

money-order  division  never  work  on  Sundays;  that   too  carriers  and  60  distribu 
average  live  hours  of  Sunday  work;  that  general  delivery  and  \x>\  delivi 
a  1  r.30  a.  m.  to  1   p    m. 

The  same  contrasts  that  appear  in  tl  j  of  the  highesl  ,  my  rei 

show  in  every  other  grade      One  office  opens  once,  for  an  hour  only;  another  of 
same  grade  opens  twice,  for  two  hours  each  time.      One  r  of 

church;  another,  only  during  the  hour  of  church.     One      Us  stam] 

^  not.     ■'  livers  special-carrier  letters;  another  of  1 

does  not.     One  works  the  two  hours,  ai 

Senator  Payne.     Our  time  is  very  limit  jest  thai 

much  as  you  can,  ai  us  the  facts. 

Mr.  Crafts.      I  wish    to  ,  one  by  one,  ral 

of  many.     Those  that  1  irtheron  are  the  on  it  think,  perha] 

Those  that  irst  are  the  ones  that,  ordinarily,  1  iuld  think  the  : 

*ical    for   immediate   consideration. 
Senator  Payne.      It  is  practical  poi 
Mr   Crapts.  The  first  point, the  one  which  I 

a  law,  is  that  it  should  n 
is  country  to  run  the  Uni  1  rival  a 

list  of  the  churches       The  law  all 
church  hours,  unle  rst  mail  of  the 

or  more  before  the 
t;  run  in  m  all  through  church  1 

of  the  chut    '  '.'.'  hurch  and 

A  law  forbiddi  ;  of  th  • 

than    t' 
The  law  should  also  tal 

'1  hour. 
A  new  branch  sup 
\ork  City  within  ;i 
free  during  the  foi 

■  enterprising,  partly  :t  the  post- 

63 


cursions  on  Sunday  t-iftcrnoons,  though  they  had  not  said  so,  discriminates  against 
the  churches  in  favor  of  the  Sunday  picnics  by  transferring  the  Sunday  work  from 
the  afternoon  to  the  morning  church-hour — an  instance  of  what  is  possible  anywhere 
under   our   present   loose   law. 

The  discretion  of  the  local  postmaster  is  also  too  great  in  regard  to  the  amount  of 
Sunday  work  he  can  require  of  his  employes.  In  some  offices  the  amount  is  double 
and  treble  what  it  is  in  other  offices  of  the  same  grade.  If  the  selling  of  stamps  on 
Sunday  can  be  dispensed  with  in  Chicago,  it  can  be  dispensed  with  everywhere.  If 
special-delivery  messengers  can  be  allowed  their  Sunday  rest  in  Philadelphia,  why 
not  in  Cincinnati? 

The  sale  of  stamps  on  Sunday  and  the  sending  out  of  carriers  with  special-delivery 
letters  and  parcels  (section  688,  ought  not  to  be  left  to  the  discretion  or  caprice  of  the 
local  postmaster,  but  uniformly  forbidden  as  needless  Sunday  work. 

The  individual  postmaster  now  decides  whether  the  special-delivery  messenger, 
who  works  from  7  a.  m.  to  1 1  p.  m.  on  week  days,  shall  spend  the  same  long  hours  on 
Sunday  carrying  parcels  at  1 2  or  1 5  cents  apiece,  as  an  express  for  law-breaking  mer- 
chants who  keep  at  business  on  Sunday.  When  the  practice  has  become  common  in 
one  place  it  will  soon  become  common  in  all,  and  when  special  delivery  by  carriers 
becomes  common,  general  delivery  by  carriers  on  Sunday  will  follow  almost  as  a  mat- 
ter of  course.  Workingmen  and  humanitarians  in  Europe  are  trying  to  stop  carrier 
deliveries  just  when  we  are  beginning  to  have  them.  Let  us  not  do  what  we  shall 
want  to  undo.      It  is  easier  to  prevent  than  to  repent. 

Senator  Payne.  All  those  minor  matters  would  follow  the  general  proposition. 
I  wish  to  know  whether  your  reform  contemplates  the  entire  suspension  of  the  trans- 
portation, distribution,  and  delivery  of  the  mails  on  Sunday? 

Mr.  Crafts.  We  will  take  a  quarter  of  a  loaf,  half  a  loaf,  or  a  whole  loaf.  If  the 
Government  should  do  nothing  more  than  forbid  the  opening  of  the  post-office  at 
church  hours  it  would  be  a  national  tribute  to  the  value  of  religion  and  would  lead 
to   something   more   satisfactory. 

Another  point  in  which  the  local  postmasters,  in  large  cities  at  least,  need  restraint 
The  postmaster  of  a  large  city  can  send  out  Sunday  mails  on  newspaper  trains  to 
scores  of  surrounding  towns  where  the  post-office  employes  have  had  Sunday  rest, 
thus  making  more  Sunday  work,  not  only  in  his  own  office  but  in  many  places.  Post- 
master Pearson  has  done  this  on  his  own  responsibility,  as  he  admits  in  a  letter  to  me 
dated  April  17,  1884.  Doubtless  other  city  postmasters  have  done  the  same.  The 
law  ought  to  be  changed  to  make  such  increasing  of  Sunday  work  by  local  postmasters 
impossible. 

Senator  Riddle  berger.  Do  you  not  know  that  the  railroad  companies  hired  them- 
selves to  deliver  the  mails,  not  the  postmaster? 

Mr.  Crafts.  The  postmaster  did  it,  as  the  letter  states,  in  conjuction  with  the 
Sunday  newspapers  and  to  share  the  expense  in  running  their  extra  trains. 

Senator  Riddlegerger.  I  wish  to  call  your  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  New  York 
papers  are  brought  into  Washington  on  Sunday  perhaps  two  hours  earlier  than  on  a 
week  day,  but,  as  I  understand  it,  because  the  railroad  companies  make  contracts  to 
that  effect,  and  not  the  Post-Office  Department  or  the  postmaster  in  New  York. 

Mr.  Crafts.  My  statement  is  in  regard  to  special  Sunday  trains  for  Sunday  news- 
papers. I  have  the  facts  directly  from  the  postmaster.  I  wish  to  make  one  more 
point  in  regard  to  lessening  Sunday  work  in  local  post-offices.  I  find  no  one  who 
defends  the  handling  of  business  circulars  and  packages  on  the  Sabbath  so  as  to  de- 
prive men  of  their  culture  of  conscience  and  their  hours  at  home. 

64 


•ic  of  the  evils  I  have  mentioned  mighl  be  removed  by  such  a  la  I 

in  a  "Report  from  the  Selecl  Committee  on  Sunday  Postal  Labor,"  |  1  to  the 

Hou  ,  August  i o,  1 88 7,  of  which  I  will  have  copies  sent  to  the  comn 

as  tar  as  possible.     The  committee  was  appointed  because  of  the  numerous  petiti 
to  Parliament  against  the  growing  evil  of  Sunday  work  m  the  postal  service  in  Eng- 
land.     The  British  have  pone  a  little  further  than  we  have  in  Sunday  postal  work. 
1  they  are  trying  to  get  back.      The  report  gives  the  remedies  which  the  committee 
recommend : 

(1)  That  the  collection,  dispatch,  and  the  delivery  on  Sunday  of  books,  circulars, 
and   {Tinted   matter  other  than   newspapers   be  discontinued. 

(2)  No  man  shall  be  on  duty  more  than  alternate  Sundays.      As  in  our  country, 
some  postmasters  kept  their  men  employed  seven  Sundays  in  eight  and  si  .  iys 
in  eight  and  three  Sundays  in  eight,  and  there  was  no  uniformity.      The  report  also 
recommends  that  all  the  postal  employes  be  relieved  from  work  on  alternate  Sunday 
There,  as  here,  the  work  had  been  different  in  every  office  from  every  other,  some  em- 
ployes working  every  Sunday,  some  seven  Sundays  out  of  eight,  and  some  only  one  in 
two.      The  British  Government  steps  in  and  says,  "We  arenot  going  to  have  the 
tinctions  made,  not  only  between  postal  servants  and  other  servants  of  Government 
but  between  one  post-office  and  another,  and  we  say  that  the  men  must  rest  on  alt. 
nate   Sundays." 

Another  recommendation  is,  that  the  question  whether  the  post-office  of  a  town 
or  city  shall  be  open  at  all  on  Sunday  shall  be  decided  by  local  option. 

Senator  Payne.      What  has  been  done  in   Parliament  in  regard   to  this  report  ? 
Mr.  Crafts.     This  was  only  on  August  10  last.     I  do  not  think  that  this  pi 
law.  with  all  the  Irish  business  on  hand,  has  yet  been  passed,  but  it  is  recommended 
a  very  strong  committee.     Such  a  law  as' this  report  proposes  would  be  better  than 
nothing;  but    we    want    more    than    this. 

A  law  covering  the  points  I  have  already  mentioned,  it  seems  to  me,  woul 
mend  itself  to  every  humane  and  just  man ;  protecting  the  church  set  rom  1 

ice  competition;  protecting  the  employes  from  being  kepi  -k  such  hours 

would   keep  them   from   church-going;  reducing   the   Sunday   work   by   stO]  the 

ndling  of  circulars  and  packages;  insisting  that  all  1  es  shall  rest  on  alternate 

Sunday,;   and  leaving  it   to  every  town   to  decide  the  question  of  opening  the 
on  Sunday,  which  would  cause  a  wholesome  agital  .here  of  the  qu 

nday  mails,  and  so  lead,  we  believe,  to  the  entii  .tion  of  Sunday  posl 

>uk'h  a  national  law. 

r  Payne.     Would  you  resti  n  to  legal  vol 

allow  the  women  t< 

Mr.  1  in  favor  of  woman  suffrage,  but  this  would  b* 

er  they   were,   at    the   time  of    v  rhaps   w 

'  v  the  time  this  up  for  n,  their  reform  is  moving 

itOT  Payne.      You  are  in  favor  of  woman  suffrage,  but  would  contri. 
them   out  ? 
Mr.  Crafts.     Oh.no.     We  ask  that  the  led  by  the  voter 

■  re. 

e  to  the  second  division  of  my  di 
tothe  pet     •     ■ 

n'eral  D 
of  the  mail  .       —  as  I  hi  this  mat1 

that  the  Post  Office  Dc  an  au- 

65 


ent  a  monarchy,  and  not  a  limited  monarchy.  All  over  the  country  there  is  a  great 
host  of  people  who  are  under  the  dictation  of  the  Postmaster-General  in  almost  every- 
thing. 

Senator  Payne.  To  whom  would  you  commit  the  authority  to  be  shared  with 
him? 

Mr  Crafts.  I  would  have  the  Government  define  more  strictly  the  authority  of 
the  Postmaster-General,  and  make  laws  which  shall  limit  his  power  in  the  matter, 
for  instance,   of  sending  out   carriers  on   Sunday. 

In  1828  and  1829  there  were  467  petitions  from  21  States  asking  for  the  cessation 
of  all  Sunday  work  in  connection  with  the  mails.  ("Sabbath  for  Man,'' p  272.)  The 
predominating  sentiment  of  the  nation  seemed  to  be  in  favor  of  this  humane  request. 
Christians  desired  the  nation's  example  to  be  put  on  the  side  of  Sabbath-keeping,  and 
working  men  desired  the  nation's  example  to  be  arrayed  against  needless  Sunday  work. 

What  is  the  answer  which  that  army  of  petitioners  got  from  the  Postmaster- 
General,  whose  powers  were  then  just  about  the  same  as  now? 

He  replied  in  the  spirit  of  a  Russian  autocrat  and  in  the  rhetoric  of  a  Western 
editor: 

"So  long  as  the  silver  river  flows  and  the  green  grass  grows  and  the  oceanic  tides 
rise  and  fall  on  the  first  day  of  the  week,  so  long  shall  the  mails  of  the  Republic  be 
circulated   on   that   day." 

Senator   Payne.     Who   was   he? 

Mr.    Crafts     I   haven't   his   name. 

Senator  Payne.      His  reply  was  somewhat  poetic  at  least. 

Mr.  Crafts.  He  was  probably  a  Western  man.  The  whole  history  of  the  matter 
is  in  this  book  ("The  Sabbath  for  Man,"  p.  271),  which  I  shall  present  to  each  of  the 
committee.     The  arguments  there  used  are  most  of  them  appropriate  to-day. 

Senator  Payne.     That  was  about  sixty  years  ago? 

Mr.  Crafts.  The  powers  of  the  Postmaster-General  have  not  been  essentially 
changed.      But  I  will  get  to  Vilas  in  a  moment. 

Postmaster-General  Jewell  has  the  honor,  or  dishonor,  of  ordering  a  Sunday  de- 
livery by  carriers.  He  was  an  excellent  Christian  man,  who  thought  he  was  only  yield- 
ing to  the  pressure  of  public  sentiment  in  this  matter.  One  delivery  was  made  in  the 
city  of  New  York.  Postmen  took  letters  for  ministers  to  them  in  the  pulpit,  in  the 
midst  of  their  sermons,  to  show  the  barbarity  of  their  new  Sunday  tasks. 

There  swept  down  upon  Washington  such  a  storm  of  protests  from  the  Christian 
business  men  of  that  city  against  this  increase  of  Sunday  postal  work  that  before  the 
second  Sunday  the  order  was  repealed.  But,  if  we  had  had  for  Postmaster-General  a 
man  like  Assistant  Indian  Commissioner  Atkins,  more  pagan  than  his  wards,  a  man  with 
no  regard  for  the  rights  of  Christian  citizens,  the  order  might  not  have  been  repealed. 
Not  long  since  Postmaster-General  Vilas  issued  an  order  that  letters  and  packages 
bearing  special-delivery  stamp  should  be  delivered  on  Sundays  as  on  other  days 
When  a  Sabbath  association  secretary,  who  is  here  to-day,  came  to  General  Vilas 
expressing  the  protest  of  the  Christians  of  Philadelphia  against  that  order,  he  was 
answered,  "What  I  have  done,  I  have  done;"  and  it  was  only  by  the  aid  of  the  Presi- 
dent that  the  order  was  changed  from  a  positive  requirement  that  all  postmasters 
in  special  delivery  offices  should  send  out  the  special-delivery  messengers  on  Sunday, 
to  an  absurd  permission  to  each  postmaster  to  do  in  the  matter  as  he  pleased,  so  that 
the  question  whether  messengers  on  duty  from  7  a.  m.  to  1 1  p.  m  six  days  m  the 
week  shall  be  on  duty  for  the  same  barbarous  and  absurd  hours  on  Sunday  also, 
in  this  age  of  the  telegraph,  is  left  to  the  caprice  of  each  local  postmaster 

66 


Vou   i  discrin  inate    1  • 

■'  -carriers? 

nol  a  qu  in  ;  the  i  I  her 

I  h  ii.T.il  who  choi  hall  have  1 1  der  Sui  i 

carrier  deliveries  everywhere.     Whal  we  wanl  in  this  partii  ular  re  pe<  I  is  a  law  thai 
shall  prohibit  any  delivery  of  mail  on  Sunday  by  carriei  ■.     l\  is  bad  enough  to  I 
the1  me  in  the  office,  even  with  the  Hi  f  which  I  ha  ,  but  we 

ask  at  least  (and  this  is  better  than  i  thai  the  law  shall  pri  the 

i  any  Sunday  delivery  by  any  kind  of  carriers.     We  want  more  than  I 
and  I  shall  now  make  a  full  statement  of  our  i  ird  to  Sunday  n 

we  expect  to  keep  asking  for  until  we  get  it. 

UV  ask  that  a  law  shall  be  passed  instructing  the  / 
junker  i  which  shall  include  the  carriage  of  the  m  (he  Sabbath,  and  to 

that  hen     U  i  no  mail  matter  shall  be  collet  ted  or  distributed  on  that  day.     \ 
"What  it"  a  letter  calling  a  son  to  the  bedside  of  his  dying  motl  >uld  be  delayed 

twenty-four  hours  by  stopping  mails'"  Did  you  ever  hear  of  I  graph — soon  to 

be  the  nation's  "fast  mail?"  Such  emergency  letters,  that  are  now  delivered  on  Sunday 
may  go  by  telegraph  on  Saturday. 

Senator    Payne.     Then    you    do   not   propose   to   interfere  with    the   telegraph? 
Mr.  Crafts.     I  would  have  it  as  at  Toronto — all  I  ph  operators  restin] 

Sunday,  except  a  few  men  at  the  central  office  for  emergencies — each  man's  turn  for 
Sunday  work  coming  only  once  in  six  weeks  or  more.      As  to  business  letters,  son 
the  most  prosperous  cities  in  the  world  have  no  Sunday  work  in  their  post-offices.      1 
have  a  letter  in  my  hand  recently  received  from  the  postmaster  at  Toronto,  a  city  a; 
widely  «  1  as  most  of  our  lair'-  i  ities,  though  not  as  thickly  populated;    a  cr 

140,000,  which  has  grown  as  fast  as  almost   .any  city  of  our  country,  ami  which  is 
nd  to  none  in  its  moral  record.     There,  with  all  the  coi  of  alargei 

is  the  statement,  dated  Toronto,  March   20,    [888,  and  signed  John  Carrutl 

posl  master: 
"No  clerk  is  required  to  do  any  work  in  this  office  on  Sunday.      ( >ur  ofl    ■■  cl 
to  the  public  at  7  p.  m.  on  Saturday,  and  is  nol  open  again  until  7  a.  m.  on  M 
Consequently  no  mail  matter  is  delivered  on  Sunday,  neither  by  carrier  1 
the  boxes.     Our  sorters  all  stop  before  1  turday  nighl  and  do  not  resumed 

until    12    p.    m.    on    Sund 

Nothii  The  rule  gives  all  an  equal  chance.     Mo  business  man 

■.  1  of  his  competitor  by  getting  his  Sunday  mail,  and  pr  g  fort!  • 

\!um  by  Sunday  work.      All  rest,  with  no  to  any  01 

Sei     tor  Riddleberger.    Is  there  nol  al  ingfroi 

different  rig  bankii  01  her  I 

not  inada? 

Mr.  Crafts.    All  those  things  i 
any  of  that  kind.      Perhaps  Ton 

ities.  ibout  Lond 

"Within  a  radius  of  -  miles  from  th(  in  Loi 

arried,  1  >ay  ('Sabbal 

• 

London  rests  1  cmpl<  ■• 

r  Payne.     H 
1  •      ■    Sundai  t  immoral  rid? 

Mr  1  Thai  to  the  li  the  fact  that  tl 

closi 


Senator  Payne.      In  other  words,  closing  the  mails  on  Sunday  does  not  reform 

the  city? 

Mr.  Crafts.  Not  entirely,  but  it  reforms  the  men  in  the  postal  service.  It  saves 
them  from  the  oppression  of  conscience  which  makes  men  ready  to  go  into  all  sorts  of 

crime. 

Senator  Payne.  Do  the  post-office  employes  there  go  to  church  when  they  do  not 
have   to   attend   the  post-office? 

Mr.  Crafts.  A  postmaster  recently  said  to  me,  "When  men  have  to  work  a  part  of 
Sunday  they  do  not  usually  go  to  church  the  rest  of  the  day."  I  know  one  cause  of 
this.  They  are  ill  at  ease  in  conscience  about  Sunday  work.  I  never  met  an  engi- 
neer or  a  postal  clerk  who  was  not  troubled  about  his  Sunday  work.  His  conscience 
is  offended;  he  feels  that  he  is  regularly  breaking  one  law  of  God,  and  sometimes 
thinks  he  might  as  well  break  ten  commandments  as  one.  Going  to  church  only  fills 
him  with  self-reproach  in  regard  to  the  crime  which  the  Government  requires  of  him, 
and  not  being  courageous  enough  to  give  up  his  place  rather  than  his  sin,  he  stays 
away  from  what  would  remind  him  of  it ;  and  so  those  who  handle  the  nation's  wealth 
are  almost  wholly  destitute  of  the  culture  of  conscience  which  none  need  more  than 
thev.  There  is  no  reason  for  running  a  Sunday  mail,  as  you  see.ciot  even  for  business 
letters.  Certainly  the  Government  should  not  keep  its  postal  employes  at  work  on 
Sunday  for  the  benefit  of  the  Sunday  newspapers.     Weekly  newspapers  do  not  ask  it. 

As  to  Sunday  parades,  we  ask  that  the  Sunday  morning  inspection  and  the  Sunday 
afternoon  parades  shall  be  stopped  because  they  are  infringements  of  the  soldier's 
rights  to  Sunday  rest  and  also  of  his  rights  of  conscience.  Though  the  number  of 
our  soldiers  is  small  and  the  secular  duties  required  of  them  on  Sunday  are  not  very 
wearisome,  we  think  the  nation's  example  in  this  matter  is  important. 

Now,   a  few  words  about  interstate  Sunday  trains. 

In  the  first  place,  the  National  Government  is  the  only  power  that  can  accomplish 
this  largest  of  labor  reforms.  In  Connecticut  they  have  recently  emancipated  ten 
thousand  railway  employes  from  Sunday  toil  by  a  law  prohibiting  excursions  and 
freight  trains  on  Sunday.  No  trains  of  any  kind  are  allowed  except  morning  and 
evening,  and  even  then  the  railroad  commissioners  may  allow  only  such  trains  as 
they  think  are  required  by  considerations  of  mercy  and  necessity.  They  allow  milk 
trains  and  Sunday  newspaper  trains,  evidently  thinking  that  babes  can  not  live  one 
day  without  fresh  milk  nor  men  without  fresh  supplies  of  scandal. 

Mail  trains  are  certainly  not  works  of  necessity  or  mercy,  but  the  State  has  no 
power  to  stop  the  nation's  Sabbath-breaking  in  its  borders. 

But  in  these  State  reforms  "the  interstate  difficulty  met  them  at  every  point." 
And  so  in  every  State  where  railroad  managers  or  the  State  authorities  would  reduce 
Sunday  work  on  the  railroads  they  are  impeded  by  the  fact  that  the  National  Govern- 
ment must  co-operate  in  order  to  make  the  reform  complete. 

I  do  not  speak  as  a  minister  on  the  subject  of  railroads,  but  I  bring  to  your  notice 
the  statements  of  railroad  men.  The  whole  letters  are  here  in  the  book  which  you 
will    have. 

In   1883  the  president  of  the  Michigan  Central  Railway,  Mr.   Ledyard,  wrote: 

"If  all  railroad  companies  competing  for  the  same  class  of  traffic  from  and  to  com- 
mon points  were  in  accord,  it  would  be  practicable,  to  a  very  large  extent,  to  abandon 
the  running  of  railway  trains  on  the  Sabbath  day/'      ("Sabbath  for  Man,"  p.  301.) 

The  Railway  Age  says  editorially,  in  the  same  issue  with  this  letter  (May  24, 
1883): 

"Mr.  Ledyard 's  conviction  that  he  and  other  railway  managers  are  all  committing 
a  fearful  mistake  in  allowing  the  continuance  and  rapid  growth  of  this  Sunday  labor 

68 


is  h(  believe,  by  the  great  majority  of  railway  i  and  il  is  to  be  ho 

thai  in  their  perusal  and  public  consideration  of  tl  roblemsof  railway  mai 

ment  they  will  give  thai  serious  attention  to  this  subject  which  its  imp 
mands. " 

iccord"  by  which  "the  running  of  railway  trains  on  the  Sabbath"  might 
be  abandoned  ran  not  be  secured  permanently  by  any  pool  or  agreemenl  of  man  a. 
bu1  only  through  a  national  law,  such  as  we  have  abundanl  assurance  would  he  wel- 
comed by  many  railroad  managers  who  lack  the  moral  •  i  Sunday  ti 
while    rival    lines    continue    them. 

R.    S.    Hay-,   a   railroad   president   says: 

"Until  the  proper  action  is  taken  by  the  public  in  the  form  of  amended  law,  and 

revised  rulings,  relieving  the  roads  from  liabilities  resulting  from  the  suspension  of 

tran    '  ■:•..,,   a   certain   amount  of  Sunday   labor   must   of  necessity   he   perfon 

s  ibbath    for   Man."   p.    3oj 

v  Sunday  rest  for  all  would  gratify  railroad  mana  well  as  rail- 

men,    with    no    loss    to    either. 

Why  may  not  railroad  passengers  be  detained  •         '    y  for  the  on  that 

often  quaranti  :it — for  the  public  health. 

The  Senate  has  now  before  it  an  interstate-commerce  bill  to  pi         tth<   health  < 
Why  not  ad.l  another  to  protect  the  health  of  more  than  half  a  million  railroad  men? 

Interstate-commerce  reforms  thus  far  have  be  ;fly  for  the  ben< 

turers  and  merchants,  protecting  them  agaii  nopolists,  who  w  »uld  use  the  rail- 

roads as  battering-rams  to  di  their  competitors.     We  ask  now  for  in1 

■ protect  railroad  men  themselvi  I  the  railro 

ealth  and  morals  by  Sunday  work. 
Senator  Ingalls  has  inti  td  a  bill,  as  you  know,  1  ■•-comn.. 

rm  so  a  the  homes  of  a  prohibitory  E  gainst  the  liquor  de 

a  license  State.     We  ask  you  to  go  a  step  furth  mployes  of  the 

railroads  by  a  labor  reform  of  thi  magnitu  than  half  aim' 

railroad  n.  this  needless,  unhealthy,  demorali  il. 

The  only  purpose  in  running  trail  .... 

1  count  of  millionaires,  already  too  much  favored 

gain    ■  essil  v  or  charity)  i 

The  law  that 
and  allows  the  milli  >nai:  ••    . 

crime  nst  i     uity       Anarchy 

The  plea  tl  mday  trail 

ten  urged,  l>ut  the 
without 
life,  than  that   tl: 
' 

"Thepubli 

•' 

•  hum!-  i  with  i 

mak  •    1"  to  which  a  raill 

so.ooo  citiz 

[  manager 

-  in  the  I 

not  for  Sunday  trail 

69 


How  quickly  these  train  men  become  train  wreckers!  Recently  the  rlcters  only 

ded  a  word  from  the  railroad  king.  Arthur,  ordering  a  general  strike  of  engineers. 

to  enable  them  to  plunge  this  whole  nation  into  a  social  and  commercial  anarchy,  of 

which  i  S  7  7  .  and  the  bomb-throwing  in  Chacago,  and  the  New  York  blizzard  were  but 

gentle   hints. 

These  men  themselves  say  that  their  train  wrecking  and  their  Sabbath  wrecking 
are  closely  connected.  They  feel  that  having  broken  one  commandment  they  might 
as    well    go    through    the    list. 

"When  you  force  a  conductor  to  break  the  fourth  commandment,  you  must  not  be 
surprised  if  he  goes  on  to  break  the  eighth  also."  said  William  E.  Dodge  to  his  direc- 
tors when  urging  the  discontinuance  of  Sunday  trains. 

Perhaps  vou  wonder  that  railroad  men  do  not  themselves  appeal  for  Sunday  rest. 
They  have  done  so.  and  ceased  only  through  despair  of  results. 

Four  hundred  and  fifty  engineers  of  the  New  York  Central  Railway  a  few  years 
ago  sent  to  their  master  a  most  eloquent  and  pitiful  appeal  for  Sunday  rest,  which 
will  be  quoted  by  one  of  the  other  speakers  at  this  hearing 

That  plea  which  greed  would  not  hear,  let  Congress  receive  as  the  appeal  of  all 
railroad  men.  Hon.  Carroll  D.  Wright  says  that  the  only  railroad  men  who  want 
to  have  work  done  on  Sunday  are  those  who  do  not  the  work,  but  only  pocket  the 
dividends. 

The  railroad  managers,  as  I  have  shown,  would  many  of  them  welcome  a  law  giv- 
ing their  roads  a  day  of  rest.  Competition  is  the  only  thing  which  makes  it  seem 
necessary  to  keep  their  trains  going  on  Sunday.  In  Canada  Sunday  trains  are  allowed 
to  run  only  on  account  of  American  competition,  and  the  strict  Sabbath-keepers  of  the 
Dominion  would  quickly  stop  them  when  that  excuse  was  removed.  The  Pennsyl- 
vania Railroad  has  reduced  its  Sunday  trains  within  a  few  years,  and  so  have  some 
other    roads. 

What  we  want  is  that  this  matter  shall  be  taken  out  of  the  realm  of  individual  ca- 
price, and  that  all  railroad  men  shall  be  equitably  protected  in  their  right  to  Sunday 
rest,  first  by  the  National  Government  in  its  realm  of  interstate  commerce,  thus  re- 
moving the  chief  obstacle  to  carrying  forward  the  reform  in  the  realm  of  State  laws. 

A  new  king,  in  attempting  to  beautify  his  capital,  came  to  a  massive  antique  build- 
ing which  did  not  quite  suit  his  fancy  and  so  began  to  tear  it  down.  When  a  stone 
or  two  had  fallen  he  saw  uncovered  before  him  the  inscription:  "These  gates  with 
their  country  stand  or  fall."  Astounded,  he  withdrew  his  destroying  hand.  Let  not 
the  nation  itself,  by  its  Sunday-breaking  example  in  the  mail  and  military  service,  and 
1  iy  allowing  Sunday  work  in  its  wider  realm  of  interstate  commerce,  help  to  tear  down 
the  very  citadel  of  morality  and  liberty,  the  American  Sabbath, built  of  Sinaitic  gran- 
ite and  Plymouth  rock,  for  "These  gates  with  their  country  stand  or  fall." 

STATEMENT  OF  REV.  T.  A.  FERNLEY,  D.  D. 

Mr.  Crafts.  There  will  be  short  addresses  by  other  men  representing  Sabbath 
associations.  I  will  first  introduce  Rev.  T.  A.  Fernley,  D  D.,  who  represents  the 
Philadelphia  Sabbath  Association,  one  of  the  most  vigorous  associations  of  the  kind. 

Mr.  Fernley.  We  come  here  not  in  the  mame  of  God  so  much  as  inthenameot 
humanity  We  present  our  plea  upon  that  foundation.  It  is  the  God-given  right  of 
man,  the  natural  inheritance  of  man,  to  have  one  day  in  seven  as  a  day  of  rest. 

If  we  could  read  the  history,  not  written,  of  the  innumerable  accidents  the  casu- 
alties on  our  railroads,  the  catastrophes  that  send  human  beings  wholesale  almost. 
into  eternity,  it  would  be  seen  that  in  the  great  mass  of  cases  it  is  because  or  th^  over- 


engineer  and  the  overworked  switchmen,  bound  to  be  al   th 
!  in  the  week,  until  the  brain  is  dazi  the  whole    j 

human  life  is  intrusted  to  them  when  they  arc  in  a  i  ondilon  so  unfit.      Ii  i 

speak  to  Senators  of  the  United  ! 
that  it  is  the  law  of  nature  a  ;  well  a  -  the  la  d  that  labor  shall 

prial  .  and  the  seventh-da}  demon  be  the 

It  was  my  privilege  some  montl  pproach  the  Pre  idem 

ipon  th<  tion  of  the  delivery  1  ial  letters  on  th<  lay  of  tl 

The  President  made  this  remark:  "I  appreciate  the  n, 

We  all  appreciate  it,  and   I   believe  thai   3  en,  in  your 

icity,  will  act  according  to  your  1  [f  you  can  not  do  all 

1  ■  id  and  humanity  d  you  can.     If  yi 

dmum,  give  us  the  minimum,      [i  | 

carrying  of  the  mail  and  the  running  of  trains  fn  nother 

ible  minimum,  so  thai  men  may  rest  a  ,  the 

laws  of  God  and  the  constitution  of  their  natu 

STATEMENT  OF   REV.  G.    P.   NH 

Mr.  Crafts.     Rev.  G.  P.  Nice,  of  Baltimore,  representing  the  Mai 
•1,  will  now  speak  a  few  words. 

Mr.  Nice.     1  will  say,  Senators,  as  did  mypred  >r  in  his 

speaker  covered  the  ground  so  fully  iphicallj  iphatically.  thai 

really  appears  to  be  little  1  n  to  detain   J  ger  with  this  hcai 

I  thoroughly  indorse  what  Mr.  Crafts  has  state*  ling  th 

the  laboring  people,  oppressed  as  they  are  by  being  practically  rol 
ful  weekly  rest-day.     They,  of  course,  can  not  come  here  and  enter  their  compla 
in  person.     Even  when  spoken  to  at  their  dutii  ar  a  danger  i; 

ing  their  feelings  in  the  matter  of  Sunday  work. 

We  have  no  question  bu1   that  th   I         I  Father  at  1  t,  with  His  wide 

I      eld  the  masses  in  these  days  as  well  as  i 

with  regard  for  the  masses  who  would  '  of  life  si 

at  least,  when  he  said;  "B  ibath  day  to  k  *     *     * 

i"    thou  shalt    not    do  any  work." 

I  am  verging  on  the  religious  tion,  but  the  reli  the 

question,  you  observe,  gentlemen,  goes  in  ompanionship  with  the 

of  the  question,  with  the  question  of  safel 

d. 

You  ■■-■■•  ollect  that  when  Hurl  National  I 

is  which  <li'l  so  ninth  mischief,  '  nlinumg  your 

night,  burn  i  nd  delil 

ler  to  understand  <  learly  v  '':at  is  th< 
al        '       -K.t  these  railr 
We  have  number  0,000.     Ahl 

that  are  there,  if  th< 
which 

the  life  and  t' 
•  ncy      They  need  to  know  h< 
id  ■  Can 

erty 

under  the  control  of  tl 
ing    the 

71 


Senator  Payne  Let  me  inquire,  is  this  effort  at  reform  in  the  observance  of  the 
Sabbath  to  be  confined  to  the  limit  of  postal  deliveries  or  even  the  transportation  of 
the  mails?  My  observation  is  that  that  is  only  a  very  small  item  of  interruption  of 
the  Sabbath.      What  are  we  going  to  do  with  the  street  railways? 

Mr.  Crafts.  We  want  the  National  Government  to  lead  the  way  in  securing  a 
more  restful  Sabbath  by  doing  what  it  can  in  its  own  realm  to  stop  needless  Sunday 
work. 

Senator  Payne.  Let  me  finish  my  statement.  Thousands  of  the  best  Christian 
people  I  have  ever  known  ride  upon  the  street  railways  on  Sunday  in  going  to  and 
returning  from  church.  Where  people  drive  to  church  on  Sunda)'  the  coachman  is 
kept  on  duty  as  on  every  other  day.  Instead  of  living  economically  as  they  do  in  Bos- 
Ion,  on  beans  and  roast  potatoes  on  Sunday,  they  have  their  splendid  dinners  and  a 
whole  corps  of  servants  to  wait  upon  them.  It  seems  to  me  that  is  as  much  a  viola- 
tion of  the  peace  and  order  of  the  Sabbath  as  the  delivery  of  the  mails. 

Mr.  Crafts.  The  point  we  make  is  that  Government  should  take  the  lead  in 
these  reforms.  We  would  sweeten  the  river  by  salting  the  springs.  The  nation  is 
now  the  chief  Sabbath-breaker.  The  Congress  of  the  United  States  sanctions  Sab- 
bath-breaking by  its  laws  allowing  Sunday  work  by  its  employes  in  the  mail  and 
■military  service.  As  to  horse-cars  and  Sunday  coaching,  Toronto  is  a  practical  an- 
swer. There  the  drivers  both  of  cars  and  coaches  share  the  general  rest.  People 
walk  to  church  and  are  all  the  better  for  the  exercise.      ("Sabbath  for  man,"  p.  393ft  ) 

The  Chairman.     What  is  the  population  of  Toronto? 

Mr.  Crafts.     One  hundred  and  fifty  thousand:  but  it  is  an  extensive  city. 

Senator  Payne.  It  is  not  so  extremely  lovely  in  a  moral  way  in  Toronto  as 
might  be   supposed.      I    have   been   there   myself. 

STATEMENT  OF  REV.  YATES  HICKEY. 

Mr.  Crafts.  Rev.  Yates  Hickey,  the  secretary  of  the  International  Sabbath  As- 
sociation, will  next  address  the  committee.  He  will  be  followed  by  the  pastor  of 
the  Foundry  Church  of  this  city,  who  is  the  author  of  a  book  on  the  Sabbath,  and 
perhaps,  of  all  pastors  in  this  city,  is  the  one  who  has  given  this  subject  the  most 
special    atteniton. 

Mr.  Hickey.  Reference  has  been  made  to  Mr.  Ledyard's  letter.  I  wish  Senators 
would  take  that  letter  and  read  it  in  full.  I  want  no  better,  no  sounder  arguments. 
It  is  from  a  leading  man  in  railroad  management  to-day.     The  letter  is  as  follows: 

Michigan    Central   Company, 

Detroit,  Mich.,  May  14,  1883. 
To    the   editors   of    the   Railway  Age: 

I  have  your  letter  of  May  11,  relative  to  the  action  lately  taken  by  the  president 
■of  the  Louisville,  New  Albany  and  Chicago  Railway  Company,  in  ordering  the  sus- 
pension of  all  trains  upon  the  Sabbath,  and  note  your  request  that  I  shall  reply  to 
•certain  questions  as  stated  in  your  letter. 

(1)  If  all  railroad  companies  competing  for  the  same  class  of  traffic,  from  and  to 
certain  points,  were  in  accord,  it  would  be  practicable  to  a  very  large  extent  to  abandon 
the  running  of  railway  trains  on  the  Sabbath  day.  The  chief  difficulty  is  that  in 
these  days  of  sharp  competition  time  has  become  such  an  important  element  that 
if  one  railroad  company  should  voluntarily  cease  its  traffic  for  one  day  during  the 
week,  while  others  continue,  it  would  lose  largely  thereby.  Yet,  for  example,  were 
■each  of  the  trunk  lines  to  absolutely  refuse  to  exchange  traffic  of  any  kind  with 

72 


their  connections  from  6  p.  m.  Saturday  until  Monday  morning  it  would  be  a  simple 
matter  for  those  trunk  linos,  as  well  as  for  their  western  connection 
the  •  ent  of  ti  >  to  practically  ly  with  the  running  of  Sunday  trains 

(2)  There  is  no  question  as  to  the  desirability  of  prohibiting  Sunday  work  on  rail- 
ways.    The  law  of  nature,  to  say  nothing  of  the  higher  law,  requires  that  men  should 
e  rest  one  day  in  seven.     Is  there  any  reason  why  .1  railroad  engineer  or  con- 
ductor is  not  entitled  to  his  rest  as  much  as  a  merchant  or  manufacturer? 

I  impany  has  endeavored  to  so  arrange  the  runs  of  its  trainmen  and  en- 

gin©  (ring  them   home  <<n  Sunday;   hut   little  can   l>e  done  in   that   direction 

without  the  concerted  action  on  the  part  of  all  a impanies  interested  in  the  same  traffic. 
(4I    I  do  not  believe  at  the  end  of  the  year  the  loss  in  traffic  would  he  appro  iable 
were  all  Sunday  work  stopped;  and,  in   the  hotter  morals  of  the  men,  the  rai'. 
'.es  would  he  abundantly  paid  for  doing  away  with  the  work  on  this  day. 
While  the  public  would  no  doubt  at  first  be  dissatisfied  at  the  cessation  of  Sun- 
day work,  and  would  claim  injury  thereby  in  the  matter  of  detention  to  freight  and 
delay   to    mails,  it    is    difficult  to  see  how  much  injury  could   really  exist   were  the 
of  doing  away  with  Sunday  work  made  uniform  on  all  roads.      As  an  exam- 
ple, at  one  time  it  was  thought  necessary  for  each  one  of  the  Omaha  roads  to  run  9 
train  fn  -.days,   after  awhile  this  was  changed  so  that  a  train  left  each 

Sunday  on  one  only  of  the  three  roads.     This  caused  at  first  some  dissatisfaction,  hut 
it  soon  passed  away    and  the  result  of  the  experiment,  so  far  as  1  have  been  able  to 
is     entirely    satisfactory. 
Looking  at  the  question  from  either  a  moral  or  economical  stand-point,  no  candid 
•     rson  can  uphold  the  running  of  trains  on  Sunday       What  is  there  in  the  essence  of 
a  railroad  company  different  from  any  other  business  which  will  require  an  exception 
ie  made  of  it  and  its  employes  to  work  when  others  are  allowed  and  expected  to 
■ 

The  effect  of  this  constant  and  never-ending  work  is  not  only  injurious  to  the  men 
themselves  but  most  deplorable  to  their  families.      If  it  is  true,  as  Lord  Bacon  s 
that  a  man  who  has  a  family  has  given  a  hostage  to  fortune,  it  is  equally  true  that  he 
shoe  lowed  to  live  at  least  part  of  his  time  with  those  for  whom  he  has  to  1 

and  certainly  should  have  at  least  one  day  in  ev<  en,  which  under  our  system  of 

rail'  >r  he  can  not  have  :;is  own  family  and  private  matt 

To  brii  .  Sunday  work  now  would  be  much  le  :lt  than 

it  would  have  been  a  few  ince.     All  over  the  country  railway  companies  arc 

;>ing  themselv.  tions  for  the  exchange  of  traffic,  the  maintenance  of 

lie  better  carrying  out  of  pie,  the  trunk  line 

the  joint  executive  commit  •  tern    Kail  v.  ion. 

and  many  others.      If  these  companies  can  1 

iny  and  all  questions  of  mutual  :  iple  matter,  were  this 

ques-  ■   lav  work  pro]  n  in  th< 

have  taken  the  matter  up,  ted  to  our  man - 

menl  1  will  mmitting  a  fearful 

rk. 

truly.  II.      B        I. 

Pi 

•  -bor- 

ough paper,  001  •    I  . 

The  Chairman       Hi  of  th> 


Mr.  Hickev       It  is  here  in  Mr.  Crafts'  book,  "The  Sabbath  for  Man." 

The  Chairman.      We  should  like  to  have  it  appear  in  the  record. 

Mr.  Hickey.      I  will  give  it  from  Mr.  Crafts'  book.      It  is  as  follows: 

"A  few  years  since  some  450  of  his  locomotive  engineers  petitioned  Mr  William  H. 
Yanderbilt  for  'the  cessation  of  Sunday  labor.'  After  pointing  out  how  Sunday  run- 
ning had  become  'a  great  hardship,'  they  continue:  'We  have  borne  this  grievance 
patiently  hoping  every  succeeding  year  that  it  would  decrease.  We  are  willing  to 
submit  to  any  reasonable  privation,  mental  or  physical,  to  assist  the  officers  of  your 
company  to  achieve  a  financial  triumph;  but  after  a  long  and  weary  service,  we  do  not 
see  any  signs  of  relief,  and  we  are  forced  to  come  to  you  with  our  trouble,  and  most 
respectfully  ask  you  to  relieve  us  from  Sunday  labor,  so  far  as  it  is  in  your  power  to 
do  so.     Our  objections  to  Sunday  labor  are: 

"  (1)  This  never-ending  labor  ruins  our  health  and  prematurely  makes  us  feel  worn 
out  like  old  men,  and  we  are  sensible  of  our  inability  to  perform  our  duty  as  well 
when  we  work  to  an  excess. 

"(2)  That  the  customs  of  all  civilized  countries,  as  well  as  all  laws,  human  and 
Divine,  recognize  Sunday  as  a  day  of  rest  and  recuperation;  and  notwithstanding 
intervals  of  rest  might  be  arranged  for  us  on  other  days  than  Sunday,  we  feel  that  by 
so  doing  we  would  be  forced  to  exclude  ourselves  from  all  church,  family,  and  social 
privileges  that  other  citizens  enjoy 

"  (3)  Nearly  all  of  the  undersigned  have  children  that  they  desire  to  have  educated 
in  everything  that  will  tend  to  make  them  good  men  and  women,  and  we  can  not 
help  but  see  that  our  example  in  ignoring  the  Sabbath  day  has  a  very  demoralizing 
influence   upon   them. 

"  (4)  Because  we  believe  the  best  interests  of  the  company  we  serve,  as  well  as  ours 
will  be  promoted  thereby  and  because  we  believe  locomotive  engineers  should  oc- 
cupy as  high  social  and  religious  positions  as  men  in  any  other  calling.  We  know 
the  question  will  be  considered :  How  can  this  Sunday  work  be  avoided  with  the  im- 
mense and  constantly  increasing  traffic?  We  have  watched  this  matter  for  the  past 
twenty  years.  We  have  seen  it  grow  from  its  infancy  until  it  has  arrived  at  its  now 
eigantic  proportions,  from  one  train  on  the  Sabbath  until  we  now  have  about  thirty 
each  way;  and  we  do  not  hesitate  in  saying  that  we  can  do  as  much  work  in  six  days, 
with  the  seventh  for  rest,  as  is  now  done.  It  is  a  fact  observable  by  all  connected 
with  the  immediate  running  of  freight  trains  that  on  Monday  freight  is  compara- 
tively light;  Tuesday  it  strengthens  a  little,  and  keeps  increasing  until  Saturday, 
and  Sundays  are  the  heaviest  of  the  week.  The  objections  may  be  offered  that  if  your 
lines  stop  the  receiving  points  from  other  roads  will  be  blocked  up.  In  reply,  we 
would  most  respectfully  suggest  that  when  the  main  lines  do  not  run  tributaries 
would  only  be  too  glad  to  follow  the  good  examqle.  The  question  might  also  arise,  If 
traffic  is  suspended  twenty-four  hours,  will  not  the  company  lose  one-seventh  of  its 
profits?  In  answer,  we  will  pledge  our  experience,  health,  and  strength  that  at  the 
end  of  the  vear  our  employers  will  not  lose  one  cent,  but, on  the  contrary,  will  be  the 
gainers    financially. 

'Our  reasons  are  these:  At  present,  the  duties  of  your  locomotive  engineers  are 
incessant,  day  after  day,  night  succeeding  night,  Sunday  and  all,  rain  or  shine,  with 
all  the  iearful  inclemencies  of  a  vigorous  winter  to  contend  with.  The  great  strain 
of  both  mental  and  physical  faculties  constantly  employed  has  a  tendency  in  time  to 
impair  the  requisites  so  necessary  to  make  a  good  engineer.  Troubled  in  mind,  jaded 
nd  worn  out  in  body,  the  engineer  can  not  give  his  duties  that  attention  they  should 


a 


74 


have  in  order  to  best  ad  this 

I  1  continent,  in  an)   :  ;  t)le 

positioi 

"Tl 

unity  of  worship   that  tril 

irded  to  .  which  are  the  only  cases  in  th<  this  lii  h  no 

to  aid  us. 
ath  for  • 
that,  with  tern  invigorated  1  \  by  abi  : 

with  mor.  ore  n. 

ami  physical  foi  :11  acco;  rk  and  do  il 

than  we  can  n<  in  seven.     We  can  { 

<iuire  it.  if  we  can  onlj  forward  to  rest.     In 

1  trust  that,  in  conjunction  with  other  gentlemen  of  the  trunk  lii 
c  sea-board,  you  will  be  mething  that  will  an*  our 

lit  ion. 

STATEMENT  OF  REV.  GEORGE  ELLIOTT. 

Mr     Elliott.      As  to  the  relation  of  the  regulation  of  the  public  service  to  the 

general  ■              i  of  a  h.                 rvance  of  the  S         ithbytl  [  wish  to  call  the 
attention  of  the  committee  to  the  fact  that  in  the  earliest  legislation  on  the   subj 

in  the  Roman  legislation,  the  observance  of  the  Sabbath  v  making  it  a  dies 

in  public  ma  tl          nly      T  ultural 

partly  :  m  the  Roman 

■he  principal  prohibitioi                     rlier  lavs  I  simply  to  the  public 

service,  to  the  courts  of  justice,  to  t:  all  the  depart- 
ments of  the  govermment       From  the  very  beginning 

h  the  recognition  by  government  in  all  public  i  .lav. 
This  is  an  economic  question  as  well.      Mr              Stuart  Mill,  who  certainly  ht. 

idice  in  favor  of  religi  •    that  I 

must  get  the  same  |                                                                The  d  f  the  limit. 
the  hour                                   rid  eight  hours 

i-  : : 

true,  that  thi> 
ly  tl  .here  among  I 

been   a   day   lost     bul 
David  1 : 

• 
I 
whic' 

-     •  d  the  t 
perit  y  are  com 
I  thank  you,  gentle 

rATEMl  fOHN. 

St.  Johv.      Ii 
we  return  thanks  to  thi 

vmen  tor  the  able  argumi 


HEARING  ON  SUNDAY  REST  BILL. 

(Senate  Document  No.   43.   50th  Congress,    2d  Session.) 

Stenographic  Report  of  a  hearing  before  the  Committee  on  Education  and  Labor, 
United  States  Senate,  Thursday,  December  13,  1888,  on  "  A  bill  to  secure  to  the  people 
the  enjoyment  of  the  first  day  of  the  week,  commonly  known  as  the  Lord's  day,  as  a  day 
of  rest,  and  to  promote  its  observance  as  a  day  of  religious  worship." 

The  committee  met  at  10  o'clock  a.  m.  in  the  Senate  reception  room. 

Present:  Senators  Blair  (chairman),  Palmer,  Wilson,  Call,  and  Payne. 

The  Chairman:  The  hearing  is  upon  Senate  bill  No.   2983,  which  is  as  follows 

Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States  of 
America  in  Congress  assembled,  That  no  person,  or  corporation,  or  agent,  servant,  or 
employe  of  any  person  or  corporation  shall  perform  or  authorize  to  be  performed  any 
secular  work,  labor,  or  business  to  the  disturbance  of  others,  works  of  necessity,  and 
mercy,  and  humanity  excepted;  nor  shall  any  person  engage  in  any  play,  game,  or 
amusement,  or  recreation  to  the  disturbance  of  others  on  the  first  day  of  the  week, 
commonly  known  as  the  Lord's  day.  or  during  any  part  thereof,  in  any  Territory, 
district,  vessel,  or  place  subject  to  the  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States; 
ror  shall  it  be  lawful  for  any  person  or  corporation  to  receive  pay  for  labor  or  service 
performed  or  rendered  in  violation  of  this  section. 

Sec.  2.  That  no  mail  or  mail  matter  shall  hereafter  be  transported  in  time  of 
peace  over  any  land  postal-route,  nor  shall  any  mail  matter  be  collected,  assorted, 
handled,  or  delivered  during  any  part  of  the  first  day  of  the  week:  Provided,  That 
whenever  any  letter  shall  relate  to  a  work  of  necessity  or  mercy,  or  shall  concern  the 
health,  life,  or  decease  of  any  person,  and  the  fact  shall  be  plainly  stated  upon  the  face 
of  the  envelope  containing  the  same,  the  Postmaster- General  shall  provide  for  the 
transportation  of  such  letter  or  letters  in  packages  separate  from  other  mail  matter 
and  shall  make  regulations  for  the  delivery  thereof,  the  same  having  been  received 
at  its  place  of  destination  before  the  first  day  of  the  week,  during  such  limited  portion 
of  the  day,  as  shall  best  suit  the  public  convenience  and  least  interfere  with  the  due 
observance  of  the  day  as  one  of  worship  and  rest:  And  provided  further.  That  when 
there  shall  have  been  an  interruption  in  the  due  and  regular  transmission  of  the  mails 
it  shall  be  lawful  to  so  far  examine  the  same  when  delivered  as  to  ascertain  if  there  be 
such  matter  therein  for  lawful  delivery  on  the  first  day  of  the  week. 

Sec.  3.  That  the  prosecution  of  commerce  between  the  States  and  with  the 
Indian  tribes,  the  same  not  being  work  of  necessity,  mercy,  or  humanity,  by  the 
transportation  of  persons  or  property  by  land  or  water  in  such  way  as  to  interfere 
with  or  disturb  the  people  in  the  enjoyment  of  the  first  day  of  the  week,  or  any  por- 
tion thereof,  as  a  day  of  rest  from  labor,  the  same  not  being  labor  of  necessity,  mercy, 
or  humanity,  or  its  observance  as  a  day  of  religious  worship,  is  hereby  prohibited, 
and  any  person  or  corporation,  or  the  agent,  servant,  or  employe  of  any  person 
or  corporation  who  shall  willfully  violate  this  section  shall  be  punished  by  a  fine 
of  not  less  than  ten  nor  more  than  one  thousand  dollars,  and  no  service  performed  in 
the  prosecution  of  such  prohibited  commerce  shall  be  lawful,  nor  shall  any  com- 
pensation  be  recoverable  or  be  paid  for  the  same. 

Sec.  4  That  all  military  and  naval  drills,  musters,  and  parades,  not  in  time  of 
active  service  or  immediate  preparation  therefor,  of  soldiers,  sailors,  marines,  or 
cadets  of  the  United  States  on  the  first  day  of  the  week,  except  assemblies  for  the  due 

76 


and  orderly  observance  of  n  worship,  an    hereby  prohibited,  nor  shall  any 

unnecessary  labor  be  performed  or  permitted  in  the  military  1  service  of  the 

United    States   on    the    Lord's    day. 

Sec    5.     That  it  shall  be  unlawful  to  pay  <>r  to  payment  or  wages  in 

ner  for  service  rendered  <>r  for  labor  performed  or  for  the  transportation  of 
sons  or  of  property  in  violation  of  the  provisions  of  this  act,  nor  shall    any  a 
lie  h>r  the  recovery  thereof,  and  when  so  paid,  whether  in  advanci 
the  same  may  be  recovered  hack  by  whoever  shall  first  sue  f< >r  the  same. 

.  6     That  labor  <>r  service  performed  and  rendered  on  the  first  day  of  the 
ek  in  consequence  of  accident,  di  or  unavoidable  delays  in  making  the 

ular  connections  upon  postal  routes  and  routes  of  travel  and  transportation,  the 
ervation  of  perishable  and  exposed   property,  and   the  regular  and   n< 
transportation    and    delivery  of  articles  d   in   condition   for  healthy  use,   and 

•1   for  short   distances  from  one  State,  district,  or  Territory  into 
—  trict,  or  Territory  as  by  local  laws  shall  be  declared  to  be  neces 

for  the  public  good,  shall  not  be  deemed  violatii  I     but  the  same  shall  be 

.     ■    trued  so  far  as  possible  to  secure  to  the  whol<  *   from  toil  during  the 

first   day  of  the  week,  their  mental  and  moral  culture,  and  the  religious  observance 
th    day 
The  hearing  will  proceed  in  s-uch  order  as  the  friends  of  the  bill  may  desire. 

STATEMENT  OF   REV.   WILBUR    F.   CRAFTS. 

Mr.   Crafts.      I   have   been    requested   by  the   various   societies   petitioning 
the  passage  of  such  a  law  as  Senator  Blair's  bill  is,  in  the  main,  to  take  cl  I  the 

hearing  on   their  behalf 

First.      I  sub-  mmittee  (i     5 

Second.      I   submit   a   document   sh'  tent   of   Sunday   work, 

as  follows: 

SUNDAY- WORK    STATISTICS. 

by  Rev.  Wilbur  F   Crafts  in  Journal  of  United  !     '         Ik-ccm!  • 
The  censu-  -  -the  number  of  pei  in   the   Ui 

■f   all    kind-  it    half  of   the    | 

e  ten  years  of  -  -,d  othi  1 

.  labor  and  lay  may  be  let': 

keep  that  d;  t.  of  the  ]  opulati 

I  the  result  appreciably      Tl  been  to  avi 

timating  th  which  I  I  has  been  invaded  if. 

•.   the  ov< 

■  vrdly  be  l,  ss  ! 
■ 
To  expr  omprehensivcb  ooo.oc-  100,000  ar 

nation's  m.:  it  27,000  in  the  r  ;oo.ooo  are  in  the 

liquor  bu  -do. 000. 

Sunday    trains    and    Sunday    ;  and    t'  ining   000.000    are   most!', 

keepers  and  their  clerks,  with 

nd   nc(  -ate 

ature  should  b  her 

or  to  be  hired  for  more  than  sr  -,rl  the 

of  the  sick  and  of  live  stock.     For  the  .                                    a  Sund..  ork 


for  gain  the  first  thing  to  be  done  is  to  get  Congress  to  stop  this  Sunday  work  as  far 
as  its  jurisdiction  extends,  and  then  to  secure  the  further  legislation  needed  from 
the  States,  together  with  good  officers  to  enfore  the  laws. 

I  submit,  third,  a  numerical  estimate  of  the  new  petitions  for  a  national  Sunday 
rest  law  soon  to  be  presented  to  the  Senate.      They  are  in  the  following  words: 

To    the    United   States   Senate: 

The  undersigned,  adult  residents  of  the  United  States,  twenty-one  years  of  age 
or  more,  hereby  earnestly  petition  your  honorable  body  to  pass  a  bill  forbidding 
in  the  nation's  mail  and  military  service,  and  in  interstate  commerce,  and  in  the 
District  of  Columbia  and  the  Territories,  all  Sunday  traffic  and  work,  except  works 
of  religion  and  works  of  real  necessity  and  mercy,  and  such  private  work  by  those 
who  observe  another  day  as  will  neither  interfere  with  the  general  rest  nor  with 
public  worship. 

S.  Mis.  43 2. 

ESTIMATE    OF    THE     PETITIONS     FOR    A     NATIONAL    SUNDAY    REST    LAW. 

i.  Protestants  represented  in  the  official  membership  of  the  American  Sab- 
bath Union,  namely:  The  combined  membership  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church, 
the  Baptist  Church,  the  Presbyterian  Churches,  North  and  South,  and  the  Reformed 
(Dutch)  Church,  all  of  which  have  officially  appointed  members  of  the  American 
Sabbath  Union,  by  whom  the  law  is  asked  for  (practically  6,000,000),  5,977,603: 
Roman  Catholics  represented  by  letter  of  Cardinal  Gibbons  appended,  7,200,000: 
total    13,177,693. 

There  are  surely  enough  other  petitions  from  Protestant  denominations  not 
represented  above  and  from  persons  not  members  of  any  church  to  make  the  number 
of  petitioners  a  round  fourteen  millions 

These  labor  organizations  are  now  even  more  active  than  the  churches  in  working 
the  petitions  Every  mail  brings  the  indorsement  of  labor  organizations  from  all 
parts  of  the  land,  confirming  by  local  action  the  action  of  the  general  assembly  of 
the  Knights  of  Labor  and  the  national  action  of  the  Brotherhood  of  Locomotive 
Engineers. 

There  are  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  million  members  in  the  labor  organizations 
that  have  petitioned  for  a  Sunday  rest  law  since  the  former  hearing  on  April  6. 

Thousands  upon  thousands  of  individual  signatures,  on  our  half-mile  double- 
columned  petition,  have  duplicated  the  action  of  the  churches  and  labor  organiza- 
tions. We  do  not  of  course  consider  indorsements  by  vote  as  of  equal  value  with 
individual  signatures,  but  we  believe  this  petition  unparalleled  in  the  history  of 
legislation  in  the  number  of  its  individual  and  representative  indorsements,  and 
especially  in  that  it  represents  the  united  action  of  labor  organizations  and  churches 
of    all   creeds. 

The  letter  of  Cardinal  Gihbons  is  as  follows: 

Cardinal's  Residence.  408  N.   Charles  Street, 

Baltimore,    December   4,    188S. 

Rev.  Dear  Sir:  I  have  to  acknowledge  vour  esteemed  favor  of  the  ist  instant  in 
reference  to  the  proposed  passage  of  a  law  by  Congress  ,:  against  Sunday  work  in  the 
Government's  mail  and  military  service,''   etc 

I  am  most  happv  to  add  my  name  to  those  of  the  millions  of  others  who  are 
laudably  contending  apainst  the  violation  of  the  Christian  Sabbath  by  unnecessary 
labor,  and  who  ire  endeavoring  to  promote  its  decent  and  proper  observance  by 
legitimate  legisla  ion.     As  the  late  Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore  has  declared,  the 

73 


[  the  Lord's  Da; 
and  immorality  and  to  thi  itionof]  ler,  and 

.ill  to  draw  uj  on  the  nation  the  blessing  and  protection  of  an  overruling  Providi 
If  bene  to  the  beasts  <>t"  burden  directed  on 

the  old  law,  surely  humanity  to  man  ought  to  dictate  the  >i  rest  under 

the  now   law. 

Your   obedient    servant    in   I 

James  Card    Gibl  ■ 

.1 ; 
Rev     W.    P.    i 

The  letter  is  not   equal  in  value  to  the  individual    signatures  of  the  million 
nts,  but  no  loyal  Catholic  priest,  or  paper,  or  person  will  oppose  what 
thus   been   indorsed. 

I  also  present  some  extracts  from  a  very  adn  New    '. 

ath  Committee,  just  issued,  giving  many  facts  bearing  on  the  points  at  i 
ed   law . 

Carefully  distinguishing  between  private  acts  which  lie  within  the  domain  < 

man  nal  liberty,  and  such  public  a  iffect  the  well  being  and  rights  ol  the 

■    munity,  the  committee  sought  to  protect  the  day  of  worship  a  listurbai 

and  to  secure  to  all  classes,  as  far  as  practicable,  the  enjoyment  of  the  Sunday  I 
******** 

Of  one  provision  of  the  law,  as  understood  by  the  commil  '  teen  impossible 

hitherto  to  secure   their  impartial   enforcement.      '1  tute   prohibits  "shows"  on 

lay,  by  which  would  seem  clearly  to  be  intended  public  exhibitions  of  whatever 
sort  for  money.      In  more  than  01  implaints  under  this  provision  have  1 

issed  by  police  justices,  on  the  ground  that  the  exhibitions  complained  of  were 
;  ■  immoral  in  their  nature  and  did  not  involve  public  disturbance.  The  statute, 
i  >es  not  prohibit  shows  as  immoral  or  even  as  causing  disturbances  of  the 

peace.     The  prohibition  in  question  i  neral  enactment,  the  obje<  I 

which  is  to  secure  to  all  classes  the  equal  enjoyment  of  the  Sunday  resl  and  a  decent 
pub':  •    for  the  day,  by  forbidding  all  r  and  avocations  pur 

•  he  purposes  of  :4am.  except  in  cases  of  n<  y  or  mei 

In  one  or  two  instance  en  the  dutj  commitl  ution  to 

proposed    theatrical   entertainments   on    Sunday    for  charil  It    1 

hardly  I  that  if  the  Sunday  theater  law  I  at  all,  it   must   be  in •• 

tiallj  An  <  1  open  the  do<>r  for  other 

It  :     tionable  charity  which,  ever  for  a  good 

ample  of  violating  the  la  the  Stal 

*******  *  * 

ed  in  t he  la  rt  to  tl  ■ 

men  in  retail  s-  with  tl  idding  Sunday  I  It 

the  pn 
would  readily  pay  the  minimun 
I  itinuinK  tl  fore 

made  to  th<  ret  ail  em; 

tion,  with  tl  presented  a  bill,  whi 

I       ed  Jun<  ■-;.  making  the  minimum   • 

statul  $5,  with  an  alternat  ... 

nd  conviction  a  fine  of  from  $10  to  x 
day 

:  ) 


********* 
It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  movement  for  early  Saturday  closing  will  not  be  aban- 
doned.     Its  universal  adoption  would  in  time  obviate  most  of  the  difficulties  attend- 
ing it,  as  is  shown  by  many  years'  experience  in  England. 

SJ!  !(!  «f*  •(■  *1»  *T"  "f*  *£*  t*  *t» 

The  committee  also  invited  the  German  pastors  of  New  York  and  Brooklyn  to 
meet  for  consultation,  and  with  their  help  a  German  meeting  was  held  at  Cooper 
Institute,  attended  by  nearly  three  thousand  German  Americans,  at  which  able  and 
earnest  addresses  were  delivered  in  German  against  the  principles  of  the  "Personal 
Liberty  Party,"  and  in  defense  of  our  American  Sunday  observance,  which  were  re- 
ceived  with   enthusiastic   applause. 

********* 

This  "Personal  Liberty"  movement  awakened  counter  agitation  throughout  the 

State,  and  in  almost  all  of  the  principal  towns  meetings  were  held  and  sermons  preached 

in  reference  to  it.      Citizens  without  distinction  of  party  or  faith — Roman  Catholics, 

Protestants,  and  large  numbers  of  Germans — united  in  the  opposition. 

********* 

An  important  feature  of  the  Sunday  discussion  throughout  the  country  is  the 
larger  part  which  workingmen  are  taking  in  it.  In  the  movement  for  bettering  the 
condition  of  the  workingmen.  which  is  so  pregnant  a  feature  of  our  times,  the  value  of 
the  Sunday  rest  and  of  the  laws  which  protect  it  is  being  more  distinctly  recognized. 
The  Central  Labor  Unions  of  Brooklyn  and  New  York  and  Knights  of  Labor  in  other 
parts  of  the  country  have  sought  the  enforcement  of  existing  laws  closing  shops  and 
stores  on  Sunday  and  the  enactment  of  such  laws  where  they  do  not  exist.  In  Bos- 
ton, Chicago,  Memphis,  Atlanta,  Indianapolis,  and  other  cities  the  journeyman  bar- 
bers have  recently  agitated  for  relief  from  Sunday  work;  while,  in  compliance  with 
this  demand,  in  Minnesota,  a  recent  law  provides  "that  keeping  open  a  barber-shop 
on  Sunday  for  the  purpose  of  cutting  hair  and  shaving  beards  shall  not  be  deemed  a 

work   of   necessity   or   charity." 

********* 

The  supreme  court  of  Pennsylvania,  in  a  decision  handed  down  January  3,  1888. 
said:  "The  weekly  day  of  rest  is,  from  a  mere  physical  and  political  stand-point,  of 
infinitely  greater  value  than  is  ordinarily  supposed,  since  it  not  only  affords  a  health- 
ful relaxation  to  persons  in  every  position  of  life,  but  throws  a  strong  barrier  in  the 
way  of  the  degradation  and  oppression  of  the  laboring  classes  who  of  all  others  need 
this  ever-recurring  da}'  of  rest  and  relief  from  weekly  toil.  It  is  therefore  neither 
harsh  nor  unjust  that  man  should  be  required  to  obey  these  statutes  which  have  been 
wisely  ordained  for  the  protection  of  the  Sabbath.'1 

I  also  submit  another  document,  which  gives  the  questions  asked  and  answers 
given  in  the  international  convention  of  the  Brotherhood  of  Locomotive  Engineers 
and  the  Knights  of  Labor,  at  the  close  of  my  address.  After  the  half-hour  address, 
an  hour  and  a  half  was  spent  in  the  convention  of  the  Brotherhood  of  Locomotive 
Engineers  in  questions  and  answers,  and  half  an  hour  in  the  Knights  of  Labor,  after 
which,  in  both  cases,  our  petition  was  indorsed  by  a  unanimous  vote: 

[Extract  from  report  of  Rev.   Wilbur   F.   Crafts'   address  on   Sunday  Rest.      (From 
Journal  of  United  Labor,  November  29,   1888.)] 

At  the  convention  of  engineers  several  questions  were  raised  by  those  who  feared 
that  the  petitioners'  dream  of  Sunday  rest  for  them  might  be  too  good  to  come  true 
The  first  question  raised  was,  "Will  not  one  day  less  work  per  week  mean  one-seventh 

80 


In  response  to  this,  attention  was  called  to  th<  ler- 

bilt  engineers,  and  also  of  General  Diven  and  other  railroad  managers   that  as  much 
railroad  work  as  is  now  done  can  be  done  in  six  days,  and  done  better 
the  better  condition  of  the  men;  and  on  this  ground  the  engineers  would 
tained  in  demanding  and,  it  necessary,  compelling  the  railroad  companies  to  so  r< 
uist  the  pay  schedule  that  the  nun  would  be  paid  as  much  as  at  presenl       I  aj 
with  Mr.  Powderly,  as  I  said  to  them,  that  there  should  be  no  stri 
were  in  accordance  with  knightly  principles. 

A-    •    er  question  was,  "What  good  would  my  Sunday  off  do  my  family  if  I  were 
a  hundred  miles  away  with  my  engine?"   It  was  replied  that  a  railroad  man  would 

h  the  same  point  Saturday  night  every  week,  and  would  locate  his  hi 
at  that  point.      Another  question  related  to  the  stock  train,  which,  it  was  said,  could 
not  be  stopped  on  the  Sabbath  without  cruelty  to  animals.      Hut  another  engineer  re- 
I  that   there  were  ears  now  provided  in  which  stotk  could  be  ted  and  watered  as 
if  in  the  stable  on  such  trips    as  were  too  long  to  accomplish  between  Sabbaths       In 
ase,  men  should  not  be  sacrificed  for  cattle.     <  me  freight  engineer  fri  rgia, 

where  the  law  against  Sunday  freight  is  enforced,  said   emphatically  that  he  never 
would  leave  Georgia  while  a  railroad  job  could  be  had  there,  so  gi  did  he  prize 

his  Sunday  rest. 

Now  I  shall  be  glad  to  answer  any  questions,  h<  i  i  lear  up  all  seeming  diffi- 

culties, so  that  you  can  all  indorse  the  petition  as  practical  labor  reform. 

Question.      Wouldn't  it  be  the  best  way  to  stop  Sunday  trains  to  have  the  Govern- 
ment own  and  control  the  railroads  altogether  as  the  knights  ad 

I    believe  in  that.      Perhaps  the  best   way   I  the  discussion   of 

Government  control  for  seven  days  per  week  is  to  discuss  this  bill  for  Government 
■  •  rol  on  one  day.      If  the  railroads  refuse  the  little  we  now  ask  the  people  will  be  the 
more    ready    to    take    control    altogether. 

Question.     Could  not  this  weekly  rest  day  be  secured  without  reference  to  relij 
by  having  the  workmen  of  an  establishment  scheduled  in  regular  order  for  one  day  of 
rest  per  week,  whichever  was  most  enient — not  all  •  on  anj 

wer.     A  weekly  day  of  rest  has  never  bee-    -    n      nently 
except  on  the  basis  of  religious  obligation.     Take  the  religion  out  and  y 
out.      Greed  is  so  strong  that  nothing  but   God  and  keep  him   fi 

capturing  all  the  days  for  toil,     li  in  a  law  requiring  tl  week 

be  given  for  rest  .■■>]  in  such  work  as  i-  permitted  or  y,  in 

accordance  with  the  following  n  which  wi  Knights  of  I. 

ncil  of  Chicago;  but  being  ap 
ment  by  the  Generi  '  A    •  mbly  (a  tition),  but  only  for  you  to  carry 

h  in  his  own  St 
"  7c>   //:--   5.' 

"The  undersigned  earnestly  | 

hire  anotl  hired  I 

■ 
v  may  1  r  right  ' 

•r  rij^ht  to  a  v  rk." 

• 

without  '  '  ^o  wit!  •  with  i 

ments  ■  churches,  among  enj 

Sunday  lav 
not  require  any  man  to  be  religious.     / 
than  an  eight  hour  law.      In  shortening  the  hours  of  la' 

Si 


the  law  to  name  as  the  rest  day  one  which  is  already  a  rest  day  to  a  large  number  of 
the  population  on  religious  grounds.  On  the  continent  of  Europe  the  voluntary 
plan  has  failed  so  signally  that  the  conventions  of  socialists  even  are  asking  for  stricter 
laws  against  Sunday  work. 

REMARKS   BY  MRS.  J.   C.   BATEHAM. 

Mr.  Crafts:  Mrs.  J.  C.  Bateham,  of  Painesville,  Ohio,  the  superintendent  of 
Sabbath  observance  department  of  the  Woman's  Christian  Temperance  Union, 
representing  the  organization  that  has  done  more  work  on  the  petitions  than  any  other, 
will   now  speak. 

Mrs.  Bateham.  Honored  Chairman  and  Senators,  as  representing  our  great 
body,  I  had  the  honor  of  presenting  to  you  last  winter  a  petition  from  nearly  two 
millions  of  people,  asking  that  Congress  forbid  needless  Government  work  and  inter- 
state commerce  on  the  Christian  Sabbath. 

The  petitions  have  grown  from  nearly  two  to  about  seven  millions.  This  does 
not  recognize  as  a  bona  fide  indorsement  for  the  Catholic  Church  the  personal  sig- 
nature of  Cardinal  Gibbons.  Should  you  accept  that,  it  would  make  us  fourteen 
millions. 

The  Illinois  Sabbath  Association  and  Rev.  W.  F.  Crafts  have  during  the  past 
year  aided  greatly  in  this  work,  having  secured  a  large  share  of  the  new  indorsements 
which  will  shortly  be  presented  to  this  body. 

Allow  me  to  say  in  behalf  of  the  National  Woman's  Christian  Temperance  Union 
and  these  petitioners,  we  claim  that  the  present  attitude  of  Government  with  reference 
to  the  Sabbath  is  working  a  great  injustice  and  damage  to  the  people,  and  we  base 
our  claim  and  our  petition  on  these  facts: 

(i)  Nearly  every  State  has  its  Sabbath  laws,  but  the  National  Government 
has  none,  though  greatly  needed,  since  the  question  has  become  emphatically  a 
national  one,  and  the  very  perpetuity  or  loss  of  our  national  rest  day,  the  Christian 
Sabbath,  seems  to  depend  on  its  being  protected  by  the  Government  from  the  en- 
croachments of  organized  capital  and  on  the  re-enforcement  of  State  laws  by  national. 

(2)  It  is  in  gross  violation  of  nearly  every  State  Sabbath  law  that  railroads 
run  their  Sunday  trains,  yet  these  States  are  powerless  to  prevent  it  since  only  Congress 
can  control  interstate  commerce. 

(3)  By  the  State  laws  ordinary  labor  and  traffic  is  forbidden  on  Sunday,  but 
in  defiance  thereof  the  United  States  Government  keeps  its  post-offices  open  and 
sells  as  on  other  days,  and  sends  its  mails  to  all  parts  of  the  country,  though  the 
example  of  such  cities  as  London  and  Toronto  shows  Sunday  postal  work  to  be 
unnecessary,  the  telegraph  supplying  every  necessity. 

(4)  In  its  military  service,  by  the  extra  drills,  and  parades,  Sunday  is  often 
made  the  most  laborious  day  of  the  week. 

(5)  By  ignoring  its  Sabbath  obligations  and  the  State  Sabbath  laws  it  sets  an 
example  sure  to  be  generally  followed  by  courts  of  justice  of  overriding  and  casting 
odium  on  all  Sabbath  laws.     This  effect  is  far  reaching  and  disastrous. 

(6)  By  its  example  it  encourages  each  citizen  to  use  the  day  as  best  suits  his 
personal  pleasure  without  reference  to  the  greatest  good  of  the  greatest  number  or 
the  laws  designed  to  guard  this. 

(7)  It  is  recreant  to  the  principles  of  the  forefathers  who  established  this  as  a 
Christian  Government  on  the  rock-bed  of  the  Sabbath  as  the  bulwark  of  all  morality. 

(8)  It  is  listening  to  the  demands  of  the  rich  and  neglecting  the  cry  of  the 
poor — the  toiling  men,  women,  and  even  the  children,  who  are  increasingly  com- 
pelled to  work  seven  days  in  the  week  or  forfeit  employment. 

82 


In  thus  faili ir  righl 

■   deprives  them  of  the  tunity  t  at  mem 

the  chance  of  their  beinj  >ral. 

i     By  educating  the  people  in  lawlessness  <>r  antecedent 
and  failing  to  protect  the  day  which,  more  than  ther  influences,  tend 

•:     ■   the  highest  form  dity   it  m 

grant  d<  »n  of  the  Sabbath  and  for  the  rapidly  lowering 

morals  that  is  endangering  the  very  life  i>t"  our  free  Government. 

What  is  needed  to  remedy  these  seriou  and  place  tin.-  Government  wl 

it   will   re-enforce  the  State  laws,   liberate   the   prisoner  toil,   ail'" 

the  to  a  higher  plane  of  moralil  ms  to  be  that  Congress  ei 

such  a  law  a.-  i-  contemplated  by  the  Sun. lay  rest  bill. 

REMARKS  BY   HON'    G    P    LORD. 

Mr    Crafts-  The  next   to  speak  will  be  the  repre  e  of  the  organiza 

which,  next  to  the  Woman  s  Christian  Temperance  Union,  has  done  the  h 

withering  petitions.      It  has  really  worked  a  tional  society,  though  nai 

the   Illinois  -      bath   Association.      It   is   represented   here  by  its  mosi   a 

ker,  Hon    (i    P    Lord,  of  Elgin,  who  will  now  speak. 

Mr    Lord.      Mr    Chairman  and   honorable  Senators,  as  a  representative  o: 
S         ith  A  n  of  Illinois.  I  submit  the  following  points  in  support 

weekly   rest  law: 

(i)      Bv  common  law  the  Christian  Sabbath,  known  on  our  calendar  as  Sin 
legal  weekly  rest  day   and  jr  is  the  only  day  which  by  common  consent  is  a  we 
The  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  Stat'  1   Satui 

until  Monday,  is  constantly  re-affirming  the  law  whit 
•  day 
The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  guara;  •  all  men  the  "liberty  ' 

and  to  enjoy  their  legal  riglr  -       E      ry  man  is  abridged  of  his  liberty  v 
he  is  deprived  of  his  legal  rights.     The  Constitution  further  guar 
'the   pursuit  of  happiness 

No  man  can  be  happy  while  he  is  const  prived  of  his  rights. 

We  regard   property  rights 

Are  there  not  other  rights  which  are  equally  sacre 

REMARKS  BY  GENERAL  A.  S.  DIVEN*. 

Mr    Crafts:     The  next  speaker  will  be  a  representative  of  the    ' 
.   the  chairman  of  its  d<  ral    A     S     Di.. 

tically  controlled  the  Erie   Railway,  and  will  the  rai 

of  the  sub'. 

Mr    DlVBN       Mr   Chairman,  I  suppose  the  S 
men  or   two   since,    when   < 

•n  of  Sunday   railroad    traffic,   having 

ment  of  railroads    and  feeling  somewhat 

•wo   articles     in    which    1   took  tl 
no  public  ne<  essity  for  Sunday 

lid  not  suffer  in  their  • 
I  took  the  ground,  first,  that  tl 
perform  a  days  or  seven  I,  that   the   i 

perform  all  the  bu 

it   would  not   increase  the  ■   the  roadi  to  lay  u\e:  on  Sundav; 


fourth,  that  so  far  as  the  public  is  concerned,  there  is  no  necessity  -justifying  the 
running  of  railroad  trains  on  Sunday  on  account  of  freights  or  passengers  or  mails. 

The  Chairman.  How  do  you  explain  that  as  much  can  be  done  in  six  days 
as  in  seven  in  the  way  of  railroad  traffic? 

Mr.  Diven.      I  explain  it  in  this  way:  The  railroads  have  the  capacity. 

The  Chairman.      Suppose  the  work  then  increases? 

Mr.  Diven.      The  facilities  for  transportation  increase  in  advance  of  the  demand. 

The  Chairman.  Would  it  not  be  necessary  to  increase  those  facilities  sooner 
than  if  you  took  the  seven  days  to  do  the  work? 

Mr.  Diven.  The  facilities  at  present  are  more  than  enough  to  do  the  work  in 
six  days,  and  the  facilities  are  increasing  faster  than  the  demand  by  the  construction 
of  additional  competing  lines  and  by  improvement  of  the  older  lines. 

The  Chairman.  You  attribute  it,  then,  to  the  fact  that  the  facilities  are  more 
rapidly   increasing   than   the   traffic? 

Mr.  Diven.     That  is  a  fact. 

The  Chairman.  You  do  not  claim  that  as  much  work  can  be  done,  with  the 
facilities  remaining  the  same,  in  six  days  as  in  seven? 

Mr.  Diven.  No;  but  the  roads  have  facilities  for  doing  enough  in  six  days  to 
meet  all  business  requirements  and  a  great  deal  more. 

The  Chairman.  You  do  not  mean  to  say  that  a  piece  of  freight  could  leave 
San  Francisco  and  get  to  Boston  as  quickly  in  six  days  as  now  in  seven  days? 

Mr.  Diven.     No. 

The  Chairman.     Then  economy  of   time  to  the  public  would  be  lacking? 

Mr.  Diven.  I  claim  that  the  difference  in  time  between  the  transmission  of 
freights  from  San  Francisco  to  New  York  would  be  of  no  practical  consequence. 
It  is  a  kind  of  freight  that,  whether  it  arrives  one  day  or  the  next  in  New  York,  it 
is  perfectly  immaterial  to  the  trade. 

The  Chairman.  How  with  business  men,  or  a  minister  who,  starting  from 
San  Francisco  on  a  given  day,  must  preach  in  New  York  the  next  Sunday?  Men 
want  to  save  time.  Could  they  get  from  San  Francisco  to  New  York  in  six  days 
when  seven  are  now  required? 

Mr.  Diven.  There  are  three  days  in  the  week  in  which  passengers  can  start 
from  San  Francisco  and  arrive  in  New  York  without  encroaching  upon  Sunday. 

The  Chairman.  You  do  not  claim  that  a  passenger  could  make  the  same  dis- 
tance in  six  days  that  he  can  now  make  in  seven? 

Mr.   Diven.     No;    I  do  not  claim  that. 

The  Chairman.  In  other  words,  you  do  not  claim  that  by  this  one  day's  general 
rest  the  rapidity  of  action  would  be  so  increased  during  the  remaining  six  days, 
without  destruction  to  economic  principles,  that  the  six  days'  work  with  the  seventh 
day's  rest  would  be  as  good  as  seven  days'  work  without  any  day's  rest? 

Mr.  Diven.  I  will  state  to  the  committee  what  I  would  do  if  I  were  controlling 
a  railroad  line  between  New  York  and  San  Francisco.  There  would  be  the  same 
number  of  passengers.  Nobody  claims  that  it  would  take  one  from  the  number 
of  passengers  from  ocean  to  ocean,  if  they  all  had  to  lay  over  on  Sunday.  The  same 
number  of  passengers  would  be  carried.  Therefore,  the  railroads  would  be  losing 
nothing. 

The  Chairman.     The  main  question  is,  What  would  be  the  loss  to  the  public? 

Mr.  Diven.  I  will  come  to  that  point.  If  I  were  managing  a  road  from  New 
York  to  San  Francisco,  no  matter  what  the  other  lines  might  do,  this  would  be  my 
programme:  Starting  Sunday  night,  there  are  three  of  the  first  days  of  the  week 
in  which  passengers  can  go  through  before  the  next  Sunday.     Then  I  would  arrange 

84 


inday  stop-ovei  t  1  hree  plat  e        I  would  1<  icate  tl 

attractive  places  upon  the  road,  at  win.  h  I  would  make  the  i I  perfei  i  I 

accommodations.     Then  on  the  lay-over  hum,   I   would  give  a  free  tickel  fori 

■  imodations    for  one  day,  and  1  venture  to  say  thai  any  road  now  in  oj 
which  would  adopt  that  system  would  gel  the  largesl  trains  on  the  lay-over  ti 
The  Chairman.     Taking  the  year  together,  do  you   believe  the  public  w 
accomplish  as  much  business  by  observing  the  Sabbatb  with  reference  to  the  ti 
•    rtation  of  freight  and  passengers  as  under  the  existing  system  by  the  vi 
the  Sabbath? 

Mr.  DlVKN.      I  have  no  doubt   that  they  would.     There  is  jusl   so  much  t: 
to  be  carried.     There  is  just  so  much  freight.     The  only  case  where  travel  wi 

be   decreased    would   be   in    Sunday   excursions   and    matters  of  that    kind. 

The  Chairman.      You  were  superintendent  of  the   Erie   Railroad? 

Mr.   DlVEN.      I  was  vice-president   for  a  long  time  of  the  Erie  road  and  I  have 
been   president   of  other  lines 

As   to  moving  ordinary   freights,   which   form   the  great   hulk  of  transports 
furnished  to  railroads,  the  product  of  the  forest,  of  the  mine,  of  the  factory,  and  the 

ht  of  the  merchant,  the  mine  lies  idle  on  Sunday,  the  factory  lies  idle  on  Sum 
and  all  the  industries  that  supply  transportation  to  the  companies  are  idle  on  Sunday. 
No  freights  arc  brought  to  depots  on  Sunday;  no  freights  are  taken  from  the 

Sunday.      None  of  the  industries  that  contribute  to  the  traffic  of  railroads  are  in 
tion  on  Sunday,  and  when  all  those  industries  are  suspended,  why  it  is  necessary 
to  keep  their  freight  moving  I,  for  the  life  of  me,  can  not  und<  The  bull 

the  freights  are  of  a  character  that  are  not  damaged   by  a  day'.-  delay,  no: 
market     affecte  1. 

It  is  cl  1   know,  that  there  are  certain   perishable  freights  that    w< 

d  with  by  Sunday  rest  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  public      A    to  tl  "ock 

that  is  largely  shipped  from  the  valley  of  the  Mi  from  the  Western  p! 

I  hold  it  is  to  the  advantage  of  the  shipper  as  well  as  the  railroad  con  hat  the 

.    should    not    be    kept    i:i    cars    more    than    I  Lght    hours.       <  hi    all   th< 

from  the  sources  of  the  large  supply  of  [j  ',.  to  New  York,  il  i 

that  the  stock  should  he  taken  out   of  tin-  car-  I  for  if  they  are  '.or.  ed   throi 

without  rest   they  come  into  the  market   hi  a  '>,  exhausted  state,  and  are  Ul 

the  butcher      I  know  that  to  he  the  <  sperien 

When   I  was  in  the  management  of  the   i  .'ht   it   wise  to  lay  over 

with  ■        even  between  Buffalo  and  New  York.     That  is  not  regarded  ntial 

but  it  ■  ntial,  nevertheless.     The  -•■>.  k  shipper  ;  y  the  time  of  ■ 

to   his   stock. 

k   trail         tation   is  1  small  item  uj    i 

The  principal  •  the  ca1  tered  in  the  W<    t,  and  *■ 

■untry  in   the 
By  the  invention  of  tin-  refri 
from  the  \av  West       Tl  '  al    K 

rried  not  only  from  K  York,  but  to 

•mail,  and   1  -  '.    nr  ille     ind  all  over  thi  try.      N 

is  tl  i  arried  I  ■  and  I 

I  at  Chi  tter  than  if  it  had  been  butel 

•i   Run* 

With   that   arrangement    '  I  'out 

deterioration  the  plea  of  ne<  »n  Sun 

8; 


Another  point  urged  by  a  great  many  is  that  the  milk  which  supplies  the  cities 
must  be  brought  in  on  Sunday.  That  I  know  to  be  unnecessary.  The  milk  of  the 
dairy  of  Saturday  supplies  the  city  of  New  York  on  Monday.  No  milk  trains  that 
supply  our  cities  with  milk  ever  reach  farther  from  the  market  than  ioo  miles,  and 
that  hundred  miles  may  be  run  in  five  hours.  The  milk  of  Saturday  night  may 

be  brought  into  New  York  and  delivered  before  daylight  on  Sunday  morning.  I 
would  allow  these  trains  to  run  Sunday  night  provided  they  would  not  encroach 
upon  the  day  of  Sunday. 

The  Chairman.     That  is,  the  daylight  of  Sunday? 

Mr.   DlVEN.      Yes;  the  daylight. 

The  Chairman.  Will  you  not  state  to  the  committee  your  views  as  to  the 
effect  of  the  seven  days'  work  without  a  rest  day  upon  the  condition  of  the  employes, 
and  as  bearing  also  upon  the  safety  and  efficiency  with  which  transportation  is  made 
for   passengers    and    freight    alike? 

Mr.  Diven.     This  is  a  subject  I  am  not  well  prepared  to  discuss. 

The  Chairman.      You  must  have  an  opinion. 

Mr.  Diven.  Certainly;  but  I  am  not  prepared  particularly  on  that  point  as  to 
facts  and  figures. 

The   Chairman.      Please  state   your  opinion   briefly. 

Mr.  Diven.  I  state  most  emphatically  that  the  men  who  have  their  seventh 
day  rest  are  always  in  better  condition  for  railroad  service  than  those  who  are  com- 
pelled to   work   that   extra   day. 

The  Chairman.      What  effect  has  that  upon  the  safety  of  life? 

Mr.  Diven.  A  wearied  engineer,  in  my  judgment,  does  not  keep  his  balance 
as  well;  he  can  not  conduct  his  train  with  so  much  prudence  and  safety. 

The  Chairman.  What  is  your  opinion  as  to  the  effect  of  the  present  method 
of  conducting  travel  (that  is,  largely  continuing  the  labor  of  the  men  on  the  Sabbath 
as  well  as  other  days)  upon  the  railroad  accidents  which  occur  in  the  country? 

Mr.  Diven.  In  my  judgment  a  railroad  engineer  to  perform  his  duty  with 
caution  ought  to  have  rest.      He  ought  not  to  be  overworked. 

The  Chairman.  Can  you  answer  the  question  directly,  does  Sunday  work 
increase  or  lessen  the  accidents  in  the  country  ? 

Mr.  Diven.      I  think  it  increases  them. 

The  Chairman.      Is  there  anything  else  you  would  like  to  say? 

Mr.   Crafts.     Will  General  Diven  give  his  opinion    as  to  Sunday  mail  trains? 

Mr.  Diven.  With  regard  to  mail  trains,  I  see  no  necessity  for  the  distribution 
or  movement  of  mails  on  Sunday.  The  mail  is  not  resorted  to  now  in  cases  of  emer- 
gency. In  all  cases  of  emergency  where  rapid  communication  is  desired,  the  telegraph 
is  resorted  to,  since  we  have  that  there  is  no  occasion  for  using  the  mail  in  case  of 
emergency.  Almost  all  the  great  business  of  the  country  for  which  the  mails  are 
used  is  suspended  on  Sunday.  The  exchanges,  the  banks,  all  offices  of  business  are 
closed  on  Sunday,  and  the  Sunday  mails  are  not  opened  until  Monday.  For  personal 
communication  one  day's  delay  in  a  social  letter  can  make  no  difference,  and  if  there 
is  accident,  or  sickness,  or  any  emergency,  the  telegraph  is  always  resorted  to  now. 

Senator  Palmer.  I  should  like  to  ask  you  one  question.  I  heard  you  remark 
that  the  adoption  of  refrigerator  cars  and  their  use  did  away  with  the  necessity  to 
transport  live  cattle  on  Sunday. 

Mr.  Diven.  By  the  use  of  refrigerator  cars  fresh  meat  need  not  be  transported 
on  Sunday. 

86 


nator  Palmer,     [  thought  you  wei  live  cattle  in  tl  tion, 

and  1  was  going  t»       -  you  knew  thai  the  refrigi 

ent  and  ev<  using  them  has  to  pay  tribute  to  the  owners  of  tl  at. 

Mr.    DlVEN.      That    may   be   the  ca  I 

Senator  I'm. mi  k.     Thai  would  have  a  very  important  bearing  on  tl  i 

Mr.  Divbn.     i  ■  cars  are  now  used  a  great  deal  more  than  formerly. 

There  is  ten  times  the  quantity  of  meat  brought  to  New  York  in  tl  its  than 

comes  <>n  the  hoof. 

Senator  Palmer.     If  the  transportation  of  cattle  in  the  liv<     •    ■•    •  ■  ■■      ban- 

doned  it  would  give  those  who  control  the  refrigerator  cars  a  monopoly  of  the  trans- 
ition of  beef. 

Mr.    Divbn.      That    is   true. 
Set  lmf.r.     That  is  a  very  material  practical  •  n  thai  would  come 

up  in  tl  n  of  any  proposed  1<  ■  public  ensitive 

.  matter  of  that  kind. 
Mr.  Diven.     Have  not  the  public,  through  Cot     ress,  a  right  to  limit  the  chat 

for  the  transportation  of  meat  notwithstanding  the  patent?   I   think  they  have. 

REMARKS  OF  REV.  T.  W.  COXRAD,  D.  D. 

Mr.  Crafts:  The  next  representative  will  be  Rev.  1  W.  Conrad,  D.  D.,  of 
Philadelphia,  editor  of  the  Lutheran  Observer,  who  will  speak  in  behalf  of  those 
Germans  who  love  the  Sabbath. 

Mr.    Conrad.      The    Germans,    as    you    km  ly    religi 

people,  choseii  by  Providence  to  be  the  agents  to  introduce  Protestantism;  but  I 
have  deteriorated,  as  other  nations  have  done. 

The  Germans,  who  for  the  last   live  or  ten  years,  or  probably  more,  have  I 
grating  to  this  country,  who  are  free-thinkers  in  their  belief  and  S"i  ialisl  -  in  their 
tical   views,   we  are  told   by  those  who  understand   the  matter  are  a  low, 
of  German   emigration,   and    they   have   at    least    thought    themse'.    .  -   and 

formidable  that  they  have  organized   a-  -is  all  over  the  country  termed 

sonal  liberty  leagues,  one  of  the  essential  put  of  which  is  to  overthrow  the  laws 

that   protect   the    Lord's    Day,   the   Sunday,   the  Christian    Sabbath.      Th( 

have  become  somewhat    formidable,  and,  having  thrown  themseh  the 

deal   arena,   they   hav<  e  a   factor  in  well   as  in   the 

•    in    America. 
I  desire  '<>  speak  for  the  •  lical  portion  of  the  German  emigration  who  are 

Lutherans  and   also   Reformed    Evangelical   I  call   them.      Ii 

to  their  position  on  the  Sabbath,  while  they  differ  relatively  as  is  on  wl 

the  Christian  Sabl  ath  i         rests,  and  also  in  regard  to  the  manni  the 

ath,   t:  rsally   i".    fi  maintaining  the   S 

REMARKS  BY  REV.  GEORGE  ELLIOTT. 

Mr.  Crafts:     Rev.  George  Elliot)  ndry  Methodist 

Church,  of  this  city,  and  auth  Abiding  Sabbath,"  will  i 

Mr  r.     <  if  tin  s.  venth-1 1 

stand  are  asking  anything  of  this  commitl 

at   the  last   census  but   tv  ■,.      The 

larger  porti-  h  fellov 

laws.     I  observe  that  a 

with  their  con  You: 


Government  within  its  jurisdiction  give  similar  legal  protection  to  the  Sunday  that 
is  already  given  by  nearly  all  the  States.  That  ought  not  to  be  considered  a  large 
or  unreasonable  demand.  It  has  already  been  remarked  that  Sunday  legislation 
is  in  some  sort  a  part  of  the  common  law  of  the  Anglo  Saxon  people.  It  antedates 
what  is  known  as  statute  law  by  great  distances.  It  is  in  the  old  constitutions  or 
judicial  codes  which  are  back  of  the  time  of  Edward  the  Confessor.  The  code  of 
Alfred  the  Great  begins  with  the  Ten  Commandments,  and  repeatedly  enacts  penal- 
ties for  violating  the  first  day  of  the  week,  or  the  Lord's  Day.  In  the  codes  of  Athel- 
stan  and  Edgar  the  Peaceable,  and  away  back  even  in  the  old  days  of  the  Saxons, 
when  England  was  divided  between  West  Saxon  and  Kent,  there  were  Sunday  laws. 
It  is  a  part  of  the  very  constitution  of  all  the  English  speaking  people,  a  part  of  their 
laws  and  immemorial  custom.  Sunday  is  a  non-legal  day,  as  has  already  been  ob- 
served, by  the  recognition  of  even  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  The  Pres- 
ident is  not  compelled  by  law  to  do  any  work  on  Sunday.  He  is  given  ten  full  days 
for  the  consideration  of  all  bills.  As  to  his  executive  business,  I  do  not  know  that 
you  have  any  way  to  compel  him  to  perform  it,  unless  he  should  neglect  his  duties 
on  any  day.  He  disposes  of  his  own  time;  but  in  the  only  work  that  you  can  require 
at  his  hands  you  give  him  the  day  of  rest.  We  only  ask  you  to  give  it  to  all  other 
workers  as  well. 

The  President  of  the  United  States  has  called  your  attention,  in  his  recent 
message,  to  the  recommendations  of  the  Commissioners  of  the  District  of  Columbia, 
and  the  fact  that  the  confused  state  of  the  Sunday  laws  in  this  very  community, 
in  which  many  of  us  live,  require  some  action  by  Congress.  I  have  hardly  dared 
to  speak  it  publicly,  for  fear  that  advantage  might  be  taken  of  it  by  saloon  men 
and  others,  but  it  is  very  uncertain  whether  we  have  any  Sunday  laws  whatever, 
in  this  District,  which  can  be  relied  upon  to  stand  the  test  of  judicial  analysis. 

There  is  want  of  legislation  on  the  subject.  The  only  national  legislation  that 
I  know  of  with  regard  to  the  Sunday  question  is  the  single  clause  in  the  Constitu- 
tion already  mentioned,  and  I  think  provisions  that  at  the  naval  and  military 
schools  there  shall  be  no  requirements  of  instruction  on  Sunday. 

We  ask  this  legislation  mainly,  as  far  as  your  discretion  is  concerned,  as  an  eco- 
nomic measure  in  the  interest  of  workingman,  and  as  a  religious  measure  only  as 
it  protects  the  Christian  commonwealth  in  its  right  of  undisturbed  worship  and  as 
it  defends  the  rights  of  conscience.  When  you  require  Sunday  work  of  public  servants 
you  incapacitate  for  filling  public  office  those  whom  you  ought  most  to  desire  to  fill 
those  offices.  If  I  may  be  warranted  in  the  suggestion,  if  the  growing  distrust  of 
the  Sunday-school  man  in  places  of  trust,  as  cashier  of  a  bank  and  other  responsible 
positions,  is  significant  of  anything,  it  is  that  the  Sunday-school  man  of  to-day  is  not 
the  Sunday-school  man  of  Puritan  times. 

The  church  of  today  is  weakened;  the  power  of  conscience  in  the  church  and 
community  is  weakened;  that  power  of  moral  conviction  and  high  principle  upon 
which  public  morals  depends  is  weakened  by  the  trifling  with  its  conscience  at  the 
hands  of  the  state   and  nation. 

Therefore,  as  a  matter  of  free  conscience,  as  a  matter  of  our  rights  as  citizens 
to  hold  office  freely  and  fully,  to  render  all  public  service  in  every  way,  without 
interference  or  hindrance  by  law,  we  ask  for  such  legislation  at  your  hands. 

Senator  Call.  The  law  requires  certain  work  to  be  performed  on  Sunday, 
but  it  does  not  compel  any  man  to  do  it  who  is  conscientiously  opposed  to  working 
on  that  day.  You  say  the  state  is  trifling  with  the  conscience  of  the  church.  How 
does  it  do  so? 

8S 


Mr.  Elliott.     You  make  it  difficult  t'<>r  men  to  hold  ( 

not  compel  a  man  to  work  on  Sunday;  he  ign  his 

intor  Call.     Suppose  the  law  authorized  a  man  to  use 
ose  conscience  would  not  be  trifled  with  by  work  on  that  d 
Mr.  Elliott.     I  do  not  ear-  into  fine  questions  of  ■  ry. 

Senator  Call.      But   you  said   the  state  was  trifling  with  the  conscience  of  the 
church.     While  we  might  admit   everything  else  you  say.   I  should  like  to 

ally   in   what    respect   the  legislation   of  any   State  does   ii"' 

in  terms  hut  in  fact,  the  conscience  <>t  the  church.     Our  constitutional  provi 

is  t':  !S  shall  make  no  law  respecting  the  establishment  of  religion.      That 

ich  man's  conscience. 
Mr.    Elliott.      Certainly. 

rCALL.     We  say,  who  believe  in  the  church,  that  it  protects  the  conscience 

of  the  church.      So  it  does;  but  it  protects  the  const  imce  of  everybody  else. 

Mr.    Elliott.      That    is    true.      Without    doubt    the   existing  system   of  Sur 

k  is  in   violation  of  the  spirit   of  our  laws. 

Ser.    '  \ll.     That  is  what  it   was  intended  to  do,  at   least.      I  only  wai 

to  know  in  what  way  the  state  is  trifling  with  the  conscience  of  the  church. 

Mr.  Elliott.      It  is  evident,  whatever  may  he  the  nice  point  of  casuistry,  that 
a  man  who  has  conscientious  objections  against  Sunday  work  is  placed  at  a  great 

Senator  Call.     Suppose  he  could  get  somebody  else  to  do  the  work  who  did  not 

lentious  scrupl. 
Mr.  ELLIOTT.      The  fact  that  he  is  compelled  to  put  somebod  lace 

ild  put  him  at  a  disadvantage.     And  a  man  of  very  delicate  conscience  would 
believe  that  what  a  m  3  by  another  he  does  by  himself. 

Senator  Call.      How  are  you   to  avoid   ii  ' 

ttor  Wilson.      I  suppose  the  man  would  have  to  re-: 

itor  CALL.      Not   at   all.      He  could  work   fo  v  hours;  and  that 

would   not   hurt   his  conscience   very  much. 

Mr.  Elliott.      I'.   ery  letter-carrier  in  all  our  '  I  to  1    '>ort 

at  t;  Sunday. 

r  Call.     Supp  >se  you  have  a  provision  which 

nviction  that  he  oughl  not  to  deliver  a  letter  on  Sund 
m  that  work  and  he  authoru 
place  at  the  cost  of  that  particular  service  only,  would  not   th  . 

Mr.  t.     It  misjht  possibly  ion  of 

individual  does  no1 

C  ill.     But  ii  .••-.!:.,••  [ument  -h  the 

of  the  church. 
Mr.    '  itt.     1   do  not   think  ii 

W(        '  -ill  mai:  I 

Mr  >rT.      It   would  still   main' 

C  >i  L.     Hut  Mr.   i-::':     • 
1  of  reli 
'■ian.     What  v.oul  1  become  of  1 
Btitute  1  the  sam>- 

Mr.  Elliott.     I  think  it  of  g 
■ 

We  can  not  1 


Mr.    Elliott.     I   understand   that. 

Senator  Call.     You  do  not  propose  to  ask  us  to  do  that? 
Mr.  Elliott.     Not  at  all. 

Senator  Palmer.  I  understand  the  point  the  reverend  gentleman  makes  to 
be  that  the  state,  by  compelling  these  duties  to  be  performed  on  Sunday,  is  debauch- 
ing the  public  conscience  on  that  point. 

Senator  Call.  That  is  a  different  thing.  I  understood  him  to  say  that  the 
state  was  trifling  with  the  conscience  of  the  church. 

Mr.  Elliott.  I  wish  to  add  a  word  on  this  point  of  conscience.  The  legisla- 
tion which  we  propose  is  not  merely  with  regard  to  national  service,  but  to  such  private 
service  as  is  under  the  control  of  the  national  law.  There  a  man  can  easily  be  dis- 
charged who  refuses  to  work  on  Sunday,  and  any  provision  that  you  make  for  a 
substitute  in  such  cases  would  probably  be  unconstitutional  ab  initio.  You  can 
not  enter  that  far  into  the  domain  of  private  business. 

Senator  Call.  But  in  regard  to  the  public  business  we  could  provide  ,for  in- 
stance, that  Seventh-Day  Baptists  might  perform  the  service. 

Mr  Elliott.  Certainly;  but  if  the  million  men  employed  on  the  railways 
I  can  not  state  the  number,  but  it  is  a  much  larger  number  than  we  have  in  the  public 
service  altogether)  are  not  protected  by  a  Sunday  law  of  the  United  States  you  make 
it  impossible  for  scrupulous  Christian  men  to  compete  for  such  positions. 

The  Chairman.  Your  position  is,  if  I  may  epitomize  it,  that  the  postal  and  other 
Government  employes  who  do  public  work  on  the  Sabbath  and  the  employes  of 
railroad  and  other  private  corporations  who  perform  work  which  is  now  done  on  the 
Sabbath,  by  the  will  of  the  employers  of  such  laboring  people,  must  choose  between 
the  violation  of  their  conscience  and  the  abandonment  of  their  means  of  livelihood 
under   the   present   customs   and   laws. 

Mr.  Elliott.  Yes,  sir;  as  regards  any  constitutional  question  involved  in  a 
religious  test,  the  fact  that  Sunday  is  a  non-legal  day  in  the  common  law,  coming 
with  the  strain  of  our  traditions  and  as  an  immemorial  custom,  makes  its  observance 
a  part  of  the  very  organization  and  fiber  of  our  society  rather  than  a  religious  test. 
Its  mention  in  the  Constitution  in  the  case  of  the  President  sufficiently  proves  that 
the  framers  of  that  document  did  not  regard  it  a  religious  test. 

Senator  Call.  Do  you  propose  that  Congress  shall  make  provision  to  pay  the 
people  in  the  employ  of  the  Government  who  are  exempted  on  Sunday  for  Sunday 
work  ? 

Mr.  Elliott.      I  expect  you  to  give  them  an  adequate  compensation. 
Senator  Call.      Do  you  propose  that  the  law  shall  provide  that  the  same  amount 
shall  be  paid  for  six  days'  work  as  for  seven? 

Mr.  Elliott.  I  do,  for  the  reason  that  we  believe  these  employes  can  do  all 
the  work  that  is  to  be  done  in  six  days,  and  if  they  do  all  the  work  they  ought  to 
have   all   the   pay. 

Senator  Call.     How  will  that  comport  with  private  affairs? 
Mr.    Elliott.     Other   gentlemen   have   already   argued   that    question   here   at 
length.     We  believe  that  the  State  is  richer  and  that  the  English-speaking  peoples 
are  richer  through  the  centuries  for  having  rested  one  day  in  seven. 

Senator  Call.  All  that  part  of  the  proposition  may  be  granted  to  you,  but 
the  simple  question  is,  will  the  people  of  the  country  consent  to  pay  for  six  days' 
work  the  same  as  for  seven? 

Mr.  Elliott.      It  is  not  a  question  whether  they  will. 

Senator  Call.     The  economic  proposition  is  whether  it  can  possibly  be  done? 

Mr.  Elliott.     Whether  the  people  will  consent  to  it  or  not,  is  not  the  question. 

90 


Senator  <  The 

nment  of  th 
Mr    :  \  |    they  will  I  law 

.  iod  that  in  the  long  run  the  hours  and  I  ulation  <>t"  I 

j  nut  affect  the  whole  which,  as  an  economii 

fixed  wage  fund. 

•  Call.      I  grant  that:  bul  how  .lets  it  affeel  the  man  who  ha-  i  be 
sick  on  Sunday?    He  requires  attenti                     kind.     How  d 

is  in  danger  urdered  or  mi 

Mr.  r.     The  1  ill  excepts  works  of  mercy  ami  charity. 

Senal  ill.     Then   it    will   depend   entirely  upon   the  denniti 

is  a   -.'.urk  of  mercy? 

Mr.   Elliott.     That  is  true.     Y  •   judici; 

then,  and  there  is  quite  a  lav  j  of  decisions  I  •  n  that  point. 

■  i.i.       Hut   the  qui 
I  to  an  employe  of  tin-  I  ent  or  1     an  emj 

tablish  a  stand;  thai  kind? 

Mr.  Elliott.     As  ,  in  tin   i  [  employmenl     in  all  the 

productive  industries,  there  is  absolute  re  Sunday. 

m.l.      T  eminent    requires   cerl  i    in 

the  railway  mail  servi  Sup]    ise  the  Government   says  that  service  shall  not   be 

r     ruled   which   re-i.':  ry   the  employment  of  those  men  on   t; 

day"'    H(  ■  dllion   men  en  •      ■  Here  are  thi 

corporations  who  .  men.      By  what   law  and   what   \  u      ■        an    you 

■   compel    those    cor; ^orations    I       •     y    their   ■  price  for   six 

days'  work  that  they  now  pay  for  seven? 

Mr.   Elliott.     Conj  n  not  compel  them.     Th< 

so  by  an  < 

Sena-'  -  I '  ill.      I"  Y,'.  king 

about   a  national   law. 

The  Chairman.      Let  me  suggest  thai   I 
■  far  as  the  ] 

LL.      Hut  the  i  oint  is,  how  is  thi 
these  employ*  - ;   That  is  the  proposition  1 
not  whether  eight  hour  lard.      '!  iw  this  i 

to  make  th<  individuals    ■ 

for 

Mr.  Elliott.     E  uart  Mill  ii 

b  in  which  he  is  t — 

The  operatives  an  right  in  thinking  I 

S.   Mis.   43 4 

•  in  the  foil 
y. 

•  Call.     Then  yi  »u  di 

Mr.   Elliott      W< 

If.      Allow  me  ti 
-red  to  are  unwillir. 


ing,  Sunday  work.      Probably  many  would  welcome  a  law  which  would  bear  equally 
upon  all  parties 

REMARKS   BY  DR.   HERRICK  JOHNSON. 

Mr.  Crafts:     Dr.  Herrick  Johnson,  of  Chicago,  will  be  the  next  speaker. 

Mr.  Johnson.  We  all  agree  that  one  day  should  be  set  apart  for  rest  in  the 
interest  of  the  community.  The  great  body  of  the  people — an  inconsiderable  frac- 
tion to  the  contrary — believe  that  Sunday  is  the  day  set  apart  for  that  purpose. 
It  would  be  impossible  to  set  two  days  apart. 

It  is  now  half  past  10  in  Chicago.  It  is  half  hast  i  t  here.  If  one  of  the  Seventh- 
day  Baptists  should  start  west  from  Chicago  to  go  around  the  world,  always  keeping 
each  seventh  successive  day,  when  he  got  back  to  Chicago  he  would  be  keeping  Fri- 
day instead  of  Saturday,  as  the  Sabbath;  and  another  Seventh-day  Baptist  who 
went  the  other  way  around  the  world  would  be  keeping  Sunday  instead  of  Saturday 
for  the  Sabbath  when  he  got  back.  That  is  what  comes  of  making  a  fetich  of  the 
letter. 

REMARKS  BY  REV.  BYRON  SUNDERLAND,  D.  D. 

Mr.  Crafts:  The  Rev.  Dr.  Sunderland,  of  this  city,  will  now  address  the  com- 
mittee. 

Mr.  Sunderland.  Senators,  we  come  before  you  as  your  fellow  countrymen, 
your  fellow-citizens,  your  fellow-patriots,  and  your  fellow-Christians.  We  come 
here  to  ask  of  you  in  your  high  places,  as  the  successors  of  the  great  men,  the  great 
Christians,  who  founded  this  Government  and  who  gave  us  the  Constitution  of  the 
nation,  such  legislation  as  shall  tend  to  preserve  the  Sabbath  of  our  forefathers,  ar.d 
transmit  it  in  purity  and  simplicity  to  the  latest  generation.  We  do  not  ask  of  you 
any  novel  thing.  Look  back  to  the  records  of  a  hundred  years  ago;  look  back  to 
the  action  of  the  Congress  of  1770;  look  back  to  the  proclamations  and  orders  of 
Washington,  the  utterances  of  such  men  as  Franklin  and  Adams,  and  all  the  great 
Christians  who  have  been  prominent  in  the  history  of  this  country.  You  know. 
Senators,  the  record  of  the  past,  and  you  know  that  those  fathers  bequeathed  to  us 
the  Christian   Sabbath. 

REMARKS  BY  REV.  C.  H.  PAYNE,  D.  D. 

Mr.  Crafts:  Rev.  C.  H.  Payne,  D.  D.,  of  New  York,  will  speak  of  the  "personal 
liberty"   phase  of  the  Sabbath  question. 

Mr.  Payne.      Mr.  John  Stuart  Mill  has  well  said: 

The  operatives  are  perfectly  right  in  thinking  that  if  all  worked  on  Sunday 
seven  days'  work  would  have  to  be  given  for  six  days'  wages.* 

That  will  be  the  outcome  in  this  country,  as  it  is  in  other  countries,  if  our  Sab- 
bath laws  are  overthrown.  We  claim  that  nothing  but  the  protection  of  the  law 
for  a  civil  Sabbath  can  guard  the  rest  day  as  a  boon  to  the  workingman.  Amid  the 
exactions  of  capital,  the  greed  of  men,  and  the  competition  of  business,  the  rest  day 
must  inevitably  go  and  a  working  day  be  substituted  for  it,  unless  the  angel  of  law 
stands  at  the  gate  of  the  Sabbatic  Eden  with  naming  sword  in  hand  to  keep  away 
the  spoiler. 

Judge  Noah  Davis,  in  a  speech  in  New  York  last  year  on  this  subject,  well  said. 


*On  "Liberty,"  near  end  of  Chap.  IV. 

02 


Tin-  thoul  law;  there  can  be  i  libertj 

edienci    to  law. 

And   Senator   Reagan,  of  Texas,  in   arguing   this  question   with   Mr.  Jeffei 
Davis  in  tl  compaign  in  that  State,  well  said,  in  subsl 

You  may  search  the  English  charter  and  whatever  there  is  in  the  Constitul 
the  United  States  concerning  the  rights  of  man.  and  all  the  bills  of  rights  of  the 
ral  States,  and  you  will  not  find  a  single  sentence  in  whi<  h  there  is  any  protection 

lor  that  which  is  injurious  to  the  interests  of  society. 

We  claim  that  the  open  bar  on  Sunday,  and  all    noisy  public  amusements,  such 

•  arades,  creating  disorder,  destroying  the  peace  of  the  Sabbath  day,  are  inimical 

tc  the  highest  interests  of  society,  and  tend  to  overthrow  the  liberties  of  the  majority 

of   our   people. 

I  hold  that,  whether  it  is  regarded  as  religious  or  not   the  ob»  rvai  ■  •   day 

in  the  week  by  our  forefathers  and  by  every  State  in  the  Union,  and  by  this  whole 

•n  throughout  all  its  history,  has  elevated  it  to  its  pre-eminent  place  of  great- 
and  we  think  it  an  insult  to  be  asked  to  abandon  the  policy  at  this  late  day. 

REMARKS  BY  ALOXZO  T.  JOXES. 

Mr.  Jones.   Mr.  Chairman,  we  represent  the  organization  known  as  the  Seventh- 
Day  Adventists.     The  principle  upon  which  w<  is  that  civil  government  has 
:ing  to  do  with   religious  observances.      "Render  unfc     I        ar   the-   things   which 
are  Cesar's,  and  unto  God  the  things  that  arc  God's." 

Senator  Blaik.      If  Ca?sar  is  society  and  the  Sabbath  is  required  f> 
i(  ty,  does  not  God  require  us  t<>  establish  the  Sabbath  for  the  good 
akes  a  law  accordingly  is  it  not  bindi 
Mr.  Jones.      It  is  the  .  iety  to  be  Christian;  it  would  r  the  1  <  i 

society. 

itor   Blair.     Do  you   not   confuse  this  matter?  A   thing  may  be  required 
the  good  of  society,  and  for  that  very  reason  b<  rdance  with  the  will 

commai  d.     God  uses  his  command  for  |  he  not? 

■  nuands  that  ha    ei 
Mr.    :  I  deny  th    right  of  any  civil  povcrnn:'  nt  1  ■  ly  law  respect- 

thing  that    pertains  to  man's  relationship  '■■  God   under  the  first  four  of 

the  Ten  Commandments. 

Blair.     Then  y<  this  bill  and  all 

ip  of  mat  I,  and  not  1 

Mr.   JONI  -        That    is   the   principle   by   which   other  tl  :- 

.'or    Blair.      Right    there    I    found    fault    with    your   original    i  -ion. 

have  ;■  stablisl  -i  can  defeat  1 

■  v  *  *  * 
■   Blair      N    -if  the  •  ily  for  •' 

ublican  form  i  

just  as  the  t:  y  did 

r  the  impr.  ernmei 

by  us  under  the  republican   form,  ranir  •  t  the  1 

mmen;  hen  the  th< 

same  subjec  •-■  ^ontro! 

93 


society;  it  makes  no  difference  which  one  or  the  other  it  may  be.  *  *  *  Have  you 
ever  known  an  instance,  though  the  sentiment  in  favor  of  a  Sabbath  seems  to  be 
growing  constantly  stronger,  where  any  State  in  this  Union  undertook  to  enact  a 
law  that  anybody  should  go  to  church? — which  is  the  danger  you  seem  to  apprehend. 

Mr.  Jones.      Not  yet.     They  are  now  after  the  first  law.     This  will  lead  to  that. 

Senator  Blair.  Do  you  understand  that  it  is  the  Church  or  the  State  that  is 
making  this  law? 

Mr.  Jones.      It  is  the  State  that  is  doing  it,  just  as  Constantine  did,  to  satisfy 

the  Churches. 

Senator  Blair.  It  may  or  may  not  satisfy  the  Churches.  The  Churches  give 
their  reasons  here,  which  may  be  right  or  wrong,  for  the  establishment  of  the  Sab- 
bath; for  this  Sunday  legislation  in  all  the  States.  The  State,  the  whole  people, 
make  the  law.  You  say  that  the  whole  people  shall  not  make  a  good  law  because 
the  Churches  ask  for  it.      *  *  * 

Senator  Blair.  You  would  abolish  any  Sabbath  in  human  practice  which  shall 
be  in  the  form  of  law  unless  the  individual  here  and  there  sees  fit  to  observe  it  ? 

Mr.   Jones.     Certainly;  that  is  a  matter  between   man  and   his  God. 

Senator  Blair.  I  have  been  all  through  this  that  the  working  people  go  through. 
I  have  been  hungry  when  a  boy.  The  hrst  thing  I  can  remember  about  was  being 
hungry.  I  know  how  the  working  people  feel.  I  have  tugged  along  through  the 
week  and  been  tired  out  Saturday  night,  and  I  have  been  where  I  would  have  been 
compelled  to  work  until  the  next  Monday  morning  if  there  had  been  no  law  against 
it.  I  would  not  have  had  any  chance  to  get  that  twenty-four  hours'  rest  if  the  Sun- 
day law  had  not  given  it  to  me.  It  was  a  civil  law  under  which  I  got  it.  The  masses 
of  the  working  people  in  this  country  would  never  get  that  twenty-four  hours'  rest 
if  there  had  not  been  a  law  of  the  land  that  gave  it  to  us.  There  is  that  practical 
fact,  and  we  are  fighting  with  that  state  of  things;  the  tired  and  hungry  man,  woman 
and  child  all  over  this  country  who  wants  a  chance  to  lie  down  and  rest  for  twenty- 
four  hours  out  of  the  whole  seven  days.  *  *  *  Abolish  the  law  of  rest,  take  it  away 
from  the  working  people,  and  leave  corporations,  and  employers,  and  saloon-keepers, 
and  everybody  at  perfect  liberty  to  destroy  that  twenty-four  hours  of  rest,  and 
lawgivers  and  lawmakers  will  find  out  whether  or  not  the  people  want  it,  and  whether 
they  want  those  lawmakers.  *  *  *  Certainly  the  hard  working  man  needs  rest, 
and  the  preachers,  church  members,  and  millionaires  may  do  as  they  please. 
*  *  *  *  ***** 

The  bill  is  simply  an  act  proposing  to  make  efficient    the  Sunday  rest  laivs  of  the 
States,   and  nothing  else. 


94 


ADDITIONAL  REMARKS  OF  MR.  CRAFTS. 

amusements   arc   within    I  jr-resl 

1  i-trict  of  Columbia  and  the  Territories.] 

The  working-men  of  the  United  States  and  of  Europe  are  demanding  a 
stricter  Sabbath  observance.  Recent  agitations  to  this  end  have  origin- 
ated, in  most  instances,  not  in  churches,  but  in  labor  organizations,  and 
have  been  prosecuted,  not  in  the  name  of  religion,  but  of  humanity. 
Socialism  is  leading  a  renaissance  of  Puritanism.  These  movements  are 
a  striking  illustration  of  that  Scripture  saying  about  God's  laws,  "His 
commandments  are  not  grievous."  Christians  tunneling  from  one  side 
of  the  mountain  for  the  glory  of  God,  and  workingmen  tunneling  from 
the  other  side  for  their  own  good,  meet  at  the  Fourth  Commandment, 
which  is  found  to  be  as  fully  in  harmony  with  the  nature  of  man  and  the 
necessities  of  society  as  any  other  of  the  Ten  Commandments,  on  which, 
it  should  be  remembered,  all  Christian  governments  rest — Justinian, 
Charlemagne,  and  Alfred  having  based  their  legal  codes  on  the  Decalogue. 

One  reason  why  the  Sabbath  law  and  other  Bible  laws  are  often  con- 
sidered burdensome  by  many  is  that  they  fail  to  understand  that  religion 
is  only  living  in  accordance  with  nature — conversion  being  like  the  setting 
of  dislocated  bones,  restoring  them  to  their  proper  place  and  functions. 
The  Fourth  Commandment,  at  least,  is  a  "natural  law  in  the  spiritual 
world."  A  restful  change  one  day  in  seven  from  one's  usual  labors  and 
amusements  is  found  to  be  required,  not  only  by  the  laws  of  church  and 
state,  not  only  by  the  laws  of  the  Old  Testament  and  the  New,  but  also 
bv  the  law  of  nature.  Sabbath  rest  is  good,  not  only  for  our  spiritual 
nature,  but  also  for  animal  nature  in  man  and  beast,  and  even  for 
machinery. 

The  failures  and  successes  of  workingmen  in  their    recent    efforts  to 

secure  a  more  restful  Sabbath,  point  out  clearly  the  only  defensible  ground 

of  Sabbath  observance,  which  it  is  all  important  for  both 

Workingmen  s       ^    ^^   q£   Qod   ^   ^    frjends   q[  man   tQ   find     amj 

Sunday  Rest       fortjfy      fo  show  what  this  ground  is,  not  by  Scripture, 
Battles.  nQt  by  ab5tract  theorizing,  but  by  "the  philosophy  that 

teaches  by  examples,"  is  my  present  purpose.  The  efforts  of  workingmen 
on  the  continent  of  Europe  and  in  our  own  country  to  check  the  rapid 
increase   of   needless    Sunday   work,   are   a   practical  y   of  the  holiday 

Sunday. 

What  do  the  facts  of  recent  history  show  as  to  the  relation  of  Sunday 
amusements  to  Sundav  work? 

In  1886  the  Italian 'legislators  made  a  law  requiring  that  children  em- 
ployed in  factories  should  rest  one  day  of  each  week.  The  movement  was 
inaugurated  by  a  minister,  but  supported  by  the  Hygienic  Society  and 
several  workingmen's  organizations.  Note  that  these  societies  di  1  not 
venture  to  ask  even  this  irregular  one-seventh  of  time  ;  -  r  it  for  any 
toilers  except  children  in  factories.  In  1885  Austro-IIungary.  in  response 
to  the  bitter  cry  of  Sabbathless  toilers,  enacted  a  stringent  Sunday  law 
which  emancipated  even-  printer  from  Sunday  work— for  a  Sabbath  or  * 
Then  Greed  recaptured  his   fugitive   slai  That  law.  however,   ser 

one  purpose  at  least— it  stands  as  that  nation's  confession  to  the  world 
that  the  continental  Sunday,  the  "holiday  Sunday."  is  to  many  a  day  of 

95 


needless  toil.  Those  who  know  the  continental  Sunday  best,  it  will  be 
seen,  have  the  same  opinion  of  it  that  the  Quaker  Lad  of  a  bad  neighbor, 
of  whom  his  opinion  was  asked.  He  replied,  "He  would  make  a  tip-top 
stranger." 

The  reaction  against  the  Sunday  work  of  the  continental  Sunday  is  even 
stronger  in  Germany  than  in  Austria  or  Italy. 

In  1886  a  thousand  carpenters  of  Berlin  sent  the  following  petition  to 
the  German  chancellor  for  protection  against  Sunday  work : 

Prince  Bismarck  :  You  have  declared  that  you  would  not  legally  forbid 
Sunday  work  until  convinced  by  the  voice  of  the  laborers  that  they  demand 
rest  on  that  day.  Here,  then,  is  their  voice.  We  declare  explicitly  that 
we  desire  a  law  which  will  grant  us  protection  in  the  enjoyment  of  freedom 
from  work  on  Sunday.  Sunday  labor  leads  to  misery,  crime,  and  vaga- 
bondism." 

Bismarck,  instead  of  aiding  German  workingmen  to  recover  their  Sab- 
bath rest,  blockaded  them,  not  only  in  Parliament,  but  also  by  his  own 
bad  example  in  keeping  the  employes  in  his  brandy  factories  at  work  seven 
days  in  the  week.  The  commission  appointed  by  the  German  government 
to  investigate  this  matter  of  Sunday  work  finds  the  evil  very  great  and 
very  general,  but  they  find  no  remedy;  and  even  conservative  German 
papers  declare  that  nothing  can  be  done  at  present  except  to  educate 
public  opinion.  Unless  they  are  blind  to  the  lessons  of  recent  history  they 
will  begin  that  education  with  the  fourth  commandment.  This  rejected 
stone  must  become  the  head  of  the  corner  in  any  successful  defense  of 
Sabbath  rest.  As  a  permit  for  "beer  only"  always  admits  whisky  in  its 
shadow,  so  a  permit  for  Sunday  sport  always  includes  Sunday  work.  In 
France,  where  many  laborers  are  seen  working  in  the  fields  and  at  their 
trades  during  the  Sunday  holiday — those  not  at  work  make  it  a  day  of  riot 
and  riots — workingmen  are  making  demands  for  Sabbath  rest  on  social- 
istic and  selfish  grounds,  but  with  as  little  success  as  in  Germany.  No 
wonder  that  travelers  in  France  see  no  old  carpenters,  no  old  stone- 
cutters, no  old  shoe-makers !  No  wonder  French  '  workingmen,  even 
while  they  live,  do  less  work  in  seven  days  than  Englishmen  in  six ! 

At  a  socialistic  congress  held  at  Ghent,  in  Belgium,  in  1886,  one  of  the 
chief  demands  was  for  Sunday  rest.     In  Holland,  also,  workingmen    are 
making  a  desperate  effort  for  emancipation  from  Sunday  work.         The 
Independent,  of  February  17,  1887,  says  of  this  movement:     "The  meas- 
ures proposed  in  Holland  are  characteristic  of  the  whole  European  phase 
of  the  problem.     No  work  is  to  be  allowed  that  is  open 
Continental        to  public  view ;  no  sales  of  any  sort  shall  be  made  in  pub- 
Reforms.  liCj  with  the  exception  of  eatables ;  no  places  of  public 
amusement  shall  be  open  before  8  o'clock  in  the  even- 
ing, nor  are  intoxicating  drinks  to  be  sold  near  churches  in  case  worship 
is  being  conducted  in  them,  nor  anywhere  before  noon.     The  Government 
declares  that  it  is  impossible  to  forbid  all  work  on  Sundav  or  to  close  all 
places  of  amusement,  as  this  is  the  only  day  of  recreation  which  these 
laboring  men  can  enjoy;  and  that  the  object  of  this  legislation  should  be 
merely  to  prevent  any  disturbance  of  public  worship." 

In  contrast  to  these  failures  of  continental  workingmen  in  their  efforts 

to  shut  out  Sunday  work  without  excluding  Sunday  amusements,  British 

workingmen,  in  1886,  as  often  before,  protested  against 

England.  Sunday  opening  of  museums,  and  continued  to  favor  the 

Sunday  closing  of  saloons,  recognizing  that  not  only  the 

96 


coarse  Sunday  amusement  of  the  saloon  but  also  the  more  civilized 
Sunday  amusement  of  the  museums  imperil  Sunday  rest  by  secularizing 
the  day. 

Even  in  our  own  West  and   Southwest,  where  the  holiday   Sunday  pre- 
vails only  in  a  varioloid  form,  workingmen  are  asking  emancipation  f: 
the  ever-increasing  Sunday  work.     For  instance,  in  La  Crosse,  the  N 

[pans  formed  a  Law  and  Order  League  to  enforce  the  Sabbath  laws. 
Saloons  had  been  suffered  to  keep  open  as  a  part  of  the  holiday  Sunday. 
Some  of  the  dealers  in  better  goods,  unwilling  to  lose  their  share  of  the 
Saturday  night's  wages,  claimed  the  same  sufferance.  Their  competitors 
in  the  same  line  of  goods  felt  it  necessary  to  do  the  same  in  self-defense, 
until  nearly  all  the  retail  merchants  and  their  clerks  had  lost  their  Sabbath 
rest,  and  gained  nothing  in  return.  They  were  simply  doing  seven  days' 
work  for  six  days'  profits.  The  movement  of  the  Law  and  Order  League 
was  an  attempt  to  recapture  the  lost  rest.  The  liquor  dealers  being  closed 
out,  retaliated  by  enforcing  the  law  against  the  horse-cars,  and  seem  to 
have  accomplished  their  purpose,  as  in  many  other  places,  stopping 
enforcement  by  enforcement.  No  Sabbath  law  should  have  any  restric- 
tions whose  enforcement  can  be  used  to  nullify  the  whole  law.  I  do  not 
believe  the  running  of  horse-cars  on  the  Sabbath  is  either  a  work  of 
necessity  or  of  mercy.  They  are  "man-killers,"  as  now  managed.  But 
until  the  public  conscience  (I  do  not  say  "public  sentiment")  is  educated 
to  condemn  them  as  wronging  both  God  and  man,  it  would  be  better  to 
be  content  with  a  "six-day  law"  forbidding  any  conductor  or  driver  or  any 
other  employe  engaged  in  work  not  prohibited  on  the  Sabbath,  except 
those  engaged  in  household  service  and  in  care  of  the  sick  and  of  live 
stock,  to  work  on  more  than  six  days  per  week,  which  could  be  arranged 
by  the  use  of  one-seventh  more  men,  and  so  give  back,  by  the  law  of  supply 
and  demand,  a  week's  wages  for  six  days'  work  and  a  seventh  of  time  for 
rest,  rather  than  to  keep  the  law  against  Sunday  horse-cars  on  the  statute 
ks  for  no  other  use  than  the  defense  of  rum-sellers  and  the  defeat  of 
Sabbath  enforcement. 

That  LaCrosse  movement  has  this  bearing  on  my  main  argument — it 
shows  us  of  the  East,  as  a  signal  to  "hold  the  fort"  of  our  quieter  Sabbath, 
how  a  holiday  Sunday  soon  becomes  a  working  day  even  in  the  smaller 
cities  of  our  own  country,  and  even  where  it  is  tolerated,  against  statute 
law.  only  by  the  law  of  custom. 

In  New  York,  workingmen  have  made  unprecedented  efforts  to  secure 
emancipation  from  Sunday  work.  Hatters,  s  hoe  salesmen,  bakers, 
grocers'  clerks,  dry  goods  clerks,  book-keepers,  barbers,  all  made  their 
protest  against  the  needless  Sunday  work  required  of  them,  and  secured 
several  spasms  of  law  enforcement,  chiefly  useful  in  two  ways:  First,  in 
showing  that  the  police  can  enforce  good  laws  when  they  will;  second, 
that  even  the  American  Sabbath  has  been  seriously  invaded  by  the  needless 
toil  which  has  marched  in  on  the  heels  of  Sunday  sport. 

Workingmen  are  finding  that  wher.;  they  require  or  allow  their  fell- 
to  work  on  the  Sabbath   for  their  amusement,  their  own  turn   to  work 
comes  ere  long.     Casting  out  religion  from  the  Sabbath  they  cast  out  rest. 
Every  act  of  the  workingmen  in  secularizing  the  Sabbath  for  recrea* 
in  the  expressive  words  of  another,  "rivets  the  collar  of  Sunday  labor  more 
tightly  around  their  neck  A  quiet  Sabbath  forenoon  of  protected  rest 

and  worship  can  no  more  co-exist  with  a  Sunday  afternoon  half-holiday, 


-*  t>~  ■  ~ -.— » 

can  co-exist  in  these  United  States. 

All  efforts  of  workingmen  to  resist  invasion  of  the  Sabbath  by  toil,  while 
admitting  amusements,  have  been  and  must  be  in  vain,  for  the  ground  of 
the  holiday  Sunday  is  indefensible. 

While  the  center  of  the  holiday  Sunday's  position  is  weak  in  the  lack  of 

Divine  authority,  its  flanks  are  weak  in  their  permission,  on  the  one  side, 

of  some  public  amusements,  on  the  other,  of  some  forms  of  needless  labor. 

The  labor  and  business  which  the  holiday  Sunday  permits  by  law  is  mostly 

that  which  is  supposed  to  be  essential  to  public  amusement.     In  order 

that  others  may  be  amused,  railroad  men,    newspaper 

Sunday  Pleasures     men,      bakers,      butchers,      tobacconists,      confectioners, 

Involve  Work.       barbers,  bootblacks,  drivers,  florists,  and  in  many  cases, 

liquor  dealers,  are  allowed  to  work  their  employes  seven 

days  in  a  week.     It  is  on  the  heels  of  the  exceptions,  and  through  the  same 

breach  in  the  wall,  that  every  other  form  of  toil  comes  into  the  Sabbath. 

And   why   shouldn't   it?     If  a  man   can   not   buy  his    Sunday   cigars   and 

caramels  over  night,  why  may  he  not  insist  on  having  his  new  shoes  and 

new  hat  also  on  Sunday  morning,  "hot  from  the  griddle?" 

It  is  a  fact  of  history  that  wherever  a  breach  has  been  made  in  the  wall 
of  the  Sabbath  to  let  in  Sunday  concerts  and  the  Sunday  opening  of 
museums,  not  only  worse  amusements  but  work  also  has  come  following 
after,  because  there  is  no  defensible  line  of  battle  by  which  one  public 
amusement  (legal  on  other  days)  can  be  kept  back  while  another  public 
amusement,  which  stands  on  no  higher  footing  before  the  law,  though  it 
may  before  the  church,  is  permitted.  Nor  is  it  consistent  to  defend 
the  Sabbath  against  one  form  of  needless  work  for  gain,  while  another 
form  of  needless  work  for  gain  is  permitted.  "Twice  is  he  armed  that 
hath  his  quarrel  just."  The  holiday  Sunday  is  not  thus  armed,  for  it  is 
not  impartial  either  in  what  it  forbids  or  in  what  it  permits.  If  a  rich 
railroad  corporation  can  use  the  Sabbath  for  works  of  gain,  why  not  a 
poor  hat-seller  also?  If  men  may  sell  on  the  Sabbath  cigars,  newspapers, 
and  candies,  why  not  purer  and  more  useful  things  also?  If  a  man  cant' 
wait  for  news  until  Monday  morning,  why  should  he  wait  for  shoes  ?  The 
law  that  allows  the  making  and  selling  of  newspapers  on  Sunday  and  not 
the  making  and  selling  of  good  books,  lacks  equity,  the  very  heart  of  true 
and  effective  law.  Such  law  is  a  violation  of  law.  By  the  law 
of  equitable  treatment  all  trade,  all  amusements,  all  work  (save 
works  of  necessity  and  charity)  should  be  prohibited,  or  none.  Theatres 
are  not  willing  to  lose  Sunday  gains  if  saloons  are  allowed  to  be  open 
Hatters  and  clothiers  will  soon  be  claiming  the  day  all  over  the  East,  as 
they  have  already  generally  taken  it  in  the  West,  on  the  ground  that  they 
have  as  good  a  right  to  make  money  on  Sunday  as  tobacconists  and  con- 
fectioners. 

The  law  should  not  permit  me  to  make  another  man  work  on  the  day  of 
rest,  that  I  may  be  amused.  I  should  be  required  to  find  my  rest  in  some 
way  that  will  not  sacrifice  another's.  Only  the  ignorant  will  say  in  defense 
of  Sunday  trains,  Sunday  newspapers,  Sunday  mails,  and  Sunday  sails: 
"The  few  must  suffer  for  the  good  of  the  many."  I  find  from  carefully 
compiled  statistics  that  in  the  United  States  more  than  two  millions  are  in 
this  slavery  of  needless  Sunday  work,  and  the  number  is  rapidly  increasing. 
Every  day  some  man  has  to  choose  between  his  salary  and  his  Sabbath. 

98 


the  making  and  selling  of  newspapers  or  any  other  works  not  clearly  w 
of  ;  ity,  or  of  mercy  or  of  religion,  have  taken  a  position  where  they 

are  exposed  I  •  uble  enfilading  fire;  first,  from  all  who  wish  to  continue 
other  needless  work  on  that  day;  and,  second,  from  all  who  wish  to  continue 
other  public  amusemei  hat  (.lay. 

There  never  \  •  mnd  argument  for  amusements;  but  in  these 

days,  when  the  movements  for  shorter  hours  of  labor,  and  "early  closing," 
and  the  Saturday  half-holiday,  arc  everywhere  multiplying  the  workrr. 

hours  for  week-day  recreation,  there  is  not  left  a  plaus- 
Sunday  ible  argument  even  for  Sunday  concerts  and  the  Sun- 

Amusements,         ,iav  opening  of  museums,  much  less  for  the  "hell  of 
the   Sunday   boat."     The    Saturday    half-holiday    and 
early  closing  will  achieve  full  success  all  the  sooner  if  the  capitalist  is  not 
able  to  point  to  Sunday  as  a  weekly  holiday.     Any  defen  round  of  Sab- 

bath observance  must  include  the  Round  Top  of  Sinai.  We  must  occupy 
and  fortify  the  position  that  God's  authority,  as  well  as  man's,  is  back  of  the 
Sabbath,  commending  it  not  to  reason  only,  but  to  conscience  also.  This 
is  the  work  of  the  Christian  pulpit,  the  Christian  press,  and  of  Christian 
schools — the  three  chief  conservators  of  public  conscience. 

The  right  wing  of  this  defensible  line  of  battle  is  a  hill-top  of  equity — the 
impartial  prohibtion  by  the  State  and  nation  of  all  Sunday  work  except 
works  of  necessity  and  mercy.  The  left  wing  in  this  denfensible  line  of 
battle  is  another  lull-top  of  equity — the  impartial  prohibition  of  all  public 
amusements. 

Is  the  position  I  have  thus  indicated  as  the  only  defensible  grounds  of 
Sabbath  observance  impracticable?     Nay,  it  is  not  even  unreal.     It  is  \ 
near  the  position  on  which  the  only  successful  workingman's  defense  of  the 
Sabbath  has  ever  been  conducted  in  Europe.     While  Continental  working- 
men  have  vainly  attempted  to  recapture  their  Sunday  rest,  British  work: 
men  have  ssfully  defended  theirs  by  resisting-  the  vanguard  of  the  S 

bath's  invader-. 

It  tly  significant  that  the  only  country  in  Europe  in  which  working- 

men  have  not  to  a  large  extent  lost  their  Sabbath  rest,  is  one  in  which  public 
conscience  recognizes  the  divine  authority  of  the  day. 

What  I  have  described  is  the  only  defensible  ground  of  Sabbath  observ- 
Toronto-j  a?ce«  centering  in  the  heights  of  a  public  conscience  that  rec 

Sunday    n*zes  lIle  l^a-v  as  ot'  divine  authority,  with  an  impartial  prohibit 
Rest.      '  r  a^  needless  work  on  one  flank,  and  of  all  public  amusements  on 
the  other,  is  more  perfectly  realized  in  Toronto  than  in  any  other 
large  city  of  the  world,  and  there  proves  itself  both  practical  and  popular. 

This  Queen  City  of  the  world  in  morals,  with  distances  from  centre  to  cir- 
cumference as  great  as  even  larger  cities,  has  every  obstacle  to  a  strict  Sab- 
bath observance  which  "modern  civilization"  is  supposed  to  offer.  But  the  ob- 
stacles are  all  overcome.  The  Toronto  Sabbath  is  "The  barber's  Sunday," 
"The  butchers'  Sunday."  The  right  to  Sabbath  rest  is  not  tab 
the  post-office  employees  and  the  printers  of  the  daily  papei 
grocers,  butchers,  bakers,  tobacconists,  confectioners,  also  rest.  Telegraph 
Operators  all  rest,  except  ten  at  the  central  office.  Milk  dealers  are  free  most 
of  the  day.  The  latter  have  resolved  hereafter  to  make  no  delivery  on  the 
Sabbath  in  cold  weather,  as  it  is  entirely  unnecessary.  Livery  stables  can 
legally  be  used  only  kness  and  church  going.     Christians  of  Toronto 

at  least  are  considerate  of  their  servants  in  th  bles  and  at  their  tables. 

99 


It  is  harsh  to  prohibit  the  renting  of  boats  to  the  poor  while  the  rich  man 
drives  about  in  his  carriage.  Three  ''through  trains,"  kept  up  by  American 
competition,  is  the  most  serious  offense  against  Sabbath  rest  that  one  sees. 
It  is  out  of  control  of  the  city  authorities,  the  provincial  law  allowing  Sun- 
day trains  starting  in  the  United  States  to  go  through  Canada  to  their  desti- 
nation. This  sort  of  Sabbath  is  kept  up  not  alone  out  of  regard  for  God's 
law,  but  also  because  it  is  found  to  be  for  the  best  good  of  men.  Efforts  to 
start  Sunday  papers  have  found  no  popular  support  and  utterly  failed.  Work- 
ingmen  see  that  "the  Sabbath  was  made  for  man."  Druggists  think  ours 
a  "horrible  country"  for  men  of  their  trade,  in  that  even  half  of  a  Sabbath  is 
not  allowed  them  for  rest.  Toronto  is  "  a  city  set  on  a  hill,"  "a  light  to  the 
world,"  as  to  what  can  and  should  be  done  in  all  large  cities  in  regard  to  Sab- 
bath observance.  If  a  city  would  not  suffer  from  hot-boxes  of  socialism, 
let  it  give  its  workingmen,  as  Toronto  does,  early  closing,  Saturday  half 
holidays,  and  Sabbath  rest. 

On  the  issue  of  the  battle  for  the  Sabbath  the  fate  of  our  country  and  of 
our  Christianity  depends.  Neither  evangelical  Christianity  nor  popular 
liberty  ever  thrived  in  a  land  of  holiday  Sundays,  which  are  the  allies  of 
tyranny,  infidelity  and  superstition.  A  quiet  Sabbath  is  the  best  school  of 
liberty  as  well  as  of  religion. 

Let  us  then  hold  at  any  cost — for  it  is  easier  to  defend  than  to  recapture — 
the  only  defensible  ground  of  Sabbath  observance — namely,  that  both  the 
authority  of  God  and  the  good  of  man  require  on  that  day  the  cessation  of  all 
needless  work  and  of  all  public  amusements. 

[Extracts  From  Senate  Hearing  on  Blair  Sunday  Rest  Biu-"1 


William  Black  Steele,  in  the  March  number  of  the  North  American 
Review,  shows  that  the  holiday  Sunday  has  more  work  than  play.  Recent 
investigations  of  the  German  Government,  which  had  become  alarmed  at 
the  increase  of  Sunday  work,  and  was  receiving  protests  from  working- 
men,  even  from  socialists,  in  regard  to  this  alarming  increase — these  in- 
vestigations have  shown  that  even  in  the  factories  of  Germany  57  per 
cent,  of  the  employes  work  on  Sunday,  and  77  per  cent,  of  those  engaged 
in  transportation  and  trade.  It  is  this  work-a-day  Sunday,  which  the  con- 
tinental governments  are  seeking  to  be  rid  of,  against  which  we  would 
have  our  Government  take  preventive  measures,  because  it  is  easier  to 
prevent  than  to  repent.  This  movement  is  in  harmony  with  the  awakening 
American  spirit,  whose  watchword  is,  "America  for  American  institu- 
tions." 

***** 

Marching  is  the  soldier's  work,  and  therefore  he  should  be  relieved 
from  it.     Even  at  the    sanitariums    they    omit    the 
baths  on  Sunday  because  the  human  system  requires  a  change  one  day 
in  the  week. 

Of  course  vessels  at  sea  we  do  not  expect  to  stop  for  the  Sabbath  in 
mid-ocean.  A  naval  vessel  on  an  ocean  voyage  would  be  like  other  ships 
at  sea ;  but  we  would  not  have  coasting  vessels  of  the  Navy  perform  un- 
necessary work  on  Sunday. 

100 


Are  Sabbath  Laws  Consistent  with  Liberty  ? 

[Extract  from  "The  Sabbath  for  Man,"  submitted  by  the  author,  Rev. 
Wilbur  F.  Crafts,  Ph.  D.,  at  hearing  before  Senate  Committee  on  Education 
and  Labor,  Hon.  H.  \V.  Blair,  Chairman,  Dec.  13,  1888,  Senate  Reception 
Room.  50th  Congress.  Senate  Mis.  Doc.  43. J 

Sabbath  laws  are  consistent  with  liberty  in  the  same  way  as  other  laws  for 

Natio     I    *'le  Protec^on  °f  institutions  deemed  by  the  majority  of  the  peo 

Hohda  ■  ^'e  nnPortant  t0  tne  welfare  of  society,  such  as  the  setting  apart 
y  *  of  the  Fourth  of  July  and  the  Twenty-second  of  February  for  the 
culture  of  patriotism. 

Many  of  the  foreign  one-seventh  of  the  population  of  the  United  States 
have  no  interest  in  the  national  holidays,  and  would  prefer  to  pay  their  notes 
that  come  due  on  the  Fourth  of  July  on  that  day  rather  than  on  the  previous 
one.  They  would  also  like  to  use  the  banks  and  courts  on  that  day,  and  to 
be  able  to  find  public  servants  in  their  offices.  But  few  of  these  guests  would 
say  that  it  was  inconsistent  with  liberty  for  the  native  majority  of  the  popula- 
tion to  set  apart  these  days  for  lessons  in  liberty. 

Most  of  this  native  majority,  with  a  third  of  the  foreign  population  added, 
have  another  institutional  day  whose  observance  they  regard  as  essential  to 
the  preservation  of  the  Republic — the  Sabbath. 

Liberty  forbids  them  to  enforce  upon  any  one  the  religious  features  of  the 
day.  Liberty  allows  the  majority  no  right,  and  it  has  no  disposition,  to  en- 
force its  religion  upon  others.  But  inasmuch  as  more  than  three-fourths  of 
the  population  of  the  United  States  are  members  or  adherents  of  Christian 
churches,  and  so  accustomed  to  set  apart  the  first  day  of  each  week  for  rest 
and  religion,  and  inasmuch  as  it  is  the  conviction  of  this  majority  that  the 
nation  can  not  be  preserved  without  religion,  nor  religion  without  the  Sab- 
bath, nor  the  Sabbath  without  laws,  therefore  Sabbath  laws  are  enacted  by 
the  right  of  self-preservation,  not  in  violation  of  liberty,  but  for  its  protec- 
tion. 

The  Sabbath  laws  are  not  Puritanical.  If  they  were,  it  would  nn  more 
be  a  valid  argument  against  them  than  it  is  an  argument  against  the  Ameri- 
can Constitution,  its  common  schools,  and  its  homes,  that  they  are  ot  1'untan 
origin.  But  the  main  features  of  American  Sabbath  laws  came  from  the 
predecessors  and  the  persecutors  of  the  Puritans.  If  there  was  today  in  the 
United  States  less  reading  of  romance  and  more  of  history,  speakers  would 
be  laughed  down  for  their  ismorance  whenever  they  quote  the  "Blue  laws." 
The  nineteenth  century,  so  far  from  canceling,  confirms  the  essential  features 
of  Sabbath  laws  by  re-enacting  and  re-affirming  them  in  the  legislative  and 
judicial  assemblies  of  its  most  enlightened  nations. 

The  republics  of  Rome  and  Greece  and   Spain,  and  the  former  one  in 

France,  all  died,  not  of  wounds,  but  of  moral  cancer.     The  devil  can  not 

cast  a  republic  down  from  its  high  estate  by  any  external  blow.     He  can 

only  say,  "Cast  thyself  down."     If  he  can  persuade  the 

Dying  people  to  adopt  the  holiday  Sunday  and  put  the  saloon 

Nations.  and  tne  shop  in  place  of  the  home  and  the  church;  if  he 

can  stop  the  Sabbath's  weekly  diffusion  of  intelligence  and 

conscientiousness,  and  put  frivolity  and  greed  in  its  place,  he  will  at  length 

i    1 


raise  up  a  people  among  whom  ballots  will  be  given  in  exchange  for  beer  and 
bank-bills.  , 

"Without  religious  sanctions,"  says  Professor  Goldwin  Smith,  "men  have 
never  been  able  to  live  under  a  government  of  law."  And,  we  may  add, 
that  with  them  a  good  government  may  live  forever.  In  the  words  of  Earl 
Russell :  "There  is  no  necessity  in  the  nature  of  things  that  nations  should 
die.  History  points  to  no  people  which,  while  strong  in  faith,  in  reverence, 
m  truthfulness,  in  chastity,  in  frugality,  in  the  virtues  of  the  temple  and  of 
the  hearth,  has  sunk  into  atrophy  and  decline.  We  may  decide,  therefore, 
that  so  long  as  moral  energy  fails  not,  the  life  of  the  nation  will  not  fail." 

General  morality  is  one  of  the  necessities  of  life  to  a  popular  government, 
and  such  morality  has  never  yet  been  secured  except  through  churches  and 
Sabbaths.  Popular  government  can  not  live  by  bread  alone;  it  must  have 
also  morality  and  religion.  "Despotism  may  govern  without  faith,"  said  De 
Tocqueville,  "but  liberty  can  not."  It  was  the  conviction  of  this  truth  that 
forced  Mirabeau,  the  eloquent  orator  of  the  French  revolution,  to  exclaim, 
"God  is  as  necessary  as  liberty  to  the  French  people."  Another  Frenchman, 
La  Place,  wrote :  "I  have  lived  long  enough  to  know,  what  at  one  time  I 
did  not  believe,  that  no  society  can  be  upheld  in  happiness  and  honor  without 
the  sentiments  of  religion." 

These  utterances  have  doubled  force  coming  from  France,  the  only  nation 
that,  having  received  the  Sabbath,  has  ever  legally  and  deliberately  murdered 
the  messenger  of  God,  and  thus  crushed  the  religious  instinct  of  the  people, 
which  it  did  at  the  Revolution  by  appointing  a  tenth-day  rest,  thus  bringing 
on  the  wreck  of  liberty  in  a  "reign  of  terror."  Neglect  of  Sabbath  rest  pro- 
duces not  only  personal  but  political  insanity.  De  Tocqueville  said  to  an 
American,  when  the  American  Sabbath  was  stricter  than  it  is  now,  "France 
must  have  your  Sabbath  or  she  is  ruined."  It  might  be  added  that  America 
must  restore  her  Sabbath  or  she  is  ruined. 

The  venerable  historian  Hon.  George  Bancroft,  in  1884.  wrote  to  the  New 
York  Christian  Advocate  his  conviction  of  the  inseparableness  of  liberty  and 
religion,  as  follows :  "Certainly  our  great  united  comn*onwealth  is  the  child 
of  Christianity ;  it  may  with  equal  truth  be  asserted  that  modern  civilization 
sprang  into  life  with  our  religion ;  and  faith  in  its  principles  is  the  life-boat 
on  which  humanity  has  at  divers  times  escaped  the  most  threatening  perils." 

Religion  is,  then,  necessary  to  the  preservation  of  the  State:  but  is  the 
Sabbath  necessary  to  the  preservation  of  religion  ?  Voltaire  answers :  "There 
is  no  hope  of  destroying  the  Christian  religion  so  long  as  the  Christian  Sab- 
bath is  acknowledged  and  kept  by  men  as  a  sacred  day."    The  reverse  is 

Libert  's  Safe  uard      a^S0  trUe'  ^at  t^iere  's  no  ^°Pe  °*  Preservin^  >*  m  anv 
Reii  ion*  FMMon1       community  where  the  Sabbath  is  not  observed.  Even 
^"sabbath0"        a  clergyman,  visiting-  in  Venice,  who  had  lost^  his 
reckoning  of  days,  found  through  an  American  friend 
whom  he  met  at  evening  that  he  had  unconsciously  spent  a  Sabbath  in  sight- 
seeing, having  observed  no  closing  of  shops  or  cessation  of  work  or  amuse- 
ment to  suggest  that  it  was  a  holy  day.     This  gives  point  to  Calvin's  saying, 
that  "if  the  Lord's  day  was  abolished  the  church  would  be  in  imminent  dan- 
ger of  convulsion  and  ruin." 

At  a  gathering  of  Lutherans  in  Germany,  Dr.  Bauer,  court  preacher,  be- 
gan an  address  with  the  strong  assertion  that  though  Dr.  Luther  had  de- 

102 


clared  the  doctrine  of  justification  bv  faith  to  be  the  doctrine  of  a  standing  or 
falling  church,  he  could  not  regard  the  sanctification  of  the  Sabbath  as  any 
less  a  ground  pillar  of  the  church  and  of  our  whole  social  life." 

"No  republic  has  yet  perished  in  which  intelligence  was  not  more  general 
and  higher  at  its  overthrow  than  at  its  founding."  Free  governments  can 
not  go  on  without  morality.  In  the  words  of  Franklin,  "What  are  laws 
without  morals?"  And,  we  may  add,  whence  shall  we  get  morals  except 
from  religion  ? 

Let  Washington  answer  both  questions.  He  says :  "Reason  and  experi- 
ence both  forbid  us  to  expect  that  national  morality  can  prevail  in  exclusion 
of  religious  principle."  To  this  agree  the  words  of  Justice  McLean,  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States :  "Where  there  is  no  Christian  Sab- 
bath, there  is  no  Christian  moralitv :  and  without  this  free  institutions  can 
not  long  be  sustained."  Hon.  John  Randolph  Tucker,  M.  C,  of  Virginia, 
has  ably  enforced  this  same  great  truth:  "Ah!  my  friends,  break  down  the 
fence  of  Christianity,  and  liberty  and  law  and  civilization  will  perish  with  it. 
I  wish  to  testify  my  belief  that  the  institutional  custom  of  our  fathers,  in 
remembering  the  Sabbath  day  to  keep  it  holv.  as  he  conservator  of  their 
Christian  religion,  is  the  foundation  of  our  political  system  and  the  only  hope 
of  American  freedom,  progress,  and  glory.  Just  in  proportion  as  man  is 
governed  by  his  sense  of  right  and  duty,  or  by  the  religious  principle  in  some 
form  or  other,  he  is  capable  of  and  fitted  for  dutv.  But.  on  the  other  hand,  in 
proportion  to  his  disregard  of  moral  law  or  the  law  of  conscience  does  the 
need  of  external  power  increase.  Liberty  must  grow  less,  and  power  tend  to 
despotism.  When  the  constitution  and  laws  of  a  country,  therefore,  protect 
religion,  they  conserve  that  internal  power  over  the  man  which  saves  liberty 
and  makes  despotism  impossible." 

Sir  John  Sinclair  wrote  an  essay  against  what  he  then  considered  a  too 
strict  and  Puritanical  observance  of  the  Sabbath  in  Scotland.  His  friend, 
Dr.  Adam  Smith,  although  himself  the  apologist  of  Hume,  said  to  him, 
"Your  book.  Sir  John,  is  very  ably  composed,  but  the  Sabbath  as  a  political 
institution  is  of  inestimable  value  independentlv  of  its  claims  to  divine  au- 
thority." 

Let  us  not  call  the  Sabbath,  in  legal  parlance,  a  dies  non;  British  and 
American  history  prove  it,  even  as  a  political  institution,  the  dav  of  days. 

"But,"  say  some  who  admit  that  the  state  can  not  be  preserved  without  re- 
ligion, nor  religion  without  a  Sabbath,  "the  Sabbath  may  be  preserved  with- 

u    *  ll  *•_       out  laws."    France  and  Germanv  answer.  "No."    Neither 
No  Sabbath  ...  4,         ,  ,  ... 

......      .  ,  rest  nor  religion  can  use  the  dav  to  advantage  without 

Without  Law       .         .  .  «        J  ....  . 

legal  protection  against  creed  and  passion.     \\  here  there 

are  no  Sabbath  laws  there  is  practicallv  no  Sabbath. 

As  courts  have  often  decided,  these  Sabbath  laws  are  not  in  violation  of 
that  much  misunderstood  article  in  the  American  Constitution  :  "Cnncress 
shall  make  no  law  respecting  an  establishment  of  religion  or  prohibiting  the 
free  exercise  thereof."  President  Charles  E.  Knox.  D.  D.  in  a  very  able 
paper  on  "The  Attitude  of  our  Foreicn  Pooulation  Toward  the  Sabbath," 
urges  that  this  amendment  needs  to  be  thoroughly  expounded  to  the  foreicm 
population  of  the  United  States.  "It  should  be  shown  to  them."  he  savs, 
"that  while  Congress  possesses  no  law-making  power  in  respect  to  nn  estab- 
lishment of  religion,  it  may  and  does  and  always  has  passed  laws  which  have 

103 


respect  to  religion.  It  may  and  does  and  always  has  passed  laws  in  respect 
to  those  phases  of  religious  conviction  which  have  to  do  with  the  self-preser- 
vation of  the  republic.  Whatever  makes  the  best  citizen,  Congress  has  a 
right  to  prescribe.  Whatever  attacks  the  vitalities  of  citizenship,  Congress 
has  a  right  to  prohibit." 

It  should  be  shown  to  them  also,  that  while  liberty  allows  no  state  church, 

and  can  compel  no  worship,  "Christianity  is  a  part  of  the  common  law  of  the 

land,"  as  the  highest  courts  have  often  decided.    That  Christianity  is  inter- 

„,.    .       /»i.-!-*i—    woven  with  the  entire  structure  and  history  of  the 
This  is  a  Christian      A  •  /-*  «  t        ,■         / «« 

Ki.*-«-»f  American  Government  is  shown    by    the    following 

Nation."  -  ,  „.        ...         ,■',,,  .  ° 

facts,  among  others :  The  pilgrims  founded  the  nation 

through  a  desire  for  freedom  to  worship  God,  and  especially  for  freedom  to 
keep  the  Sabbath  holy.  The  Declaration  of  Independence  recognizes  the  in- 
alienable rights  of  citizens  as  proceeding  from  God. 

The  articles  of  confederation  of  the  States  and  the  charter  of  the  North- 
western Territory  contained  in  their  provisions  for  education  and  for  charit- 
able and  reformatory  institutions  a  recognition  of  the  laws  of  religion.  The 
convention  for  framing  the  Constitution  was  opened  with  prayer.  The  Pres- 
ident annually  prclaims  to  the  entire  nation  a  Day  of  Thanksgiving  to  God 
for  His  mercies.  Upon  some  of  the  coins  of  the  nation  is  engraved  an  ex- 
pression of  our  trust  in  God.  Each  branch  of  the  General  Government  has 
its  chaplain,  and  the  Army  and  Navy  are  also  supplied  with  chaplains  as 
regularly  commissioned  officers.  The  President,  members  of  Congress,  and 
of  the  judiciary,  governors  of  States,  legislators,  and  other  officials  are  sworn 
into  office  in  the  use  of  the  Bible  and  by  an  appeal  to  the  God  of  Christians. 
Witnesses  before  courts  of  law  are  required  to  make  oath  in  the  name  of 
God  that  they  will  tell  the  truth.  Churches  and  property  used  exclusively  for 
places  of  worship  are  exempt  from  taxation.  Ordained  ministers  of  the 
Gospel  are  declared  to  be  competent  to  solemnize  marriage.  The  State  pro- 
vides religious  instruction  for  the  convicts  in  its  prisons  and  for  the  youth  in 
its  reform  schools.  Wherever  public  schools  have  been  established  instruc- 
tion in  Christian  morality  has  been  enjoined.  Nearly  all  the  States  prohibit 
secular  labor,  noise,  and  confusion  on  the  Sabbath,  and  (with  certain  recent 
exceptions)  have  always  held  that  all  civil  contracts  made  upon  that  day  are 
void.  The  Federal  laws  of  the  United  States  also  recognize  the  Sabbath  by 
forbidding  distilling  on  that  day,  and  by  intermitting  the  studies  in  the  na- 
tional academies,  and  by  counting  out  the  Sabbath  from  the  ten  days  allowed 
the  President  for  signing  an  act  of  Congress. 

The  Sabbath  law,  in  the  language  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  California 
"leaves  a  man's  religious  belief  and  practice  as  free  as  the  air  he  breathes." 
Americans  have  already  changed  the  plans  of  national  houskeeping  too  much 
at  the  discourteous  dictation  of  the  most  disorderly  of  foreign  visitors.  Let 
those  who  wish  a  Continental  Sunday  stay  where  it  is.  The  United  States 
want  neither  it  nor  its  moral  and  political  fruits.  Monarchs  can  live,  even 
though  the  masses  are  only  animals  and  children,  such  as  thoughtless  Sab- 
baths make  them,  but  in  a  republic  the  masses  must  be  men,  such  as  only 
quiet  Sabbaths  have  ever  been  able  to  produce. 

History  proves  that  while  "a  holiday  Sabbath,"  as  Hallam  has  said,  "is  the 
ally  of  despotism,"  a  Christian  Sabbath  is  the  holy  day  of  freedom. 

104 


SUNDAY  CLOSING  OF  COLUMBIAN   EXPOSITION. 

I,  July  1 1 ,  i  a 

olquil  y  ii,  ia 

a ,  and  of  ( 

July  1  - 

SI'EECH  OF  HON.  J.  R.  HAUL: 

A  great  local  agitation  arose  demanding  that  the  [Centennial]  exhibition  be 
op<  '1    all  the  arguments  we  hear  now  were  made,  all  supposed  to  be  in 

the   interest    of    morality    and   purity    and    refinement,  but   culminating    in  the 
■position,  "  We   wish    to  run  the  exhibition  on  Sunday  and  take  50  a 

•e."     It  was  asked  then,  "  What  will  the  poor  people  do,  cast  away  over 
id  iy   in    Philadelphia  and   left   to   all  the  attractions  of   vicious  or  doubtful 
pla 

We    never    heard   of  any  trouble  on   that  account.      It   was   a    peaceable 

I  ity  on  Sunday;    but  if  it  had   been  opened  on  that  day  the  trains 

I    have    run    from    Baltimore,    Wilmington,  Jersey    City,  New'  York,  and 

:lyn    and    all   the    country    around    bringing  from  thirty  to  fifty  thousand 

people,  and    every    man    here    knows   that  they  would  have  been  largely  c 

of   not   the    most   orderly    classes   in    society,  and   that  city  would  have 
:i,   I  do  not  say  altogether  a  bedlam,  but  it  would  have  been  what  it  never 
was   before   that   time,  and    never   has    been  since,  in  the  matter  of  order  and 
general  propriety. 

Open  the  Exposition  on  Sunday  and  the  flood  gates  are  opened.     Hereafter 

it    will    be  forever  pointed  to  as  a  precedent  of  high  authority  for  opening  all 

exhibitions  and  places  of  amusement  or  alleged  instruction,  where  as  up  to  this 

time  there  never  has  been  a  State  exhibition,  a  State  fair,  a  county  fair,  a  city 

-.  or   a   circus,  or  a  show  of  any  description  opened  on  Sunday;   nor  ever  a 

ive   body  that  has  not  as  a  rule,  except  under  stress  of   great  neces  ity, 

ourned   over  Sunday.     There   never   has  been   a  secular  convention,  social, 

political,  scienf'fic,  literary,  or  commercial  that  has  not  adjourned  over  Sunday. 

w,  this  is   not  a   Christian   nation   in  one  sense.     There  is  no  union  of 

church   and   state  in   our  Constitution.     In    another   sense    it    is  profoundly   a 

te.      From    the   time   of    the   Continental   Congress  down   to    tl 
day    the    overruling    hand   of    a   Creator,   an    Ah:  her,   has  ac- 

1    in    every    great    public    proceeding.     I   do  not  ask  vou  to  do  ai 
thi:  will  indicate  an  ;.  I  of  any  sect  or  any  creed  whatever.     I 

.  that  which  is  of    immeasurable  importance  in  the  salvation  of   a 
profound   s-nse  of  religious   ol  a.      You   will  grieve  tens  of 

people  if  you  open  the  Exposition  on  Sum1 
It  posed   to   compromise  the  question.     I •'■•r  instance,  it  is 

t  the  steam   engine  and   the  active  mechanical  exhibition   be  st< 

but    that    all    exhibits  shall   I  :\   to  view.      This  and   all    other 

in   an  admission  fee  of  5  ami  a  full  working  f  r 

;      'pie  enter,  with  them  1  me  all  the  official  guai 

all    the  who   must  attend  I  in, 

and  inday  will  he  as  a-  t  day.    It  is  a  mere  evasion. 

v  of   Illinois  is  adequate,   is   it   not,   they   ask    us.      No;    I    .;.»   not 
think    it  the  law   of    Pennsylvania  was  1  nd 

not  have  been  but  for  the  resolute  vote  of    the  SU] 

ly   knows  what  the  foundation  is.     It  is  found* 
lief;   ai  tful  observance  of  this  seventh  day  can  just  as  well 

m  the  •  1  snd  economical  1  ad  as  from  • 

Old  T  :t.     You  may  say  in  a  certain  '.hat  the  Ten  Command] 

are  founded   upon  nature  and  upon  common  tor  if  they  had  n  • 

dis  i    in    the    Old    Testament  have  devifl 

something  very  similar  to  them.     The  law  of  rest  is  in  our  nature. 

It  i^  a  mistake  to  say  the  laboring  people  want  the   Ex]  on  open. 

the  40,000,000  people  whom  I  class  as  i  Large  ; 

•le.     They  no  I 
it  opened  than  do  the  archt  they  will  he  the  people  ' 

X  <r   is    the    d  only  by  re'  pie. 

The  Socialists  of  Europe  are  credit-  .e  regard  for  churches  or  cree 

105 


and  certainly  religious  profession  makes  no  figure  in  their  platforms,  but  they 
demand  not  one  day  in  the  week,  but  a  day  and  a  half. 

Twenty -thousand  railroad  workers  were  represented  before  the  Ouadro- 
Centennial  Committee  by  a  member  desiring  that  the  Exposition  should  be 
closed  on  Sunday. 

Archbishop  Ireland,  (Roman  Catholic),  known  to  everybody  for  eminent 
general  sense  in  statesmanlike  as  well  as  ecclesiastical  affairs,  says: 

I  beg  leave  to  say  that  I  maintain  very  decided  opinions  as  regards  the 
opening  of  the  World's  Fair  on  Sunday.  I  believe  the  doors  should  be  closed 
the  entire  day.  The  Sunday,  the  sacred  symbol  of  our  Christianity,  the  honor 
of  our  civil  institutions,  is  already  too  seriously  attacked,  whether  from  the 
greed  of  capital  or  the  aggressiveness  of  irreligion.  To  yield,  even  in  a  lesser 
decree,  to  its  adversaries  during  solemn  national  occurrences  is  putting  the 
seal  of  public  national  approval  upon  the  war  that  is  waged  against  it. 
Among  other  considerations  I  have  in  my  mind  the  interests  of  labor.  The 
Sunday  is  the  one  oasis  for  the  workingman  along  life's  toilsome  journey. 

SPEECH  OF  HON.  A    H.  COI.OUlTT. 

Liberty  is  a  sweet  word;  it  is  an  enchanting  word.  Liberty,  liberty,  lib- 
ertv;  and  yet  in  ninety-nine  cases  out  of  a  hundred  what  is  liberty  is  never 
analyzed  or  thought  of.  Is  freedom  from  restraint  liberty  ?  Are  the  penalties 
of  the  law  that  bind  men  to  the  observance  of  that  which  is  right  and  proper 
in  their  own  behavior  and  in  its  relations  to  other  people  a  violation  of  liberty? 
Yet  we  have  here  ejaculation  and  exclamation  and  rhetorical  exaggeration 
about  the  liberty  of  the  individual  as  though  we  were  to  infringe  his  very  life- 
blood,  and  it  is  all  the  liberty  of  the  lawbreaker,  it  is  the  liberty  of  the  im- 
moral, it  is  the  liberty  of  the  debauchee  that  is  claimed.  But  there  ought  to 
be  some  liberty  to  the  13,000,000  Christian  people  in  this  country.  Let  them 
have  some  liberty,  the  liberty  to  enjoy  the  Sabbath. 

It  is  true  that  there  is  no  union  of  church  and  state,  but  there  has 
been  from  the  foundation  of  the  Government  to  the  present  in  our  laws,  in 
our  institutions,  in  our  social  organizations,  in  our ,  political  organizations, 
there  has  been  a  universal  recognition  of  religion  as  the  basis  of  our  civiliza- 
tion. It  is  not  church  and  state.  You  could  not  have  church  and  state  in  this 
country.  What  church?  The  innumerable  denominations  here  wyould  prevent 
it,  to  begin  with,  and  there  is  no  possibility  of  it. 

Yet  with  a  view  to  frighten  off  men  who  have  conscientious  convictions 
upon  this  question  in  a  moral  way  this  scarecrow  is  held  up,  that  it  is  a  po- 
litical affinity  between  the  church  and  state. 

There  is  not  an  argument  given  to-day  that  would  not  have  justified  the 
opening  of  Barnum's  circus  on  Sunday  when  it  visited  Washington  City  for  its 
exhibition.  He  could  have  stood  up  before  the  people  and  talked  about  the 
hard  toiler  six  days  in  the  week,  who  could  not  go  to  the  circus.  Here  are 
animals  and  exhibitions  of  athletics,  and  all  kinds  of  display  of  the  power  of 
man,  and  exhibitions  of  curious  objects  in  nature.  All  these  would  educate 
the  people,  the  hard  toiling  people  for  six  days  in  the  week.  Open  Bar- 
num's circus  on  Sunday  and  give  a  chance  to  the  toiling  people.  There  is 
no  argument  that  is  offered  that  would  not  justify  the  violation  of  the  Sab- 
bath in  the  case  of  any  exhibition,  and  in  opening  the  theatres  of  the  coun- 
try on  that  day. 

There  has  been  a  great  deal  said  about  France,  liberty,  and  the  like. 
But  let  me  give  you  a  sentiment  from  a  distinguished  Frenchman,  the  Count 
Montalembert,  one  of  the  most  eminent   French   statesmen.     Mark   this: 

"Men  are  surprised  sometimes  by  the  ease  with  which  the  immense  city  of 
London  is  kept  in  order  by  a  garrison  of  three  small  battalions  and  two  sqad- 
rons;  while  to  control  the  capital  of  France,  which  is  half  the  size,  forty  thous- 
and troops  of  the  line  and  sixty  thousand  national  guards  are  necessary.  But 
the  stranger  who  arrives  in  London  on  a  Sunday  morning,  when  he  sees  every- 
thing of  commerce  suspended  in  that  gigantic  capital  in  obedience  to  God; 
when,  in  the  center  of  that  colossal  business,  he  finds  silence  and  repose 
scarcely  interrupted  by  the  bells  which  call  to  prayer,  and  the  immense  crowd 
on  their  way  to  church,  then  his  astonishment  ceases.  He  understands  that 
there  is  another  curb  for  a  Christian  people  besides  that  of  bayonets,  and 
that  where  the  law  of  God  is  fulfilled  with  such  a  solemn  submissiyeness, 
God  himself,  if  I  dare  use  the  words,  charges  himself  with  the  police  ar- 
rangements." 

ic6 


SPKKCII  Oi"  HON.  nki.s<>n  DINGLKY,  M.  C. 

Have  gentlemen  considered  what  has  been  the  attitude  of  this  nation  toward 
Sunday  up  to  the  present  hour?    Not  somucb  asai  us  question,  as  a  ques- 

n  involving  the  best  interests  of  the  people,  physically  ana  morally      U  b 
taken  the  ground  that  Sunday  is  a  rest  day,  a  day  when   public  business  is  not 
to  be  transacted.    The  Federal  Constitution  even  specifically  excepts  Sunday  in 
the  count  of  the  days  within  which  the  President  may  retain  a  bill,    bo  gentlemen 

,m  that  the  framers  of  the  Constitution  and  every  Congress  from  I  [inning 

of  the  Government  until  to-day,  which  has  legislated  to  make  Sunday  i        !      iy, 
has  been  meddling  with  religion  ?    If  we  appropriate  the  people's  money  to  j 
in  carrying  on  an  Exposition  which  we  know  will  open  its  gates  to  the  public  on 
Sunday  if  Congress  imposes  no  condition  otherwise,  and  refuse  to  imj  ch 

a  condition,  we  do  "meddle  with  a  moral  and  religious  question,"  and  medi 
with  it  to  the  extent  of  not  only  taking  sid  linst  it,  but  of  appropriating  public 

mi  >ney  to  make  our  opposition  effects  e.    No  Exposition  in  this  country  outside  of 

one  at  New  <  >;  leans,  which  was  not  a  succt  ss,  has  ever  been  open  to  the  public 
on  Sundays.     More  than  this:  Not  a  single  Exposition  has  been  held  in  Europe, 

are  on  the  Continent  Sunday  has  become  very  much  as  other  days,  in  which 
the  American  and  British  exhibits  hive  not  hern  i 

As  indicating  the  profound  conviction  of  three-fourths,  if  not  a  larger  pro- 
portion of  our  people,  that  the  preservation  of  Sunday  as  a  rest  day  is  of  in- 
estimable importance  to  us  as  a  nation,  I  call  attention  to  the;  which 
have  already  reached  this  Capitol  since  it  became  known  that  the  mat  -of 
the  proposed  Exposition  are  proposing  to  open  it  to  the  public  ou  Sundays. 
There  has  never  before  been  such  a  mighty  protest. 

There  are  in  the  first  place  about  12,000,000  members  of  Protestant  churches 

in  this  country,  and  these  have  protested  by  convention,  association,  synod,  con- 

.  or  individual  churches,  almost  in    a   body.     The  dissidence  has  been  so 

iger  that  it  has  only  served  to  emphasize  the  unanimity.    The  evidence  is 

conclusive  that  the  great  body  of  the  attendants  of  these  churches  also  are  in 

thy  with    these    protest  Three    of    the    most  distinguished  Catholic 

Archbishops  of  the   United  States,  Ireland,  Gross,  and  Riordan,  have  united  in 

the  protest,  and  voice  the  feelings  of  a  large  proportion  of  the  Catholic  Church. 

tests  have  come  up  to  us  from  every  quarter  indicating  an  overwhelming 

[gTient   against  any  step  that  will  lead  to  converting  our  Sunday  into  a  Con- 
tinental Sunday. 

Why  are  they  opposed?  In  the  brief  time  allowed  me  I  can  only  indicate 
some  of  the  reasons  without  elaborating  them  : 

1.  Because  they  believe  that  if  so  conspicuous  an  example  of  the  use  of 
.-.day   for  carrying  on   a   great   national  and  international  Exposition  with  an 

admission   fee  is  set.it  will  break  down  the  barrier  which  now  prevents  theaters 
and  all  forms  of  BO-called  amusements  from  opening  on  Sum: 

2.  Because  they  believe  that  the  opening  of  the  day  to  public  amusements 
will   in   due  time  lead   to  the  use  of  the  day  for  business  and  industrial  pursu 

1  thus  destroy  Sunday  as  the  rest  day  of  the  people.  I  cannot  conceive  a 
gre  lamity  than  the  addition  each  week  of  another  day  of  work  and  worry 

he  already  overburdened  people. 

3.  Because  the  opening  of  the  Exposition  on  Sunday  will  make  it  necessary 

.st  army  of  employes,  attendants,  watchmen  and  exhibitors  of  . 
1  the  employes  of  railroads,  which  will  run  excursion  trains  Sundays  from  all 

vithin  a  hundred  miles,  to  work  OU  Sundays. 

Bee  rase  they  believe  that  the  preservation  <>f  a  rest  day— one  day  in  seven 
— i  ntial  to  the  physical  health  of  man.    All  experience  shows  that  the  man 

who  rests  one  d  iy  in  seven  maintains  better  health,  lasts  longer,  and 

ire  than  those  who  disregard  this  law  of  health.    The  Divine  c  L  to  re- 

member the  S  ibbath  day  rests  on  the  phj  1  »f  man. 

s.     B  •  they  believe  that  the  sei  day  in  seven  from  the 

other  six-,  an«l  the  keeping  of  it  as  a  day  1  I  I      dom  from  worldly  ]  tends 

to  that  thoughtful ness  and  introspection  which  elevates  manhood  and  m  ikes  men 
better  citizens.    The  great  peril  of  oui  I  to  day  is  the  increasing  engn 

ment  of  our  people  in  pursuit  of  selfish  o'  I       ed is  overcoming  manlim 

•11I av  is  the  one  day  that  stands  in  the  way  of  the  triumph  of  greed  and  un- 
scrupulous!'.- 

6.     Lastly,  but  first  of  all  in  the  estimation  of  million*,  tlu*  Divine  injund 
to  "Remember  the  Sabbath  day  and  keep  it  holy '  1  a  command  of 

the  Creator,  to  be  obeyed  as  a  religious  duty,  as  well  njunction  which  is 

107 


based  on  the  physical,  moral,  and  spiritual  necessities  of  our  nature.  And  any 
action  by  the  Government  which  should  trample  upon  this  religious  conviction 
of  so  large  a  proportion  of  our  people  would  be  an  unnecessary  and  inexcusable 


outrage. 


So  overwhelming  are  the  reasons  for  preserving  Sunday  as  a  day  set  apart 
from  other  days,  that  the  friends  of  Sunday  opening  have  concluded  not  to  an- 
tagonize the  Senate  Sunday  closing  amendment  directly,  but  with  what  they  call 
a  compromise  substitute.  The  engines  that  move  the  machinery  are  to  be  shut 
down  and  the  men  who  run  them  relieved  from  Sunday  duty,  while  the  remainder 
of  the  Exposition  is  to  be  open  to  the  public,  and  a  religious  flavor  given  to  it 
by  having  a  hall  constructed  and  opened  for  preaching  services  alternately  by 
representatives  of  all  denominations.  I  am  curious  to  know  whether  my  friend 
from  Alabama,  who  opposes  the  Senate  proposition  because  it  touches  a  religious 
question,  will  support  a  substitute  which  proposes  to  use  public  money  to  con- 
struct a  place  of  worship  and  maintain  religious  exercises. 

But  seriously  consider  what  the  proposed  substitute  would  do.  It  proposes  to 
run  the  entire  Exposition  except  the  machinery.  This  will  relieve  but  few  of 
the  vast  army  of  superintendents,  attendants,  and  employes  from  Sunday  work. 
It  will  still  impose  upon  all  the  exhibitors  the  necessity  of  looking  after  and 
explaining  their  exhibits.  It  will  still  invite  the  running  of  Sunday  trains  from 
points  in  every  direction  within  ioo  miles  or  more,  and  compel  Sunday  work  by 
railroad  employes.  It  would  throw  into  Chicago  an  immense  crowd  of  Sunday 
excursionists,  composed  usually  of  by  no  means  the  most  orderly  portions  of  the 
community. 

But  there  would  be  religious  services  on  the  grounds  to  give  a  Sunday  flavor 
to  the  opening  !  When  it  is  remembered  that  sixteen  years  ago  the  daily  attend- 
ance on  the  Centennial  Exposition  reached  some  days  270,000,  and  that  the  daily 
attendance  may  reach  400,000  or  even  500,000  at  Chicago,  and  when  it  is  con- 
sidered that  the  human  voice  cannot  reach  an  audience  of  over  8,000,  the  absurdity 
of  a  proposition  to  give  a  religious  flavor  to  a  Sunday  crowd  of  half  a  million  by 
preaching  to  8,000  becomes  apparent.  It  would  be  like  the  effort  to  excuse  a  Sunday 
theater  by  designating  a  half  dozen  perso?is  to  hold  a  prayer  meeting  in  one  of  the 
anterooms. 

The  most  specious  plea  for  Sunday  opening  is  that  unless  the  Exposition 
shall  be  opened  the  crowds  in  the  city  will  be  driven  to  frequent  Sunday  grog- 
shops. The  same  argument  would  serve  for  opening  a  Sunday  theater  or  circus. 
But  my  friend  forgets  that  the  programme  is  to  have  liquor  sold  on  the  Exposition 
grounds  as  well  as  in  the  city.  Liquor  sold  on  the  grounds  will  do  the  same 
evil  work  as  liquor  sold  outside. 

There  is  still  another  excuse  for  Sunday  opening  of  the  Exposition,  which 
presents  the  idea  that  the  workingmen  need  it  in  order  to  obviate  the  necessity  of 
losing  a  day's  work. 

A  few  labor  organizations  have  petitioned  for  it,  notwithstanding  it  is  obvious 
that  no  workingman  who  resided  a  hundred  miles  from  Chicago  could  avail  him- 
self of  Sunday  to  visit  the  Exposition  ;  but  the  great  body  of  the  laborers  who 
have  spoken  have  protested  against  it.  The  Glass  Workers,  and  other  labor 
organizations  have  formally  protested  against  Sunday  opening.  And  well  they 
may  ;  for  if  there  is  any  class  of  our  citizens  who  should  unitedly  condemn  any 
scheme  that  would  lead  to  an  overthrow  of  Sunday  as  a  day  of  rest  and  make 
it  a  day  of  toil,  it  is  the  workingman. 

To  my  mind  any  settlement  of  this  question  which  results  in  the  Sunday 
opening  of  the  Exposition  at  Chicago  will  be  marked  in  tbe  future  as  an  evil 
day  in  the  history  of  this  country.  Nothing  could  be  done  which  would  so  deeply 
grieve  the  Christian  men  and  women  of  the  United  States,  the  backbone  of  the 
nation,  as  this.  And  it  would  be  all  the  more  grievous  because  the  national 
Congress,  representing  the  nation,  would  be  responsible  for  it. 

You  mistake  popular  sentiment  if  you  suppose  that  only  members  of 
Christian  churches  would  be  grieved.  Outside  of  the  membership  of  Christian 
churches,  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  from  the  Great  Lakes  to  the  Gulf, 
in  the  South  as  well  as  in  the  North,  in  the  West  as  well  as  in  the  East,  there 
is  a  large  and  influential  body  of  the"  solid  men  and  true  women  of  the  land, 
who  believe  that  to  the  influence  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Sunday,  the  Christian 
Sabbath,  is  largely  due  the  sterling  character  of  our  people,  and  that  man- 
liness, independence,  self-restraint,  and  respect  for  law  and  order  which  has 
made  "a  government  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the  people  "  pos- 
sible in  this  grand  land  of  ours. 

108 


SENATOR     PETTIGREW    ON    SUNDAY    CLOSING    OF    COLUMBIAN 

EXPOSITION. 

[  From  Speei  h  in  U.  S.  Senate  | 

I  have  re. ul  about  everything  thai  lias  been  published  on  this  matter,  and  I  fail 
ee  why  the  Fair  should  be  opened  on  Sunday--.     This  is  a  Christian  i  and 

so  long  as  it  remains  so  the  sanctity  of  the  Sabbath  musl  be  When  we 

legislate  in  opposition  to  one  of  the  commandments,  our  title  to  the  po  m  of 

Christianity  will  be  difficult  of  mainl  This  is  not  a  question  of  I 

Sabbath.  We  are  called  upon  to  ask  ourselves  whether  we  desire  to  drift  from  our 
moorings  and  abandon  all  the  moral  and  physical  good  which  comes  with  Sunday. 
To  me  it  is  far  men.'  a  question  of  civilization  than  a  matter  of  religion.  No  one 
can  claini  that  keeping  the  Fair  closed  on  one  day  in  the  week  will  be  an  infringe] 

■  ersonal  liberty  or  direction  as  to  what  any  person  may  do.  It  is  urged  that  an 
opportunity  should  be  given  the  laboring  man  to  visit  the  Fair.  There  is  no  man  of 
sober  habits  who  will  not  have  money  enough  to  take  his  family  to  the  Fair,  i 
if  he  had  to  lose  a  day's  wages.  If  the  object  of  those  who  want  the  Fair  open  on 
Sundays  is  to  keep  the  working  classes  from  going  to  worse  places  on  Sunday,  let 
me  intimate  that  such  a  reformation  could  not  take  place  during  the  six  months 
in  which  the  Fair  will  be  open.  Let  us  be  equitable  in  this  matt  it.  Let  us  take  into 
consideration  the  thousands  of  persons  who  will  be  employed  within  the  Fair  grounds, 
and  the  thousands  of  employes  of  the  transportation  companies,  all  of  whom  would 
have  to  toil  if  the  gates  were  thrown  open  on  Sunday.  It  may  be  said  of  those  peo- 
ple that  if  not  busy  on  Sunday  they,  too,  would  spend  their  time  in  saloons  and  other 
bad  places.  That  argument  would  require  men  to  work  seven  days  a  week  all  the 
year  round  and  would  apply  to  everybody.  If  the  Fair  was  opened  on  Sunday  the 
railroads  would  bring  from  surrounding  towns  immense  crowds  of  people;  the  day 
would  be  a  holiday  and  we,  as  a  Christian  nation,  would  be  a  party  to  the  abandon- 
ment of  the  Sabbath  as  a  day  of  rest  and  meditation.  The  economical  point  of  view 
must  not  be  overlooked.  Since  the  issue  has  been  raised  and  the  question  deb.v 
I  am  satisfied  that  more  people — two  to  one — will  stay  away  from  the  Fair  if  it  is 
opened  on  Sunday,  than  the  additional  people  who  would  attend  on  Sunday  only. 
A  Sunday   Fair  means  decreased  gate  receipts. 

CONGRESSMAN    LIVINGSTON    ON    WORLDS    FAIR    SUNDAY    CLOSING. 

[Speech  in  House  of  Representatives.] 

I  am  in  favor  of  the  provision  as  it  comes  from  the  Senate  for  the  closing  of  this 
tion  on  Sunday.      I  can  no;  with  my  friend  from  Alabama  [Mr.  Wheeler]. 

This  is    not    a  :  ■  on;  it  is  not  a  matter  that  has  anything  to  do  with 

Baptists,  the  Methodists,  the  Presbyterians,  or  any  other  religious  denomination.  This 
is  a  question  of  morals,  as  much  so  as  the  principle  of  morality  inculcated  in  the 
seventh  commandment  or  the  eighth.  There  is  no  difference.  "Thou  shalt  not 
steal"  is  no  more  binding  on   a  man,   whether  he   be   a  Christian   or  ristian, 

than  the  other  commandment,  "Remember  tin-  Sabbath  day  to  keep  it   1  We, 

members  of  th<  of  a  great    country,  coming  from   I  'itTercnt 

localities,  where  this  kind  of  morality  is  not  only  taught  but  enforced  —  we  propose 
as  national  legislat  violate  a  fundamental  principle  underlying  our  ■ 

ment,  recognized  at  our  homes  and  in  our  res] 
and  -  the  nati 

Mr.  Dickerso!i.      That  being  th<  willing  ' 

provision  in  force  in  Chicago  with  reference  trol 

this  matter? 

109 


Mr.   Livingston.      No,  sir;  and  I  will  give  you  the  reason  why. 

Mr.  Dickerson.  Then  you  are  ready  to  deprive  the  State  of  Illinois  of  the  ex- 
ercise of  a  right  which  you  accord  to  every  other. 

Mr.  Livingston.  No,  sir:  I  am  not.  Gentlemen  can  not  intimidate  this  House 
by  such  a  proposition  as  that.  Here  are  the  facts  of  the  case.  The  Government 
of  the  United  States  has  appropriated  $1,500,000  to  aid  this  Exposition,  and  is  to 
put  within  its  limits  her  own  buildings  and  her  own  exhibits.  If  the  doors  are  left 
open,  it  is  the  United  States  Government  that  does  it;  if  they  are  closed  the  United 
States  Government  must  do  it.  I  admit  that  if  the  United  States  had  no  buildings 
or  exhibits  there — if  this  Exposition  were  not  in  any  way  under  the  sanction  of  the 
Government — it  would  be,  in  my  opinion,  not  only  un-Democratic,  but  altogether 
wrong  to  meddle  with  this  business. 

Mr.  Dickerson.  As  the  Government  has  its  own  seperate  buildings,  if  the  gentle- 
man proposes  to  apply  the  principle  he  advocates,  why  not  close  the  doors  of  the 
Government  buildings  and  let  the  local  authorities,  if  they  choose,  leave  the  doors 
of  the  rest  open? 

Mr.    Livingston.      Because,    as    the   gentleman   knows,    we   can    not    divide   the 
responsibility  that  way. 
CONGRESSMAN  PATTISON,  OF  OHIO,  ON  WORLD'S  FAIR  SUNDAY  CLOSING 

It  is  not  only  our  right  but  also  our  duty  to  state  our  feeling  and  judgment  upon 
this  subject  before  this  appropriation  is  made,  and  we  should  do  it  now.  If  there 
are  persons  preparing  to  make  exhibits  at  the  World's  Exposition  with  the  idea  of 
getting  seven  days  instead  of  six,  then  they  have  the  right  to  know  it.  and  they  have 
the  right  to  know  it  now.  On  the  other  hand,  the  people  of  this  great  country — 
and  I  do  not  only  include  the  Christian  people,  but  all  the  people — have  a  right  to 
know  whether  or  not  the  Exposition  is  going  to  be  open  or  closed  on  Sunday;  and 
we  as  representatives  of  the  people  have  the  right  and  it  is  our  duty  to  say  whether 
or  not  this  Exposition  is  to  be  opened  or  closed  on  Sunday.  The  United  States  is  a 
peculiar  country.  The  Sabbath  of  our  country  is  a  peculiar  Sabbath.  It  is  known 
as  the  American  Sabbath  all  over  the  wide  world;  and  if  there  is  to  be  a  World's 
Fair  maintained  and  originated  in  this  great  country  of  ours  it  is  due  to  the  people 
we  represent  that  we  should  take  advantage  of  this  opportunity  and  say  to  the  peo- 
ple of  the  United  States  that  this  World's  Exposition  shall  not  be  open  on  Sunday, 
but  that  the  American  Sabbath  shall  be  respected.  All  the  Christian  churches  of 
every  name  and  denomination  are  a  unit  in  favor  of  closing  the  Fair  on  Sunday. 
Not  only  these,  but  a  very  large  proportion  of  all  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
without  regard  to  party,  sect,  or  creed,  are  a  unit  in  demanding  that  the  Sabbath 
day  shall  not  be  desecrated  by  opening  the  gates  of  this  great  Exposition  on  the  Sab- 
bath day. 

The  Sabbath  day  is  recognized  in  some  way  by  every  civilized  nation  of  the  world, 
but  the  Sabbath,  as  we  understand  it,  is  peculiar  to  the  United  States  alone,  and 
hence  we  can  very  properly  call  it  the  American  Sabbath.  To  us  the  Sabbath  day 
was  a  part  of  our  very  being.  It  came  with  the  Mayflower;  it  came  with  almost 
every  band  of  Pilgrims;  it  was  the  corner-stone  of  every  State.  It  was  in  the  web 
and  woof  of  every  State  constitution,  its  spirit  permeates  every  article  of  the  Con- 
federation of  States,  and  when  the  Constitution  was  adopted  the  American  Sabbath 
was  as  firmly  established  in  the  hearts  of  the  American  people  as  was  the  spirit  of 
liberty  itself,  and  we  but  voice  the  sentiment  of  the  many  millions  of  Christian  peo- 
ple and  also  of  at  least  nine-tenths  of  the  American  people  in  all  sections  of  the  country 
when  we  declare  in  favor  of  the  American  Sabbath,  and  by  our  votes  say  that  the 
World's  Fair  shall  not  be  open  on  the  Sabbath  day. 

no 


DR.  WILBUR  F.   CRAFTS   ON  PROPOSED  REPEAL  OF  LAW  CLOSING   CHICAGO 

FAIR   ON    SUNDAY. 

Before    the   World-s  Fair  Committee,  House  of  Representatives,  Jan.  10-13,  1893. 

in  insull  take  up  thi  without 

iented  when  the  matter  wasdi  I  and  ad 

of  the  »rs  of  the  committee  SOI 

opening  ement  in  anticipation  of  this  hearing,  and  so  say  we. 

1  .of  proof  is  on  the  advocates  of  Sunday  opening  who  are  bound  to  show- 

there  is  new  evidence  of  importance  to  warrant  a  new  trial  of  its  claims,  which 
ilready  had  a  lion's  share  of  the  time  of  this  Congress,  and  there  is  no 
ground   for  crowding  them  in   again   when  immigration   and   quarantine   and   gi 

1  liquor  law  for  the  Capital  and  hundreds  of  other  important  measures 
I  the  little  time  that  remains.      I  propose  to  put  before  this  committee,  in  con- 
tabulated  form,  documentary  evidence,  chiefly  from  the  C01  »nal  Record 
July  13-20,  to  prove  that  the  new  petitions  and  re  is  in  behalf 
Sunday  opening  contain  no  new  proposals  or  arguments,  but  only  repeat  tl 
have  already  been  considered  by  this  Congress,  and  rejected.     The  compromise 
•ill  machinery  and  a  Government  meeting  house  for  all  denoml  ;  the  buga- 
boos about  "state  rights"  and  a  "union  of  church  and  state";  the  hiding  of  money 
motives  under  pleas  for  the  "poor  workingman"  and  "pure  religion":  the  proposal 
itors  from  Chicago's  illegal  Sunday  saloons  not  by  enforcing  the  saloon 
nationally  breaking  the  Sabbath  law  of  Illinois;  the  provision  that  at- 
ants  shall  work  but  six  days;  the  proposal  to  trust  the  whole  matter  to  the 
"good  intentions"  of  the  management,  which  last  is  the  only  proposition  you  are 
likely  to  be  asked  to  report — all  these  are  rejected  dishes,  "warmed  over"  and  off 

anew,  as  is  proved  by  citations  below,  which  might  be  multiplied  a  hun- 
Ifold. 

DR.  HERRICK  JOHNSON'S  REPLY  TO  CHICAGO'S  MAYOR. 
Iress  at  the  World's  Fair  Hearing  Before  House  Commit  • 
For  the  past  year  and  a  half  meetings  have  been  held  in  all  sections  of  Chicago 
in  the  interest  of  Sunday  closing,  the  assemblages  numbering  anywhere  from  one 
hundred  to  five  thousand,  and  in  almost  every  instance  a  unanimous  vote  was  taken 
protesting  against  the  repeal  of  the  recent  action  of  Congress  closing  the  gates  on 
Sunday.      I  claim,  therefore,  that   I    have   behind   me  tter  authorization  of  the 

opinion  of  Chicago  as  expressed  by  this  vote  than  anything  that  is  behind  the  I 
Council.      Now  let  me  attend   to  the  arguments  of   Mayor  W;i.shburne,  for  whom   I 
have  a  great  respect,  but  tor  whose  arguments  I  have  no  1 

His  first  point  is  this:  "People  from  variou  d  from  all  over  the  world 

are  invited  by  US  I  F  nr       We  should  I  :th  with  all  these."      But  how  do 

reak  faith  with  them  by  '^s  have 

already  been  held  in  this  country  and  in  ad  with  :i  Sunday,  and 

the  nations  now  know  that  this  is  the  custom. 

tin,  the  Expos:'  hia  on  Sunday,  and  what 

nations  who  came  here  e-  plained  reach  of  hospitality,  ami  since  when 

di  1    it   become   a   social   law   that    a  host    must  sacrifice  a  principle  on  the  altar  of 

The  Mayor  further  says     "  People  will  come  from  the  countries  of  Europe  where 
no  particular  sacre  to  Sun  It  we  ought  to  have  regard  for  tl 

feelr 

But  press  this  argument   I 

I  1  1 


People  will  come  from  countries  where  no  peculiar  sacredness  attaches  to  the  family. 
We  ought  to  have  regard  for  their  feelings  and  retire  the  Christian  family  as  we  are 
asked  to  retire  the  Christian  Sabbath. 

The  second  point  of  the  Mayor:  "This  is  not  a  Christian  nation."  Here  the 
Mayor  of  Chicago  and  the  United  States  Supreme  Court  differ,  the  Supreme  Court 
having  decided  last  February  in  express  terms  that  this  is  a  Christian  nation.  The 
Mayor  might  give  us  points  for  running  a  municipal  government,  but  on  a  question 
of  constitutional  law  we  prefer  the  Supreme  Court.         *  *  * 

The  Mayor's  third  point:  "The  great  majority  of  our  people  demand  Sunday 
opening."     Where  is  the  proof?  We  have  vouchers  of  over  twelve  millions  of  church 
members  in  favor  of  closed  gates.     Has  any  such  vote  been  polled  on  the  other  side? 
********* 

The  Mayor's  fourth  point:  "The  laboring  men  of  the  country  demand  it." 
But  there  are  laborers  and  laborers,  foreign  and  home,  city  and  country,  wage  savers 
and  wage  wasters.  We  must  make  a  distinction.  They  were  wage  workers  who 
advocated  socialism  and  anarchism  at  Chicago  three  or  four  years  ago. 

Mr.  Coffin  yesterday  represented  the  farmers,  the  yeomanry  of  the  country, 
a  great  body  of  laboring  men  who  furnish  the  bone  and  sinew  of  the  productive  in- 
dustry of  the  country,  unanimously  for  Sunday  closing.  Also  the  body  of  locomotive 
engineers,  also  a  large  association  of  trainmen,  all  having  voted  unanimously  for 
Sunday  closing.  The  labor  vote  is  divided  on  this  question,  but  it  would  be  well  nigh 
unanimous  if  the  true  interest  of  the  laboring  man  were  properly  placed  before  them. 

The  Mayor's  fifth  point:  "Look  at  the  financial  side  of  the  question  as  respects 
the  laboring  man."  He  can  see  the  Fair  and  get  back  to  his  labor  on  Monday  morning 
and  not  be  compelled  to  lose  the  wages  of  a  day.  So  can  all  the  laborers  by  going  on 
some  other  day,  whose  wages  are  paid  by  the  week  or  the  month  or  the  year.  A 
large  portion  of  the  industrial  class  of  Chicago  will  have  a  dozen  half  holidays  given 
them  for  this  purpose  by  those  who  have  them  in  their  employ,  and  one  day  at  least 
will  be  given  without  reduction  of  wages  by  employers  of  laborers  outside  of  the  city 
who  are  within  a  reasonable  distance. 

The  Mayor's  sixth  point:  "These  well  dressed  gentlemen  favoring  Sunday  clos- 
ing are  not  the  people."  But  are  these  well-dressed  Directors  the  people?  Are  these 
well-dressed  City  Councilmen?  In  proportion  to  their  entire  number  there  are  more 
poor  people  in  the  churches  than  there  are  rich  people  in  proportion  to  their  number. 

The  Mayor's  seventh  point:  "These  common  people  are  the  men  to  whom  we 
must  give  answer,  who,  by  their  votes,  will  speak  to  you  if  you  deprive  them  of  their 
right  to  see  the  Exposition."  This  is  the  appeal  of  the  demagogue,  assuming  first 
that  it  is  the  laborer's  right  that  he  is  to  be  robbed  of,  and  assuming  secondly  that  his 
votes  are  to  be  used  as  a  menace.  The  gates  were  closed  at  the  Exposition  in  Phila- 
delphia, but  who  ever  heard  of  the  laborers  menacing  the  management  by  their  votes 
because  of  it? 

Mayor's  eighth  point:  "Remember,  the  Fair  is  designed  for  the  common  people, 
not  for  the  rich."  This,  also,  is  demagogic.  It  is  an  appeal  to  the  class  feeling. 
The  Fair  is  designed  for  all — rich  and  poor,  high  and  low,  educated  and  ignorant. 

Mayor's  ninth  point:  "These  people  take  their  recreation  on  Sunday  in  the  park. 
They  think  it  no  sin  to  hear  birds  and  see  green  grass  on  Sunday." 

So  we  all  think  it  is  no  sin  to  wash  one's  face  and.  comb  one's  hair  and  eat  one's 
breakfast  on  Sunday,  but  what  has  that  to  do  with  the  question?  The  public  park 
is  not  the  Fair.  The  conditions  are  entirely  different.  The  park  means  a  quiet 
Sabbath — no  crowds,  no  restaurants,  no  drinking,  no  excursion  trains,  no  prodigious 
amount  of  labor.     The  Fair  means  all  this  and  vastly  more. 

112 


Sunday   Closing    of    St.  Louis    Fair 

'.-    •    •      Appro]  Vet,  in  1  r  H.  M,  Teller 

As   a  condition  precedent  to  the  payment     of    this    appropriation    the    directors 
shall   contract  to  close  the  gates  on  Sunday  during  the   whole   duration  of   the  fair. 

Same   law  voted   by  Senate  for    Buffalo  and  Charleston  fairs,  but  appropriations 
thus   conditioned  killed  in  conference. 

SUNDAY    OPENING    FOR    PORTLAND    FAIR    CONSIDERED    BY 
CONGRESSIONAL  COMMITTEE  -NOT  APPROVED. 

Statement  of  Rev.  A.  S.  Fiske,  D.  D. 
m    Hearing,  January  14,  1904,  before  House  Committee  on  Industrial  Arts 
and  Expositions,  on   Lewis  and  Clark  Exposition.] 

Mr.  Fiske.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  watched  closely  the  discussion  here  this  morning 
and  I  am  most  profoundly  in  sympathy  with  the  object  of  these  gentlemen  from  Ore- 
gon in  their  exposition.  I  did  ten  years  of  work  on  the  Pacific  coast  and  became  very 
familiar  with   it   from  the  south  to  the  north. 

The   Chairman.     Arc  you  associated   with   Mr.   Craf; 

Mk.   FlSKE.     I   have  the  honor  to  be  on  the  hoard  of  director-  of  that  organization. 
My    attention    was    not   called   to   this   hearing   until    about   an    hour    before   it- 
opened,  and  I  have  therefore  made  no  preparation  to  -peak  on  the  matter.     I   wish  to 
direct  attention,  however,  to  the  last  clause  of  the  bill.     I   see  that  clause  is  not  in  the 
House  bill.     I  observed  it,  I  think,  in  the  Senate  bill  :  was  it  n< 

The  Chairman.     Yes;   it   is   a   Senate  committee  amendment. 

Mk.  Fiskk.     I   was  not  aware  of  the  history  of  it,  but   I   supposed  it  would  come  up 
re    this    committee    for   consideration,    and    while    I    have    no   extended    remark 
make  upon  it.  I  have  this  to  say:  Of  course  you  are  all  aware  that  this  matter  I 
fought  out  in  Conpre-s  three  or   four  times  in  the  past   under  propositions  very  much 
like  that  which  ha-  been  appended  to  the  bill  by  the  Senate  committee.      It  ha-  always 
been  decided  that  the  exposition,  under  the  approval  of  the  United  author 

should  not  be  open   on   the    Lord's   Day.     Ultimately,   in   the  conduct   of  one 

•he  body  in  immediate  control  opened  it-  gates  on  the  Sabbath,  but  became 
finally   satisfied  that  that   was   not   a  politic  matter  and   endeavored   |  se   them,   but 

there  came  legal  obstructions  which  prevented  their  closing  the  gal 

It    is   well    for  the  committee  and    for   I  remember  that   there  are   in   the 

I'm?                                it  and  Catholic  Christians  in  the  membership  of  these  chur 
numbering  fully  jX.ooo.ooo  persons  in  the  actual  membership;  that  there  an 
19.000.000  mem                                  nit   churches   called    Evangelical.      Now,  absolutely   with- 
out exception,  the  moral  and  religi            nvictions  of  this  preat  ma--  of  people  will  be 
opp'         •     the  opening  on  the  Lord'-  Day,  and  especiall  tin,  of  t! 

exposition  in  which  the  G<  vernmenl  of  the  Unit  rued;  f 

this   amendment  that   it    i-  proposed  that  an  entr 
the  \j  rd's  Day,  and  that  there  is  to  be 

Mk.  W'vnn.     Pardon  me:  w:  find  tl  n? 

Mk.  Fiskk.     In  the  last  secti  e  bill  a 

Tin".  Chairman.     There  is  no  pr 

Mk.  W'vnn.     It  doe-  not  pr  n  admi 

interrupting  you. 

Mr.  Fiske     I  took  that  for  granted.     I  did  not  think  th<  :ld  be  tl  pen 

an  adn 

113 


Mr.  Wynn.     You  are  only  supposing  that.     It  is  not  in  the  bill. 

Mr.  Fiske.  I  thought  it  was  in  the  amendment  proposed,  but  I  suppose  there  is 
provision  that  for  the  opening  of  the  gates  there  shall  be  the  usual  admission  fee. 

The  Chairman.  If  this  exposition  is  given  under  State  authority,  you  should  appear 
before  the  legislature  of  the  State  of  Oregon. 

Mr.  Fiske.  Exactly,  but  I  supposed  the  propositon  was  to  secure  the  organization 
of  the  United  States  Government  and  of  Congress,  and  it  is  to  that  point  I  am  speak- 
ing. The  substance  of  what  I  want  to  say  is  this,  that  there  is  a  very  large  mass  of  the 
American  people  who  are  in  hearty  sympathy  with  the  Christian  church,  both  Protes- 
tant and  Catholic,  and  the  authorities  of  both  churches,  Protestant  and  Catholic,  have 
spoken  emphatically  on  questions  like  this  heretofore;  that  these  actual  members  of 
the  church,  which  number,  as  I  have  said,  just  about  28,000.000  in  the  United  States, 
have  a  large  constituency  outside  of  their  own  number  who  are  with  them  in  sympathy, 
with  them  in  moral  and  in  religious  convictions,  and  who  will  be  solidly  opposed  to 
the  participation  of  the  United  States  Government  in  any  exposition  which  throws  open 
its  gates  on  the  Lord's  day. 

Mr.  BartlETT.     May  I  ask  you  a  question? 

Mr.  Fiske.     Certainly. 

Mr.  BartlETT.  Would  it  be  a  violation  of  anything  moral  to  have  the  exposition 
gates  simply  open,  when  there  is  also  a  provision  that  devotional  exercises  and  sacred 
concerts  shall  be  held  on  the  grounds?  It  strikes  me  that  would  aid  both  those  who 
are  outsiders  and  those  who  are  employed  in  the  grounds,  and  that  it  ought  to  meet 
approval  instead  of  objection. 

Mr.  Fiske.  The  opening  of  the  gates  on  the  Lord's  day  would  require  all  those  who 
are  in  charge  of  the  exposition  and  of  the  objects  on  exhibition  to  be  in  attendance.  It 
would  encourage  the  coming  in  of  excursion  trains  from  all  quarters  accompanied  by 
crowds  that  are,  as  all  of  you  from  the  West  know,  often  noisy  and  confused. 

The  Chairman.     That  was  not  the  experience  in  Chicago,  however,  was  it? 

Mr.  Hamlin.  Would  you  not  get  an  opportunity  to  preach  to  them  then  if  they 
did  that? 

Mr.  Fiske.     I  would  as  soon  try  to  preach  to  a  circus. 

Mr.  BartlETT.  I  am  not  asking  it  in  a  spirit  of  levity  or  criticism,  but  I  merely  want 
to  know  whether,  in  fact,  when  this  section  provides  that  no  machinery  shall  be  oper- 
ated on  the  grounds  of  the  exposition,  and  that  places  of  amusement  shall  be  closed, 
and  when  provision  is  made  for  devotional  exercises  and  sacred  concerts,  it  would  not 
rather  aid  those  who  are  there  in  attending  devotional  exercises  and  religious  services, 
instead  of  being  an  objection? 

Mr.  Williamson.  And  whether  it  would  not  be  a  benefit  to  laborers  who  could  not 
attend  on  week  days. 

Mr.  BartlETT.  I  am  speaking  absolutely  seriously.  It  occurs  to  me  that  the  pro- 
vision in  this  bill  upon  that  line  would  be  more  in  aid  of  those  who  are  in  favor  of 
having  people  reached  by  religious  influence. 

The  Chairman.  They  would  probably  reach  more  people  that  way  than  they  would 
in  their  churches. 

Mr.  Fiske.  I  suppose  if  this  exposition  is  a  success,  there  will  be  40,000  or  50,000 
people  a  day,  and  especially  on  Sundays,  coming  into  that  inclosure. 

The  Chairman.  Of  course  you  are  here  in  Washington  looking  after  this  class  of 
legislation,  and  are  familiar  with  it.  Let  me  ask  you  whether  it  is  not  a  fact  that  the 
opening  of  the  exposition  on  Sunday  at  Chicago  was  a  failure,  that  the  crowds  did  not 

114 


I,  and  that  they  did  not  i  gate  receipl 

everything  ? 

Mk.  Fiske.     It,v  decided  failure,  and  the  managers  de  ng  the 

-.  but  they  found  themselves  in  such  a  tix.  having  opened  them,  that  they  could 
■  them. 
The  Chairman.    Thou  there  is  no  great  danger  from  the  large  crowds 
Mr.  Fiske.     It  is  not  that.     It  is  that  we  are  going  hack  on  the  English  and  the 
American  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  day— going  dead  hack  on  it. 

The  Chairman.     You  were  putting  it  on  the  ground  of  the  great  crowds  thai 
assemble  there. 

Mk.  Fiskk.  No;  that  was  in  answer  to  the  suggestion  that  we  should  hold  rel  t 
services  there.  A  crowd  that  has  come  on  an  excursion  from  a  distance  on  a  rail: 
train  to  see  an  exposition  is  not  going  to  church  servic 

Mr.   Hamlin.     It"  this  bill  should  become  a  law  they  would  Understand  they  would 
see  nothing  but  devotional  exercis 

Mr.   Fiske.     Oh,  dear  me;   oh,   no.     There   is  nothing  in   the  wide   world  in  that. 
Everything  is  to  be  open  except  the  machinery  is  to  be  stopped. 

The  Chairman.     Everything  is  to  be  closed  under  that  amendment,  putting  it  the 
other  way.  except  places  where  religious  and  devotional  exercises  are  to  be  held  and 
-   where  the  exhibits  can  be  seen  which  are  educational.     Is  there  anything 
wrong  about  that? 

Mr.  Fiske.     Here  is  the  section: 

"No  machinery   shall   be  operated  on   said  exposition  grounds   on   Sundaj 
purpose  of  display,  and  all  places  of  amusement  within  the  inci  t  the  ex- 

shall  be  closed  on  every  Sunday  during  the  period  that  such 
be  held.  " 

v.  the  whole  exposition  is  to  I*  opened.     Your  machinery  is  not  to  run.     Y 
a  engines  are  not  to  furnish  force  for  the  various  specimen-  of  manufacl 
industry  that  may  be  carried  on  on  the  grounds.     Everything  else  is  open.     All  the 

takers  of  all  the  property  that  is  to  be  exhibited  there  are 
exhibits  are  to  be  in  constant  display.     All  the  officials,  the  police 
thing  else  on  the  grounds,  are  to  be  there  on  hand  to  look  after  the  crowd,  as  a  m 
-e.     It  says:  "Provision  shall  be  made  for  the  holding  of  devotional  exerc 
The  Christian  publi  sidering  that  matter,  will  not  hold  that  this  provision,  n 

which  may  he  -"rt  or  another  at  the  option  of  th 

chance  to  be  in  control,  are  anything  hut  a  makeshift. 

Mr.  WynN.     In  asking  you  these  <]  1  wailt  to  nav«  it  und  I  that   I 

heartily  in  t  utiments  that  j  I  am  religiously  incl 

myself  and  I  believe  in  observing  th.-   -  h  :  but  ther  IIS  why  this  amend- 

ment  was  put  into  the  bill.     They  say  there  tl  m   the   Lord  and 

pt  to  believe  in  the  Lord!  1 

which  you  have  not  mentioned      The  main  objection  which  you  ad-. 

■     would  •     from 

*?     In  other  word  uld  ma'.  ment 

ins  rship. 

M  The  main  reason  in  my  mind  and 

immand  lnth 

cular  and  •  "hip  and  H 

Mr.   WyNH       '•  ■    what  the  W 

"5 


Mr.  FiskE.     I  know  it  thoroughly,  sir. 

Mr.  Wynn.  I  understand  the  purpose  of  this  amendment  is  to  give  an  opportunity 
to  the  working  classes,  who  have  no  chance  to  attend  the  exposition  on  week  days,  ex- 
cept by  the  loss  of  time  and  k-bor.  They  are  paid  by  the  day  for  their  work,  and  it 
would  give  them  an  opportunity  to  at  least  see  more  of  the  exposition  than  they  ever 
could  see  if  they  had  to  lay  off  to  do  so.  I  may  be  wrong — and  I  will  stand  corrected 
if  I  am  wrong — but  it  seems  to  me  that  if  the  exposition  grounds  are  closed  on  Sunday 
mornings,  thereby  giving  to  those  who  may  reside  there  or  who  may  be  there  for  the 
time  being  an  opportunity  to  attend  church  services,  there  would  be  no  harm  in  opening 
the  exposition  in  the  afternoon,  in  order  that  the  working  classes  might  spend  a  few 
hours  there.  I  am  willing  to  assist  and  do  my  part  in  living  up  to  the  Sabbath  Day, 
but  I  do  believe  that  the  working  classes  of  the  West — and  you  know  their  conditions 
as  well  as  I  do,  if  you  have  been  there — should  have  an  opportunity,  with  as  little  ex- 
pense to  them  as  possible,  to  see  this  exposition  as  frequently  as  they  can. 

Mr.  FiskE.  That,  of  course,  is  a  familiar  and  is  the  only  argument  that  I  can  con- 
ceive that  makes  for  the  propriety  of  the  provision.  The  same  argument  is  made  as 
to  other  things.  It  is  made  in  favor  of  throwing  open  the  golf  links  of  a  golf  club 
here  on  Sunday,  for  the  baseball  game,  for  every  other  form  of  amusement  on  Sunday, 
because  the  working  people  can  not  get  a  chance  at  them  except  on  the  Lord's  Day, 
and  therefore  it  is  best  to  throw  down  the  commandment. 

The  Chairman.     But  the  amendment  proposes  to  close  all  places  of  amusement. 

Mr.  Fiske.     The  whole  outfit  is  a  place  of  amusement. 

Mr.  Chairman.     It  is  principally  a  place  for  education,  is  it  not? 

Mr.  Fiske.     Yes ;  education — amusement  and  education. 

Mr.  Porter.     Educaton  and  trade,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Mr.  Fiske.     Education  and  trade. 

Mr.  Porter.     One  of  the  principal  grounds  for  holding  an  exposition  is  for  trade. 

Mr.  Fiske.  I  did  not  come  here  to  make  any  argument.  I  came  simply  to  say  that 
the  question  has  been  fought  out  in  Congress  on  various  occasions,  and  the  public 
opinion  of  the  United  States  has  manifested  itself  so  determinedly  on  the  side  of  the 
sacredness  of  the  Lord's  Day  that  it  has  never  accomplished  its  purpose,  and  it  never 
will.  Such  a  provision  as  that  in  this  bill  will  throw  the  great  majority  of  the  people 
of  the  United  States  into  dead  antagonism  to  the  whole  enterprise;  and  it  does  not 
seem  to  me  that  these  gentlemen  from  Oregon  and  from  the  western  coast,  whose  in- 
terests are  as  dear  to  me  as  the  interests  of  the  East  are  at  least,  are  wise  in  pressing 
that  matter.  Indeed,  I  asked  one  of  the  representatives  from  Oregon  a  little  while  ago 
whether  they  were  set  on  that  provision,  and  he  said  they  were  not  at  all.  I  really  be- 
lieve the  delegation  coming  from  Oregon,  when  it  considers  the  matter  maturely,  when 
it  reflects  upon  it,  will  not  desire  to  have  that  amendment  carried  in  the  bill.  I  have 
nothing  further  to  say. 

Mr.  Porter.  Mr.  Chairman,  permit  me  to  say  just  a  word.  It  does  not  seem  to  me 
we  want  discussion  at  this  time  in  regard  to  such  a  matter.  I  am  very  glad  the  matter 
has  been  presented  and  I  shall  hope  that  a  courteous  hearing  shall  be  given  to  any 
American  citizen  at  any  time  in  a  matter  of  that  kind,  in  the  expressing  of  his  opinions. 
When  the  proper  time  comes  for  discussion,  I  shall  be  very  glad  to  speak  upon  this 
point.  I  think  the  statement  is  well  made  at  this  time.  I  believe  it  would  be  of  the 
greatest  benefit  to  this  exposition  or  any  other  exposition  in  which  the  United  States 
takes  part,  and  for  the  good  of  the  exposition  itself,  that  the  doors  shall  be  closed  on 
the  Sabbath  Day. 

116 


Mr.   Bartlett,     I  :  mean  to  -ay  that   t  was  in    favor  ning   them       I 

merely  called  the  attention  of  the  gentleman  to  the  provision  ai  d  him  ii 

not  think  it  would  be  a  benefit  to  reach  people  l>v  religious  instruction, 
the  bill. 

Mk.  Fiske.     I  started  to  answer  that  when  I  was  interrupted  by  what  the  chairman 
had  to  say.     It  a  set  of  people  go  to  an  exposition  to  see  an  exposition  they 
S"i'  -  down  into  a  corner  somewhere  and  attend  a  prayer  meeting.     If  they  went 

there  to  attend  a  prayer  meeting  they  would  shut  their  eye-  to  the  exposition  at: 
t<>  tlie  prayer  meeting.      It  they  went  to  hear  a  sermon,  they  would  shut  their  • 
everything  else  and  go  and  hear  the  sermon;  hut  after  they  come  from  Chi 
Springfield  or  down  from  Seattle  on  Sunday  to  see  the  exposition,  they  are  not  u 
to  hear  preaching. 

Mk.   BoiSE.      Is  it  not  a  fact  that  in  recent  year-  there  ha-  been  an   interpretation  by 
the  different  ministers,  many   Protestant-  and  almost   universally  in  the  Catholic  faith. 
that  after  people  attend  one  service  upon  that  day  they  may  then   look  around   • 
servation   and  education,  and  that  they  claim  that  is  not   intended   to  In-  prohibited  by 
the  commandment-  ? 

Mk.  Fiskk.     Yes;  that  is  the  continental  idea. 

Mr.    Boisk.     To-day  there   is  one   very  eminent   Episcopal   minister  in   Chicag 

innounced  that  doctrine:  that  if  they  attend  divine  service  they  may  look  around, 
not  to  indulge  in  riotous  things,  hut  for  the  purpose,  as  Mr.  Tawney  suggested,  of 
information  and  education,  such  as  looking  at  those  exhibits. 

Mk.  Fiskk.     The  continental  Sabbath  i<  that  which  the  relij  eople  of  this  coun- 

re  more  afraid  of  than  anything  el-e  in  the  world.     Three  of  the  chief  pr< 
the  Catholic  Church  in  this  country  have  pronounced  themselves   most   decidedly     I 

gainst  any  opening  of  these  expositions  on  the  Lord's  Day.  One  of  them  i- 
Ireland.  I  do  not  remember  the  name-  of  the  others,  hut  three  of  the  most  eminent 
Catholic  prelate-  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  in  this  country  have  pronounced  them- 
selves on  that  point,  and  every  ecclesiastical  body  of  any  sort  that  ha-  spoken  of  the 
matter  at  all  has  pronounced  itself  in  this  way. 

I  doubt  if  there  i-  a  member  of  the  2S.000.000  men  the  Protestant  and  Cath- 

olic churches  in  this  country  who  would  consent  on  any  term-  to  give  hi-  sand     I    I 
an  .n  which  would  open  it-  doors  on  tin-  Lord's  Day. 

Mk.   Fiski:.     I  do  not  believe  this  committee  or  the  Com:-  the  United  St 

will  violate  it:  hut  still  I  thought  it  was  wise  without  having  any  di-tr 
mittee  or  of  Congress  dl  the  attention  of  the  committee  this  morning  to  the  matter. 

T  am  very  much  obliged  for  the  opportunity  to  addr 
thereupon    ad' 


I   ! 


SENATE  ACT    FOR    PROTECTION    OF    GIRLS    UNDER    EIGHTEEN. 

"Pritchard  bill,"  amended  by  Senator  Hoar    to    apply    to    Territories,  passed    Senate, 
April  22,  1898. 

A  bill  to  raise  the  age  of  protection  for  girls  in  the  District  of  Columbia  or  in  any 
Territory  of  the  United  States  to  eighteen  years.  Be  it  enacted,  etc.,  That  if  any  person 
shall  carnally  know  any  female  between  the  ages  of  sixteen  and  eighteen  years,  out  of 
wedlock,  in  the  District  of  Columbia  or  in  any  Territory  of  the  United  States,  such 
carnal  knowledge  shall  be  deemed  a  misdemeanor,  and  the  offender,  being  convicted 
thereof,  shall  be  punished  by  imprisonment  for  a  term  not  exceeding  eleven  months 
and  twenty-nine  days,  or  fined  not  exceeding  two  hundred  dollars,  or  may  be  punished 
by  both  such  fine  and  imprisonment. 

Sec.  2.  That  this  act  shall  not  be  construed  as  repealing  or  modifying  any  statute 
relating  to  rape. 

Broderick  Seduction  Act,  see  p.  37,  substituted  for  above  in  House ;  approved  March 
3-  1899. 


118 


HILLS,    ACTS   AND    DOCUMENTS 


ON 


DIVORCE 
MORMONISM 
PROTECTION  OF  GIRLS 
OBSCENE  LITERATURE 


119 


IMPORTATION  AND  EXPORTATION  OF  OBSCENE  MATTER. 

58th  Congress,  3d  Session,  approved  by  President  Roosevelt,  1905. 

Be  it  enacted,  etc.  That  the  Act  of  February  eighth,  eighteen  hundred  and  ninety- 
seven,  entitled  "An  Act  to  prevent  the  carrying  of  obscene  literature  and  articles  de- 
signed for  indecent  and  immoral  use  from  one  State  or  Territory  into  another  State  or 
Territory,"  be,  and  hereby  is,  amended  so  as  to  read : 

"It  shall  be  unlawful  for  any  person  to  deposit  with  any  express  company  or  other 
common  carrier  for  carriage  from  one  State  or  Territory  of  the  United  States  or  the 
District  of  Columbia  into  any  other  State  or  Territory  of  the  United  States  or  the 
District  of  Columbia,  or  from  any  place  in  or  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United 
States  to  a  foreign  country,  or  from  any  place  in  or  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
United  States  through  a  foreign  country  to  any  place  in  or  subject  to  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  United  States,  or  who  shall  cause  to  be  brought  into  any  place  in  or  subject  to 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States  from  any  foreign  country,  any  obscene,  lewd,  or 
lascivious  book,  pamphlet,  picture,  paper,  letter,  writing,  print,  or  other  matter  of 
indecent  character,  or  any  article  or  thing  designed  or  intended  for  the  prevention  of 
conception,  or  procuring  of  abortion,  or  any  written  or  printed  card,  letter,  circular, 
book,  pamphlet,  advertisement,  or  notice  of  any  kind  giving  information,  directly  or 
indirectly,  where,  how,  or  of  whom,  or  by  what  means  any  of  the  hereinbefore-men- 
tioned articles,  matters,  or  things  may  be  obtained  or  made ;  and  any  person  who  shall 
knowingly  deposit,  or  cause  to  be  deposited,  with  any  express  company  or  other  com- 
mon carrier  for  carriage  from  one  State  or  Territory  of  the  United  States  or  the 
District  of  Columbia  to  any  other  State  or  Territory  of  the  United  States,  or  for  car- 
riage from  any  place  in  or  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States  to  a  foreign 
country,  or  from  any  place  in  or  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States 
through  any  foreign  country,  to  any  place  in  or  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United 
States,  or  who  shall  take  from  such  express  company  or  other  common  carrier  with 
intent  to  sell,  distribute,  or  circulate  any  matter  or  thing  herein  forbidden  to  be 
deposited  for  carriage  shall  for  each  offense,  upon  conviction  thereof,  be  fined  not 
more  than  five  thousand  dollars  or  imprisoned  at  hard  labor  not  more  than  five  years, 
or  both,  at  the  discretion  of  the  court." 


Pending  Bill  to  amend  section  thirty-eight  hundred  and  ninety-three 
of  the  Revised  Statutes.  Be  it  enacted,  etc.,  that  section  thirty-eight 
hundred  and  ninety-three  of  the  Revised  Statutes  be,  and  the  same  is 
hereby,  amended  by  adding  "And  when  any  issue  of  any  periodical  has 
been  declared  nonmailable  by  the  Post-Office  Department,  the  periodical 
may  be  excluded  from  second-class  mail  privileges,  at  the  discretion  of 
the  Postmaster-General." 

In  committees  on  Post-Offices  and  Post-Roads. 


1  20 


Gillett  (F.  N.)  Divorce  Act,  Approved  May  25,  1896:  .No  divorce  shall 
be  granted  in  any  Territory  unless  the  party  applying  for  the  divorce 
shall  have  resided  continuously  in  the  Territory  for  one  year  next  pre- 
ceding the  aoDlication. 


DIVORCE  LAW  FOR  THE  DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA. 

56th  Congress.  2d  Session,  Senate  Document  No.  174.  presented  by  Sena- 
tor Kyle,  February  19,  1901,  to  Accompany  Amendment  of 

District  Divorce  Law. 

The  present  divorce  law  for  the  District  of  Columbia,  as  given  in  the  sections  of  the 
code  which  the  second  amendment  would  displace,  the  justices  of  the  District  supreme 
■;  and  the  United  Stale-  attorney  have  unanimously  condemned  as  too  lax,  in  the 
wing  written  statements: 
I  think  the  divorce  statutes  of  this  District  can  be  much  improved  by  amendment. 

E.  F.   BirtGHAM. 
I  concur  in  the  above.  Henry   M.   Clabaugh. 

I  think  that  the  divorce  statutes  of  the  District  of  Columbia  need  amendment  and 
modification.  A.  C.  Bradley. 

1  concur  with  Justice  Bradley  in  thinking  it  a  matter  of  importance  that  the  divorce 
statute  of  this  District  should  be  amended.  Job  BARNARD. 

I  concur  in  the  necessity  and  propriety  of  a  radical  change  in  the  divorce  laws 
this  District.  Chas  E. 

I  fully  concur  in  the  above  suggestions.  T.  H.  Anders 

[    have   repeatedly   expressed   my  conviction    that   the  divorce    statutes   in    force   have 
I  d  amendment. 

•  most  important  change  would  he  to  treat  the  proceeding  a-  a  triangular  or 
three-sided  contest,  in  which  the  State  should  appear  in  behalf  of  it-  citizens  and  of 
the  1  il  mora!-,  ami  see  that  the  parties  -hall  not  obtain  their  divorce  through 

collusion  or  by  mean-  of  false  testimony.     This  i-  especially  requisite  where  the  • 
ex  parte  one. 

h  is  the  law  in  several  of  the  State-,  a-  in  Indiana  and  Kentucky.  The  app 
ance  of  the  State'-  attorney  should  be  entered  in  every  case  by  the  clerk,  who  -1, 
have  a  legal  allowance  made  for  hi-  -ervices. 

"The  time  of  desertion"  should  be  at  least  "four  year-"  in  pi 

"two  yeai  -.n  the  existing  law. 

The:  several  other  point-  that  might  be  indicated  where  reform-  are  nee 

\.  B   Hacner. 
•ice  Bradley  has  felt  con-trained  to  say  in  hi-  court  (Washington  Post,  July  31, 
■ 

Washington  appear-  to  be  rapidly  developing  into  a  div  1  inter.    There   w 

filed  in  the  supreme  court  of  the   District  of  Columbia  jjj  divorce  mi   the  year 

ending  Jun<  «  19. 

In  response  to  this  demand  for  a  more  stringent  divorce  law.  a  bill  was  introduced  in 
both  H  H.  R.  1-^.41  >   which  i-  now  presented  a-  an  amendment  to  the 

■  le,  and   which   in   its   main   provisions   i-   the   same   a-   the    New    York   law. 
allowing  divorce  for  only  one  laration  from  bed  ami  board  for  t' 

three  causes.     This  bill  wa<  approved  by  the  attorney  of  the  District,  with  light 

verbal  changes  which  are  incorporated  in  the  amendment,  which   i-  in  Un- 
approved by  him  except  the  words  in  bracket-,  which  have 

1  j  : 


April  3,  1900. 

Gentlemen:  I  have  duly  considered  the  bill  (S.  2533,  Fifty-sixth  Congress,  first 
session)  to  restrict  the  grounds  of  divorce  and  improve  the  procedure  in  the  District 
of  Columbia  and  the  Territories,  etc.,  which  you  referred  to  me. 

Divorce  from  the  bond  of  marriage  in  the  District  of  Columbia  is  regulated  by  sec- 
tion 738  of  the  Revised  Statutes  relating  to  the  District  of  Columbia,  which  provides 
seven  grounds  for  such  divorce. 

Divorce  from  bed  and  board  is  regulated  by  section  739  of  the  Revised  Statutes  re- 
lating to  the  District  of  Columbia,  which  provides  two  grounds  for  such  divorce. 

The  present  bill  proposes  to  amend  section  738,  authorizing  divorce  from  the  bond 
of  marriage  only  where  one  of  the  parties  has  committed  adultery  during  the  mar- 
riage. It  then  authorizes  the  marriage  contract  to  be  declared  void  in  those  cases 
wherein  section  738  authorizes  a  divorce  from  the  bond  of  marriage,  except  in  cases  of 
habitual  drunkenness  for  a  period  of  three  years,  cruel  treatment,  endangering  life  and 
health,  and  willful  desertion  and  abandonment  for  two  years.  It  also  provides  that 
legal  separation  from  bed  and  board  may  be  granted  for  drunkenness,  cruelty,  or 
desertion. 

I  am  satisfied  that  the  law  regulating  divorce  in  the  District  of  Columbia  should  be 
amended.  The  way  to  and  through  the  divorce  court  is  entirely  too  easy  in  this 
District. 

Existing  law  puts  a  premium  on  conduct  which  destroys  the  foundation  of  the  State; 
the  home  and  the  family  are  not  sufficiently  safeguarded. 

The  bill  is  one  which  in  my  judgment  should  receive  your  favorable  report  to 
Congress. 

I  have  to  suggest,  however,  that  the  phraseology  of  the  bill  needs  amendment. 
Line  3  should  read :  "That  section  738  of  the  Revised  Statutes  relating  to  the  District 
of  Columbia  be,  and  hereby  is,  amended,  etc. ;"  and  there  seems  to  be  some  little  incon- 
gruity in  amending  a  section  of  the  Revised  Statutes  relating  to  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia so  as  to  read  "in  the  District  of  Columbia  and  the  Territories,  a  divorce,"  etc. ; 
section  2  should  be  amended  so  as  to  read :  "That  the  clerk  of  the  court  in  which  any 
such  proceeding  for  divorce  shall  be  instituted  shall  immediately  notify  the  United 
States  attorney  of  the  institution  of  such  proceeding,  and  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  said 
attorney  to  enter  his  appearance  therein  in  order  to  prevent  collusion  and  to  protect 
public  morals." 

The  papers  are  herewith  returned. 

Very  respectfully,  A.  B.  Duvall, 

Attorney  District  of  Columbia. 

The  Commissioners  of  the  District  of  Columbia. 

The  changes  suggested,  as  has  been  stated,  are  incorporated  in  the  amendment. 
The  judges  and  lawyers  of  the  country  are  increasingly  favoring  such  restrictions  of 
divorce,  and  the  following  letters  in  behalf  of  such  legislation  have  been  received  from 
bishops  and  college  presidents: 

Oberlin  College,  President's  Office, 

Oberlin,  Ohio,  January  77,  7900. 
My  Dear  Mr.  Crafts  :  I  have  received  your  letter  of  January  8.  I  hope  you  will 
push  the  Ray  anti-divorce  bill.  Your  backing  is  magnificent.  Anything  I  can  do 
to  aid  will  be  gladly  done.  I  hope  our  Congressman,  Mr.  Burton,  trustee  of  Oberlin 
College  and  a  graduate  of  our  college,  will  be  found,  as  I  know  he  will,  active  in  the 
good  cause.     Perhaps  you  would  better  see  him. 

Yours,  faithfully,  John  Henry  Barrows. 

122 


II     CoLLEl 

Northampton,  Mass..  Jan 
\k  Sir:     You  are  at  liberty  to  use  my  name  as  in  favor  "f  the  Kay  antidiv 
bill,  and  1  sincerely  hope  it  may  be  enacted  by  Congr<  Yours,  truly, 

Rev.  W.  !•'.  Crai  rs,  Ph.  D.  L.  C.  Seelye. 


Cleveland,  Ohio,  January  so,  i> 
\:     Do  all  in  your  power  to  accomplish  legislation  that  will  stop  th( 
struction  of  the  very  foundations  of  society  and  morals  in  this  country.     Tush  this 
bill  I  raining  divorce,  except  on  the  ground  of  adultery,  and  yon  will  be  eng; 

in  a  work  that  means  the  purification  of  our  general  life.     You  have  my  earnest  and 
ipport.  William  A.  Leonard,  Bishop  of  0) 


Trenton,  X.  J.,  January  tg,  igoo. 
My  Dear  Sir:     1  am  heartily  in  favor  of  a  general  antidivorce  law  that  will  forbid 
the  remarriage  of  any  divorced  person  during  the  life  of  the  other  party.     The  pi 
bill   for  the   District  of  Columbia  and  the  Territories   will   be  a  great   gain  over  the 
present  loose  legislation  on  the  subject;  but  the  scandal  of  remarriage  of  divorced  per- 
come  intolerable  and  most  shocking.     I  am  in   favor  of  any  law  that  will 
diminish  or  cure  this  great  social  evil.         Yours,  etc.. 
The  Rev.  Wilbur  F.  Crafts.  John  Scarboroi-ch.  Bishop  of  New  Jen 


ALBANY,    X.   Y.,  January  2".   T\ 

My  Dear  Mr.  Crafts:    I  most  cordially  give  my  name  and  will  lend  my  influence 

:-  proposed  action,  which  is  a  most  cheerful  hope  to  me.  the  first  civil  step  in  the 
right  direction  that  has  been  taken,  and  a  M.rt  of  dawning  of  a  better  day.  I  am  thank- 
ful that  the  example  should  he  set  to  the  States  in  the  very  central  part  of  the  country 
and  in  those  portions  where  legislation  is  rather  in  progress  than  in  any  condition  of 
final  settlement;  where  some  of  the  worst  evils  now  exist,  and  which,  if  they  can  only 
set  right  in  their  present  condition,  will  stay  right  when  they  are  hardened  into 
I  will  gladly  call  attention  to  this  in  the  church  paper  and  do  everything  in 
my  power  to  further  it-  adoption.  You  are  quite  at  liberty  to  use  this  Utter.  I  am 
only  too  glad  of  the  opportunity  to  help  on  the  good  cause. 

Wry  sincerely,  your  friend.  Wm.  Croswell  Doane. 

Bishop  of  Albany  I 

Fargo,  X.  I>\k..  February  X.  iooo. 

DEAR    Sik:      Yonr    favor   inclosing   COpy    <■(    Ray   divorce   hill    i-    received.      I    have    no 

to  improvement  to  offer,  a-  it  seems  to  me  perfect  a-  it  stands.     1  only 
that  it  may  speedily  he  passed,  and  that  as  the  next  step  its  provisions  maj 

come  the  law   of  every  State  in  the  Union.         Very  truly,  your-, 

Sam  >ri.  i*cm,k   EdSALL, 
Bishop  of  North  Ipiscopal  Chu 

wafts.  Washington,  I' 


Guthrie,  <  )kla  .  January  4, 

\K  DR.  CRAFTS:      I  have  your  letter  of  December  20.      I   -hall  do  all   I  can  • 

I   inclose  my  own  petition  in  due  form. 
Wry  truly.  F    K 

Phoenix,  Ariz.,  January  17 

My  Dear  Dr  nd  I  am  giving 

123 


it  attention  as  early  as  possible.  I  am  writing  to  our  clergy  in  New  Mexico  and  Ari- 
zona asking  them  to  write  to  their  Congressmen,  and  also  to  send  a  petition,  as  you 
suggest,  to  each  House  of  Congress.     I  trust  that  this  will  do  some  good. 

With  best  wishes  for  all  the  work  of  the  reform  bureau.         Faithfully,  yours. 

The  Rev.  Wilbur  F.  Crafts,  J.  M.  Kendrick. 


Bishop  Daniel  S.  Tuttle.  of  Missouri,  and  Bishop  H.   Y.   Satterlee,  of  Washington. 
also  filed  petitions  for  this  amendment  as  previously  embodied  in  the  Ray-Piatt  bill. 
Cardinal  Gibbons  supports  it  in  the  following  letter : 

I lc hester,  Md.,  December  22,  1899. 
Dear  Sir:  His  eminence  the  Cardinal  directs  me  to  say  that  whilst  the  laws  so  far 
proposed  do  not  fully  stamp  out  the  evil  of  divorce,  he  nevertheless  cheerfully  ap- 
preciates every  step  taken  in  this  direction,  and  hopes  that  eventually  society  will  come 
to  recognize  the  lofty  standard  of  which  the  Catholic  Church  has  ever  been  an  expon- 
ent on  the  subject  of  divorce.  Respectfully, 
The  Rev.  W.  F.  Crafts.  Albert  J.  Stein, 

Secretary. 


There  are  petitions  on  file  also  signed  by  leading  laymen  of  Washington,  and  by 
various  preachers'  meetings  and  other  associations. 

The  amendment  is  intended  to  bring  the  divorce  laws  that  Congress  has  enacted  for 
the  District  of  Columbia  up  to  the  highest  grade  found  in  State  laws,  namely,  to  that 
of  New  York,  where  absolute  divorce  is  allowed  only  in  cases  of  adultery.  Legal 
separation  is  allowed  there,  as  in  this  bill,  for  other  causes,  but  without  the  dangerous 
permission  to  remarry.  This  bill  is  desired  not  only  for  the  moral  and  social  benefit 
it  would  confer  on  the  District  of  Columbia,  but  also  as  a  preparation  for,  and  install- 
ment of,  the  uniform  law  on  marriage  and  divorce  for  States  also,  to  be  obtained  by 
constitutional  amendment,  which  an  increasing  number  of  citizens  of  this  country 
desire,  but  are  unwilling  that  the  best  State  law  should  be  sacrificed  unless  the  general 
law  is  to  be  of  the  same  high  grade,  of  which  the  passage  of  this  bill,  in  response  to  a 
public  sentiment  calling  for  it,  would  be  abundant  assurance. 


PRESENT  DISTRICT  DIVORCE  LAW,  PASSED  IN  RESPONSE 

TO  FOREGOING. 

For  District  Divorce  Law  Approved  March  3,  1901,  see  p.  36. 

From  Senate  Document  No.  305,  59th  Congress,  1st  Session,  Presented 
by  Senator  Wellington,  April  15,  1905. 

The  Bar  Association  of  the  District  of  Columbia  has  petitioned  for  the  repeal  of  this 
new  divorce  law  and  the  substantial  restoration  of  the  old  law.  allowing  absolute 
divorce  for  four  causes — desertion,  drunkenness,  cruelty,  and  adultery — while  the 
clergy  of  the  District  and  others,  have  petitioned  that  the  present  regulation,  so  far  as 
absolute  divorce  is  concerned,  shall  not  be  changed. 


See  also  President  Roosevelt  on  divorce,  p.  1. 

124 


MORMONISM 
riON     OF     BRIGHAM     II.     ROBERTS,     MORMON     CONGRESSMAN- 
ELECT. 

From  House  Report,  85  Part   1,  56th  Congress,  i-t  S<  —  ion,  presented  Jan.  20,   1 
bj   Hon.  R.  W.  Tayler,  M.  C. 

We  find  that  Brigham  II.  Roberts  was  elected  as  a  Representative  to  the  Fifty-sixth 
gress  from  the  Stair  of  Utah  and  was  at  the  date  of  his  election  above  th<  I 

25  years;  that  he  had  been  for  more  than  seven  years  a  naturalized  citizen    of    the 
United  States  and  was  an  inhabitant  of  the  State  of  Utah. 

We  further  find  that  about  [878  he  married  Louisa  Smith,  his  first  and  lawful  w 
with  whom  he  has  ever  since  lived  as  such,  and  who  since  their  marriage  has  borne 
him  six  children. 

That  about  1885  he  married  a-  his  plural  wife  Celia  Dibble,  with  whom  he  has  1 
since  lived  as  such,  and  wh<>  since  such  marriage  has  borne  him  six  children,  of  whom 
the  last  were  twin-,  horn  August   11,   1N07. 

That  some  years  after  his  -aid  marriage  to  Celia  Dibble  he  contracted  another  plural 

marriage  with   Margaret   C.   Ship]),  witii  whom  he  has  ever   -nice  lived  in  the  hahit   and 
repute  of  marriage.      Your  committee  is   unable  to  ti\   the  exact    date  of  this   man 
It   does  not   appear  that    he   held  her  out   a-   hi-   wife   before   January.    1S07.   or   that    she 
before  that   date   held  him  out   as   her   husband,   or   that   before   that    date   they    were    re- 
puted to  l>e  husband  and  wife. 

That  these  facts  were  generally  known  in  Utah,  publicly  charged  against  him  during 
his  campaign   for  election,  and  were  not  denied  by  him. 

That  the  testimony  hearing  on  these  fact-  wa-  taken  in  the  presence  of  Mr.  Roberts, 
and  that  he  fully  cross-examined  the  witnesses,but  declined  t"  place  himself  upon  the 
witness  stand. 

The  committee  is  unanimous  in  its  belief  that  Mr.  Roberts  ought  not  to  remain  a 
member  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  A  majority  are  of  the  opinion  that  he 
ought  not  to  he  permitted  to  become  a  member;  that  the  House  has  the  right  to  ex- 
clude him.  A  minority  are  of  the  opinion  that  the  proper  course  of  procedure  i-  to 
permit  him  to  he  sworn  in  and  then  expel  him  by  a  two-third-  vote  tinder  tin-  consti- 
tutional provision  providing  for  expulsion. 

Upon  the   facts   stated,  the  majority  of  the  committee  assert   that   the  claimant   ought 
to  he  permitted  to  take  a  -eat  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  that  tin-  -eat 
to  which  he  wa-  elected  ought   t<>  he  declared   vacant.     Three  distinct   grounds 
qualification  are  asserted  againsl  Roberts. 

I.  By  reason  of  hi-  violation  of  the  Edmunds  law. 

II.  By  reason  of  hi-  notorious  ami  defiant  violation  of  the  law  of  the  land,  of  the 
decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court,  ami  of  the  proclamations  of  the  Presidents,  holding 
himself  above  the  law  and  nut  amenable  to  it. 

No  government  could  possibly  exist   in  the  face  of  such  pracl  lie  i-  in  oj 

war  against  the  laws  and  institutions  of  the  country  wh<  nter. 

Such   an    idea    i-   intolerable.      It    is   upon   the   principl*  erted    in   this   ground   that    all 

cases  of  exclusion  have  been  based. 

III.  His  election  a-  Representative  is  an  explicit  and  offensive  violation  of  the 
understanding  by  which  Utah  wa-  admitted  !         St  ite. 

Anti-Polygamy  Amendment  Pendinc  in  Concr 

"I.      Polygamy    i-   declared   to   he   an   off.  \n<\   the    United    State-,   ami    : 

prohibited  within  them,  or   in  any  pla  to  their   jurisdiction;   and 

125 


engaged  in  the  practice  thereof  shall  hold  any  office  of  honor,  trust,  or  profit  under  the 
United  States  Or  any  state.  2.  Congress  shall  have  power  to  provide  for  the  punish- 
ment of  said  offense  and  to  otherwise  enforce  this  article  by  appropriate  legislation." 

Protest  in  the  matter  of  Reed  Smoot,  Mormon  Senator-elect  from  Utah,  1904-5- 

[From  three  vols,  of  Senate  Hearings,  beginning  Jan.   16,  1904,  before  Committee  on 
Privileges  and  Elections.     Protest  signed  by  W.   M.  Paden  and  others.] 

To  the  President  and  Members  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States: 

We,  the  undersigned,  resident  citizens  and  qualified  electors  of  the  State  of  Utah, 
do  hereby  most  respectfully  protest : 

That  Apostle  Reed  Smoot,  Senator-elect  from  the  State  of  Utah,  ought  not  to  be 
permitted  to  qualify  by  taking  the  oath  of  office  or  to  sit  as  a  member  of  the  United 
States  Senate,  for  reasons  affecting  the  honor  and  dignity  of  the  United  States  and 
their  Senators  in  Congress. 

We  protest  as  above  upon  the  ground  and  for  the  reason  that  he  is  one  of  a  self- 
perpetuating  body  of  fifteen  men  who,  constituting  the  ruling  authorities  of  the  Church 
of  Jesus  Christ  of  Latter-Day  Saints,  or  "Mormon"  Church,  claim,  and  by  their  fol 
lowers  are  accorded  the  right  to  claim,  supreme  authority,  divinely  sanctioned,  to  shape 
the  belief  and  control  the  conduct  of  those  under  them  in  all  matters  whatsoever,  civil 
and  religious,  temporal  and  spiritual,  and  who  thus,  uniting  in  themselves  authority  in 
church  and  state,  do  so  exercise  the  same  as  to  inculcate  and  encourage  a  belief  in 
polygamy  and  polygamous  cohabitation ;  who  countenance  and  connive  at  violations  of 
the  laws  of  the  State  prohibiting  the  same  regardless  of  pledges  made  for  the  purpose 
of  obtaining  statehood  and  of  covenants  made  with  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
and  who  by  all  the  means  in  their  power  protect  and  honor  those  who  with  themselves 
violate  the  laws  of  the  land  and  are  guilty  of  practices  destructive  of  the  family. 

However  broad  the  grant  by  Federal  enactments  to  the  State  of  Utah  or  its  citizens, 
the  enjoyment  of  the  privileges  of  statehood  must  depend  upon  the  observance  of  the 
sacred  compact  upon  which  statehood  was  secured.  The  rights  thereby  granted  are 
not  thereby  inalienable,  and  we  do  insist  that  he  is  and  ever  must  be  unfitted  to  make 
laws  who  shows  himself  unalterably  opposed  to  that  which  underlies  all  law. 

We  submit  that  however  formal  and  regular  may  be  Apostle  Smoot's  credentials  or 
his  qualifications  by  way  of  citizenship,  whatever  his  protestations  of  patriotism  and 
loyalty,  it  is  clear  that  the  obligations  of  any  official  oath  which  he  may  subscribe  are 
and  of  necessity  must  be  as  threads  of  tow  compared  with  the  covenants  which  bind 
his  intellect,  his  will,  and  his  affections,  and  which  hold  him  forever  in  accord  with 
and  subject  to  the  will  of  a  defiant  and  lawbreaking  apostolate. 

We  ask  in  behalf  of  ourselves,  and,  as  we  firmly  believe,  in  behalf  of  thousands  of 
the  members  of  his  faith,  that  the  high  honor  of  a  Senatorship  be  not  accorded  this 
man. 


Testimony  of  Joseph  F.  Smith,  Mar.  2,  3,  IQ04. 

Mr.  Tayler.  According  to  the  doctrine  of  your  church,  you  have  become  the  suc- 
cessor of  your  several  predecessors  as  the  head  of  the  church? 

Mr.  Smith.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Tayler.  And  are  supposed  to  be  endowed  with  all  the  powers  that  they  were 
possessed  of? 

Mr.  Smith.  That  is  my  understanding. 

Mr.  Tayler.  What  is  your  business? 

1  26 


Smith. 

Mk.  Tayi.kr. 
Mr.  Smith. 
Mk.  Tayi.kr. 
Mr.  Smith. 
Mk.  Tayi.kk. 
Mk.  Smith. 
Mk.  Tayi.kk. 
Mr.  Smith. 
Mk.  Tayi.kk. 
Mk.  Smith. 
Mk.  Tayi.kk. 


Mr.  Smith. 
Mr.  Tayi.kk. 
Mr.  Smith. 
Mr.  Taylkr. 
Mr.  Smith. 
Mr.  Tayi.kr. 
Mr.  Smith. 


i  president  of  Zion's  Cooperative  Mercantile 

1  [as  it   a  Clint. il    Stock? 

It  I 

How   large 

I  think  it  is  a  little  over  a  million. 
Of  what  other  corporations  are  you  an 
I  am  president  of  the  State  Bank  of  Utah,  another  instituti 
What  else? 

Zion  Savings  Bank  and  Trust  Company. 
What  else? 

I  am  president  of  the  Utah  Sugar  Company. 
What  else? 
Mr.  Smith.     I  am  president  of  the  Consolidated  Wagon  a:  npany. 

Mk.  Tayi.kk.     What  el 

re  are  several  other  small  institutions  with  which   I   am 
Are  you  associated  with  the  Utah   Light  -npany? 

I  am. 

In  what  capacity? 

I  am  a  director  and  president  of  the 
A  director  and  the  president? 
Yes,  sir. 

Mk.   Tayi.kr.     Had  you  that  in  mind  when  you  cl  ill  con- 

cert 

Mr.  Smith.     No,  sir;  I  had  not  that  in  mind. 
Mr.  Tayi.kr.     That  is  a  large  concern? 
Mr.  Smith.     That  is  a  large  concern. 
Mr,  Tayi.kr.     Are  you  an  officer  of  the  Salt  Lai 
pany  ? 

Mr.  Smith. 
Mr.  Tayi.kr. 
Mr.  Smith. 
Mr.  Tayi.kr. 
Mr.  Smith. 
Mr.  Tayi.kr. 
Mr.  Smith. 
Mr.  Tayi.kr. 

:;>any  ? 
Mk.   Smith.     That  is  the  same  institution  that   you  1  —the  C 

lated   Light   ami    Power   Company.     Tha  lated.     It    is    the    ; 

■ht  and   Railroad  Company   now. 

Mk.  Tayi.kr.     Do  those  corpi  irnish  tl  tion  in 

the  city  of  Salt  Lake? 
Mr.  Smith.     Y 

Altogether? 

lieve  they   d 

What  relation  do  you  su 
I  am  a  director  of  that  companj 

he  Inland  Cl  3al  iny  ? 

•ion  thet 
The  Salt 


I  am. 

What? 

dent  and  director. 

Of  what  else  are  you  president? 
I  am  president  of  the  Salt  Air  Beach  Compa 

The  Salt  Air  Beach  Company? 

What  relation  n  to  th  I    Light  ver 


Mr.  Tayi.kr. 

Mr.  Smith. 
Tayi.kr. 

Mr.  Smith. 

Mr.  Tayler. 

Mr.  Smith. 

Mr.  Tayi.kr. 


Mr.  Smith.     I  am  president  of  that  and  also  a  director. 
Mr.   Tayler.     Are  you  president  of  any  other  corporation  there? 
Mr.    Smith.     I   do  not  know.     Perhaps  you  can  tell  me.     I   do  not  remember  any 
more  just  now. 

Mr.  Tayler.     It  would  seem  that  the  number  has  grown  so  large  that  it  would  be 
an  undue  tax  upon  your  memory  to  charge  you  with  naming  them  all.     What  relation 
do  you  sustain  to  the  Salt  Lake  Knitting  Company?     Did  I  ask  you  about  it? 
Mr.  Smith.     No,  sir;  you  did  not. 

The  Salt  Lake  Knitting  Company? 
I  am  president  of  it,  and  also  a  director. 
The  Union  Pacific  Railway  Company? 
I  am  a  director. 

Are  you  an  official  of  any  mining  companies? 
Yes,  sir. 
What? 
I  am  the  vice-president  of  the  Bullion,  Beck  and  Champion   Mining 


Mr. 
Mr. 
Mr. 
Mr. 


Tayler. 
Smith. 
Tayler. 
Smith. 

Mr.  Tayler. 

Mr.   Smith. 

Mr.  Tayler. 

Mr.   Smith. 
Company. 

Mr.  Tayler.  What  relation,  if  any,  do  you  sustain  to  any  newspaper  or  publishing 
house  or  company? 

Mr.  Smith.  I  am  the  editor  of  the  Young  Men's  Mutual  Improvement  Association, 
a  periodical ;  the  Improvement  Era,  and  also  the  Juvenile  Instructor. 

Mr.  Tayler.  I  want  to  ask  you  a  few  questions,  because  it  will  enable  us  to  get 
along  more  rapidly,  and  because  you  can  speak  concisely  upon  the  subject,  and  we  will 
understand  where  we  are  so  much  the  better.  I  do  not  want  to  limit  you.  except  that 
we  do  not  want  to  take  a  great  deal  of  time  about  it.  You  will  understand,  therefore, 
the  purpose  of  the  questions  as  I  put  them,  as  separated  from  the  independent  char- 
acter of  the  question  itself.     I  do  not  want  to  put  words  into  your  mouth  respecting  it. 

As  I  understand,  the  Mormon  Church  was  started  by  Joseph  Smith,  jr.? 

Mr.  Smith.     Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Tayler.     Was  he  a  relative  of  yours? 

Mr.  Smith.     He  was  my  uncle. 

Mr.  Tayler.  And  it  was  he  who  found,  or  through  him  that  the  plates  were  found, 
upon  which  were  recorded  what  was  afterwards  translated  and  published  in  the  form 
of  the  Book  of  Mormon? 

Mr.   Smith.     Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Tayler.     Now,  that  occurred  about  seventy-five  years  ago,  did  it  not? 

Mr.  Smith.     Yes,  sir ;  or  a  little  more. 

Mr.  Tayler.     Later  Joseph  Smith,  from  time  to  time,  received  revelations? 

Mr.   Smith.     Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Tayler.     And  he  himself  died  in  1844? 

Mr.   Smith.     Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Tayler.  To  his  power  and  authority  in  the  church  Brigham  Young,  as  you 
have  stated,  succeeded? 

Mr.  Smith.     Yes,  sir;  that  is  right. 

What  are  the  standards  of  authority  in  the  Mormon  Church? 
Do  you  mean  the  books? 
Yes;  the  written  standards. 
The  Bible,  the  Book  of  Mormon,  the  Doctrine  and  Covenants,  and  the 


Mr.  Tayler. 
Mr.  Smith. 
Mr.  Tayler. 
Mr.  Smith. 
Pearl  of  Great  Price. 
Mr.  Worthincton. 


What  is  the  last  one? 


128 


!.     The  Pearl  of  Great  Price. 

The  Chairman.     Will  you  repeat  that  last  answer? 

Mr.  Smith.     1  am  asked  what  are  tl  lard  works  i  i  I 

The  Chairman.    Y<  s. 

Mr.  Smith.    1  answered:    The  Bible,  King  James's  translation;  the  Book  oi  '■'■ 
men.  the  Book  of  Doctrine  ami  Covenants,  and  the  Pearl  oi  Great  Prior. 

.Mk.  Taylkr.  Those  arc  all  the  written  books  which  arc  authoritative  and  controlling 
upon  the  body  of  the  church,  arc  they? 

Mr.  Smith.  They  arc  the  only  books  which  I  know  of  that  have  been  accepted  by 
the  church  in  general  assembly  as  the  standard  work--  of  the  church. 

Mk.  Tavi.ik.  [s  the  cohabitation  with  one  who  is  claimed  to  be  a  plural  wife  a  vio- 
lation of  the  law  or  rule  of  the  church,  as  well  as  of  the  law  of  the  land? 

Mk.   Smith.     That  was  the  case,  and  is  the  case,  even  to-day. 

Mk.  Tavi.k.k.     What  was  the  case;  what  you  are  about  to  say? 

Mk.  Smith.  That  it  is  contrary  to  the  rule  of  the  church  and  contrary  as  well  to 
the  law  of  the  land  for  a  man  to  cohahit  with  his  wives. 

But  I  was  placed  in  this  position.  I  had  a  plural  family,  if  you  please:  that  i-.  my 
first  wife  was  married  to  me  over  thirty-eight  years  ago.  my  last  wife  was  married  to 
me  over  twenty  years  ago.  and  with  these  wives  I  had  children,  and  I  simply  took  my 
chances,  preferring  to  meet  the  consequences  of  the  law  rather  than  to  abandon  my 
children  and  their  mothers;  and  I  have  cohabited  with  my  wives — not  openly,  that  is, 
not  in  a  manner  that  I  thought  would  be  offensive  to  my  neighbors — hut  I  have  ac- 
knowledged them:  I  have  visited  them.  They  have  borne  me  children  since  iS<K>,  and 
I  have  done  it.  knowing  the  responsihility  and  knowing  that  I  was  amenable  to  the  law. 

Since  the  admission  of  the  State  there  has  been  a  sentiment  existing  and  prevalent 
in  Utah  that  these  old  marriages  would  be  in  a  measure  condoned.  They  were  not 
ed  upon  as  offensive,  as  really  violative  of  law;  they  were,  in  other  word-,  regarded 
as  an  existing  fact,  and  if  they  saw  any  wrong  in  it  they  simply  winked  at  it.  In  other 
words.  Mr.  Chairman,  the  people  of  Utah,  as  a  rule,  as  well  as  the  people  of  this  nation. 
are  broad-minded  and  liberal-minded  people,  and  they  have  rather  condoned  than  other- 
wise, I  presume,  my  offense  against  the  law.  1  have  never  been  disturbed.  Nobody 
has  ever  called  me  in  question,  that  I  know  of.  and  if  I  had.  I  was  there  to  answer  to 
the  charges  or  any  charge  that  might  have  been  made  against  me,  and  I  would  have- 
been  willing  to  suhmit  to  the  penalty  of  the  law,  whatever  it  might  have  been. 

Mr.   Tayi.fr.     You   have   not   in   any   respect  changed  your   relations   to   these  wives 
since  the  manifesto  or  since  the  passage  of  this  law  of  the   State  of  Utah.     I   am  not. 
meaning  to  he  unfair  in  the  question,  but   only  to  understand  yon.     What   I   mean   is, 
have  been  holding  your  several    wives  out   as   wives,   not  offensively,   as  you    say. 
■  have  furnished  them  home-.    You  have  given  them  ciety.    You  have  taken 

care  of  the  children  that  they  hore  you,  and  you  have  caused  them  to  hear  you  new 
children — all  of  them. 

Mk.  Smith.     That  i  :r. 

Mk.  Tayi.kr.     That  is  correct? 

Mr.   Smith.     Y 

Mr.  Tayi.f.r.     Now,  -incc  that  was  a  violation  of  the  law.  why  hav  '  >ne  it? 

Mk.   Smith.     For  the  reason  I  have  I  pref  i   ce  the  penalties  of  the 

law  to  abandoning  my  family. 

Mk.   Tayi  nsider  it  an  abandonment   of  your  family  I 

-  with  your  wives  except  that  of  occupying  •' 

Mk.  Smith.     T  do  not  wish  to  he  impertinent,  but  I  should  like  the  gentleman  I 
any  woman,   who  is  a  wife,  that  question. 

120, 


Senati  r  Foraker.  1  do  not  sec  how  investigation  along  that  line  is  going  to  give 
us  any  light.     What  we  want  are  facts. 

Mr.  Tayler.  It  strikes  me  that  an  explanation  from  this  man  who  is  the  spiritual 
head  of  the  church,  the  immediate  superior  of  Senator  Smoot,  the  man  who  receives 
divine  revelations  respecting  the  duty  and  conduct  of  the  whole  body  of  the  church, 
as  to  why  he  thus  defiantly  violates  that  law,  is  pertinent  and  important. 

The  Chairman.  Mr.  Smith,  I  understood  you,  in  response  to  a  question  of  counsel, 
to  state  that  you  married  your  first  wife  at  such  a  time,  and  the  second  wife  at  such  a 
time,  both  before  1890? 

Mr.   Smith.     Yes,  sir. 

The  Chairman.     The  last  wife,  I  mean.     Were  there  any  intermediate  marriages? 

Mr.   Smith.     Yes,  sir. 

The  Chairman.     How  many? 

Mr.  Smith.    There  were  three  besides  the  first  and  the  last. 

The  Chairman.     Then  you  have  five  wives? 

Mr.  Smith.     I  have. 

The  Chairman.     Mr.  Tayler,  what  is  your  question? 

Mr.  Tayler.  My  question  is.  How  many  children  have  been  born  to  him  by  these 
wives  since  1890? 

The  Chairman.     The  chair  thinks  that  question  is  competent. 

Mr.  Smith.     I  have  had  11  children  born  since  1890. 

Mr.  Tayler.  Were  those  children  by  all  of  your  wives;  that  is,  did  all  of  your 
wives  bear  children? 

Mr.  Smith.     All  of  my  wives  bore  children. 

Mr.  Tayler.     Since  1890? 

Mr.  Smith.     That  is  correct. 

The  Chairman.     I  understand,  since  1890. 

Mr.  Smith.  Since  1890.  I  said  that  I  have  had  born  to  me  11  children  since  1890, 
each  of  my  wives  being  the  mother  of  from  1  to  2  of  those  children. 

Mr.  Tayler.  You  said  you  were  not  sure  but  that  one  might  have  borne  you  three 
children. 

Mr.  Smith.     T  rather  think  she  has. 

Mr.  Tayler.     You  rather  think? 

Mr.  Smith.  Yes.  T  could  tell  you  a  little  later  by  referring.  I  can  not  say  that  I 
remember  the  dates  of  births  of  my  children — all  of  them. 


130 


BILLS,  ACTS  AND  DOCUMENTS 


OX 


LIQUORS  IX   GOVERNMENT    BUILDINGS 
HEPBURN-DOLLIVER  BILL 
PROTECTION  OF   NATIVE   RACES 
DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA  LIQUOR  LAW- 
ALASKA  LIQUOR  LAW 

ECONOMIC  ASPECTS  OF  LIQUOR  QUESTION 
STUDY  OF    LOCAL    PROHIBITION 


i>i 


SENATOR   DOLPH   ON   LIQUOR   SELLING  IN   CHICAGO   FAIR. 

Certainly,  if  we  are  to  -make  an  appropriation  for  the  Exposition  we  can  make 
the  appropriation  upon  condition,  that  it  shall  be  closed  on  Sunday  and  that  the  sale 
of  intoxicating  liquors  on  the  grounds  be  prohibited.  I  hope  that  may  be  done. 
More  than  a  j'ear  ago  I  expressed  myself  publicly  in  favor  of  closing  the  grounds  on 
Sunday  in  a  letter  which  was  published  in  one  of  the  leading  religious  papers  of  the 
country.  I  now  desire  to  say,  that  I  think  the  prohibition  of  the  sale  of  liquor  upon 
the  grounds  would  conduce  to  the  good  order  of  the  Exposition,  to  the  comfort  of 
visitors,  and  be  an  example  which  would  be  worthy  to  be  followed  by  the  nations 
of  the  earth. 


CONGRESSMAN  BABBITT  ON  EXCLUDING  LIQUORS  FROM  CHICAGO  FAIR. 

I  favor  the  exclusion  of  liquor  from  the  Fair  grounds  at  Chicago  from  a  financial 
point  of  view.  You  can  not  make  as  much  money  by  running  a  liquor  institution 
on  the  Fair  grounds  as  you  can  by  running  a  temperance  Fair.  I  know  that  to  be 
so,  provided  the  managers  of  the  Columbian  Exposition  understand  how  to  manage 
it  and  advertise;  and  I  think  I  will  take  the  liberty  right  here  of  saying  that  I  went 
to  work  in  Wisconsin  and  got  the  consent  of  ministers  to  read  the  programme  of 
a  temperance  Fair  in  our  State,  and  nearly  45,000  nocked  daily  to  see  us,  and  there 
was  not  a  single  solitary  drop  of  liquor  drank  upon  that  ground.  Ministers  adver- 
tised it  in  this  way:  "You  children,  you  mothers,  you  daughters,  you  fathers,  may 
all  go  to  the  Fair,  and  you  will  be  sure  that  you  will  be  treated  courteously  and  elegant- 
ly, and  you  will  have  no  occasion  to  regret  it . "  The  cars  were  full  to  overflowing. 
You  ought  to  have  seen  the  thousands  and  thousands  of  picnics  that  came  up  from 
all  over  that  section  of  country.  I  have  always  voted  in  favor  of  license  myself, 
but  talk  about  cranks  as  much  as  you  please,  there  is  no  greater  set  of  cranks  on  the 
face  of  God's  earth  than  those  who  claim  that  whiskey  can  save  a  Fair  from  financial 
ruin,  a  city  from  grass-growing  in  its  streets,  or  save  the  United  States  of  America, 
or  make  us  respectable  in  the  eyes  of  foreign  nations  or  in  the  eyes  of  the  people 
of  this  Republic.  I  understand  what  I  am  doing  when  I  stand  on  this  floor  here 
and  advocate  this  principle,  for  many  in  my  district  think  otherwise.  I  have  a  very 
large  German  element  there.  But  in  behalf  of  the  prosperity  of  the  National  Fair 
at  Chicago,  in  behalf  of  the  great  interest  which  it  represents,  in  behalf  of  the  American 
people,  in  behalf  of  the  honor  of  the  whole  State  of  Wisconsin,  and  the  honor  of  all 
the  States  of  the  Union,  and  in  behalf  of  the  American  people  and  the  reputation 
of  this  Congress,  I  am  willing  to  stand  here  and  tell  the  truth  at  this  time,  and  I  say 
to  you  gentlemen  if  you  want  a  prosperous  Fair,  worthy  of  the  respect  of  citizens 
and  foreigners  alike,  inaugurate  the  great  principles  which  have  made  this  nation 
what  it  is. 

132 


Ellis  Bill  to   Forbid  Liquor  Selling  in   Government   Buildings. 

I  Favorably  June  28,  1898,  S5t!  mimittee  on  Al 

Liqu  >r  Traffic 

A  bill  to  prohibit  the  iting  liq  n  any  reservation  or  in  anj 

under  the  United  S  Government,  and  for  other  pur] 

That  hereafter  it  shall  be  unlawful  for  any  pe- 
otherwise  dispose  of  any  kind  of  intoxicating  liquors  on  any  n 
ration  under  control  oi.  or  in  any  building  owned  or  controlled  by,  the  United  States 
\  eminent. 

That  any  violation  of  this  Act  shall  be  deemed  a  misdemeanor,  and 
m  shall,   for  each  separate  >e,  be  punished  by  a  hue  not  exceeding 

1  dollars. 

3.      That  the  Federal  courts  shall  have  jurisdiction  of  all  violations  of  this  Act. 

KRom    HOUSE   REPORT. 
"But   few  hills  before  the  present  congress   have  had   the 

under  consideration. 
Your  committee,  after  giving  the  matter    earnest    and 
reached  the  unanimous  conclusion  that  but  few  if  any  reasons  exi-t  why  the   I 
rnment  should  engage  in  the  liquor  traffic,  even  to  the  extent  >>f  leg 
permitting  the   sale  of   intoxicants   within   its   immigrant    statioi 
mil-  or  any  other  buildings  under  its  control,  including  the  Capitol 

tnent  buildings  within  the  District  of  Columbia,  or  any  reservation  upon  wl 
any  of  said  buildings  are  situated. 

It  is  not  n<  put  into  this  report  the  many  arguments  made  by  th< 

bill  in  its  behalf.     Suffice  it  to  say  that  of  the  many  petitions  presented 
many  arguments  made  before,  the  committee,  not  one  protest  was  received  nor 
inst  th  I  this  measure. 

■tr  commit-  r   having  given  th 

tched  the  unanimous  conclusion  that  the  hill  as  amended,  if  law 

It  in  much  good.     We  therefore  recommend  that  it  do  pa 


Anti-Canteen  Law  of  55th  Congress.  Approved  March  4,  1899. 

11  he  detailed  to  sell   intoxicating  drinks,  as  a 
any  post  exchang  other  pers 

iptnent  m  any  pi 

r  military  pi  by  the  Un  and  t!  I   War  i 

ry  to  carry  the  pr 
>:t. 


"Grout  Bill."  56th  Congress.  Introduced. by  Hon.  W.  W.  Grout.  M.  C. 

December  5,   1899. 

it  enac-     '  That  I  it  shall  he  unlawful  to  sell  1" 

in  any  .      -'   home,   or  immigrant 

■ 
r  each   separa: 
hun<!' 


CANTEEN    HEARING. 
SENATE  MILITARY  AFFAIRS  COMMITTEE,  DEC.   7,  8,    iqoi. 


Rev.  W.  F.  Crafts:  Two  facts  are  sufficient  to  carry  this  amendment: 
first,  85  per  cent,  of  our  Army  is  in  the  tropics  where  the  use  of  alcoholic 
drink  is  notoriously  harmful,  and,  second,  75  per  cent,  of  them  are  young 
men. 

General  Corbin  admits  in  his  letter,  which  has  made  such  an  impres- 
sion— it  would  not,  I  think,  if  it  had  been  read  more  carefully — that  the 
liquor-selling  feature  of  the  canteen  worked  badly  for  the  new  recruits  in 
the  volunteer  regiments,  though  he  claimed  it  had  worked  well  among  the 
disciplined  soldiers  of  the  Regular  Army.  But  as  three-quarters  of  our 
present  Army  are  new  recruits,  his  admission  really  gives  away  his  whole 
case.  It  is  appropriate  here  to  quote  General  Ludlow  (from  General  Miles's 
report  in  1899): 

"  It  is  particularly  important,  where  a  large  portion  of  the  Army  are  recruits,  that 
nothing  be  officially  done  to  create  in  them  the  habit  of  using  intoxicants." 

The  canteen,  in  the  case  of  young  soldiers  at  least,  starts  the  drinking 
habit,  as  asserted  by  many  of  our  military  leaders.  When  Gen.  O.  O. 
Howard  was  commanding  the  Department  of  the  East  he  expressed  himself 
against  the  canteen,  and,  among  other  things,  said: 

"  Under  the  present  system  soldiers  appear  to  be  more  generally  led  to  drink  and  to 
offenses  that  go  with  drinking  than  under  the  old  sutler  and  post-trader  system." 

Surgeon-General  Sternberg  said  last  year,  before  the  War  Department 
took  the  other  side,  in  a  public  interview  which  he  reaffirmed  to  me  per- 
sonally : 

"  A  great  many  young  soldiers  who  are  not  accustomed  to  drink,  contract  drinking 
habits  at  these  canteens  and  are  ruined." 

Lieut.  A.  K.  Taylor,  then  of  the  Ninth  Infantry,  in  the  United  Service 
Magazine  for  April,  1892,  stated: 

"  The  young  recruit,  fresh  from  the  rural  district,  of  whom  we  hoped  much  from 
his  enlistment,  is  met  on  the  threshold  of  his  military  life  with  the  invitation  to  waste 
his  money,  become  a  beer  drinker,  a  card  player,  a  dice  thrower,  and  an  idler  of  his  time. '  * 

The  general  opinion  of  medical  and  military  men,  that  intoxicating 
liquors  are  particularly  harmful  in  the  tropics,  is  summed  up  in  the  words 
of  General  Miles  in  General  Order  No.  87: 

' '  The  history  of  other  armies  has  demonstrated  that  in  a  hot  climate  abstinence  from 
the  use  of  intoxicating  drink  is  essential  to  continued  health  and  efficiency." 

1.34 


But  I  desire  to  emphasize  also  the  two  reasons  given  in  the  House  re- 
port for  taking  action  against  the  canteen.  After  reading  General  Corbin's 
report  and  that  of  the  Secretary  of  War  in  favor  of  the  canteen,  the  House 
committee  declared  that  nevertheless  there  were  two  reasons  why  it  should 
report  for  the  abolition  of  the  canteens:  First,  because  Congress  unques- 
tionably intended  to  abolish  them  in  the  present  law;  second,  because,  "  the 
United  States  Government  should  not  in  any  sense  be  connected  with  the 
liquor  traffic,  but  let  private  parties  conduct  it  under  the  laws  of  the  dif- 
ferent States."  A  previous  anti-canteen  report  of  a  House  committee  also 
declares  that  it  is  unseemly  for  the  Government  to  engage  in  the  liquor 

business. 

We  do  not  admit  that  the  weight  of  military  authority  is  in  favor  of 

the  liquor-selling  feature  of  the  canteens.     General  Corbin  reports  a  poll  of 

500  commissioned  officers,  assuming  that  that  represents  a   fair  vote  of  the 

Army.     His  poll   also  includes   500   corporals  and   sergeants,  to  make  up 

1,000   in   all.     What  a  mere  fraction  is  that  of  the  officers  in  a   hundred 

regiments  !     He   omits   all   the    generals    except  Anderson,   Merriam,  and 

Wade;  also  the  chaplains  save  one,  whose  opinion   is  shared  by  only  two  or 

three  chaplains,  on   the   side  of  the  canteens.     The  omitted  generals  and 

chaplains  are  the  very  best  qualified  to  testify  on  this  question. 

Against  three  obscure  generals  on  his  side  we  have  quoted  nearly  ten 
times  as  many  of  like  rank  in  the  Army  and  Navy  who  have  condemned  the 
canteen,  including  such  world-famed  men  as  Long,  Sampson,  Shafter,  O. 
O.  Howard,  Ludlow,  and  many  more,  with  other  commissioned  officers  to 
the  number  of  a  hundred.  General  Corbin  could  find  but  36  officers  of 
all  grades  on  that  side.  Add  the  British  testimony,  based  on  scientific 
tests,  and  the  weight  of  military  authority  is  decidedly  in  favor  of  the  same 
policy  of  abstinence  for  the  Army  that  railroad  corporations  are  insisting  on 
for  their  employees.  Is  it  not  as  necessary  to  have  sober  men  to  deal  with 
our  strange  new  peoples  as  to  run  a  freight  train?  There  is  abundant 
testimony  that  the  difficulties  in  pacifying  the  Filipinos  have  been  not  a 
little  due  to  the  outrages  committed  by  drunken  soldiers. 

General  Corbin's  opinion  in  favor  of  the  canteen  has  come  to  him  very 
suddenly,  for  he  personally  assured  me  and  others  in  1S99  that  he  then  held 
the  same  opinion  as  he  had  officially  expressed  in  1892,  when  he  said: 

A  ciuse  of  restlessness  is  traced  to  the  excesses  of  the  exchange,  the  saloon 
feature  of  which  is  not  productive  of  good,  and  should  be  done  away  with  without 
further  experiment. 

General  Corbin  asserts  that  both  desertions  and  disease  have  been  di- 
minished by  the  establishment  of  the  canteen.  But  on  close  examination 
it  will  be  seen  that  his  statistics  by  no  means  prove  that.  It  is  the  old  fal- 
lacy of  logic— after  a  thing  therefore  because  of  it;  post  hoc  ergo  propter  hoc. 
At  the  time  the  canteen  was  established  a  higher  standard  for  enlistment 
was  also  established,  and  the  argument  that  desertions  and  disease  dimin- 
ished does  not  necessarily  connect  with  the  canteen  at  all. 

'35 


Another  inference  from  General  Corbin's  statement,  which  a  careful 
reading  shows  to  be  "  not  proven,"  is  that  where  canteens  are  opened  by 
the  Government  the  soldier  is  saved  from  "  worse  places"  outside;  that  the 
other  places  outside  even  disappear,  and  the  soldier  drinks  only  in  the  can- 
teen. We  challenge  him  to  name  a  place  not  under  prohibitory  laws — and 
in  such  places  canteens  can  not  lawfully  be  opened,  though  they  are  estab- 
lished in  many  such  cases,  law  or  no  law — where  a  soldier  let  out  of  camp 
can  not  get  all  kinds  of  liquors  as  easily  as  ever.  We  have  abundant  proof 
that  saloons  and  saloon  patronage  outside  are  not  decreased  but  increased 
by  the  canteen  inside,  which  serves  as  a  preparatory  school  for  creating  ap- 
petite in  young  recruits  who  might  never  visit  outside  saloons  if  trained  to 
abstinence  in  camp. 

THE  OPPONENTS   OF   CANTEENS  NOT  THEORISTS. 

I  examined  a  canteen,  not  in  an  extemporized  volunteer  camp  in  time 
of  war,  but  in  a  fort,  at  Newport,  managed  by  regulars,  shortly  after  the 
Cuban  war  was  over.  The  only  place  for  eating  was  in  the  dirty  kitchen. 
Nearly  the  whole  establishment  was  occupied  by  a  long  bar,  behind  which 
a  soldier,  in  his  shirt  sleeves,  drenched  in  perspiration  and  beer,  with  the 
aid  of  a  professional  bartender,  was  selling  the  drink  to  a  howling  crowd  of 
already  half-drunken  soldiers  standing  four  of  five  deep  in  front  of  the  coun- 
ter. Near  the  end  of  the  bar  was  a  piece  of  sailcloth  on  which  a  soldier  was 
conducting  a  style  of  gambling  fitly  described  asa"  skin  game."  Holding 
up  a  fist  full  of  bills,  he  shouted,  "  Come  on,  boys;  any  man's  money  is  good 
enough  for  me."  It  was  simply  a  "  bar-room  "  of  the  lowest  type.  There 
are  no  "  worse  places."  Subsequently  I  went  the  rounds  of  the  Newport 
saloons,  and  the  canteen  had  by  no  means  diminished  their  patronoge.  In 
every  saloon  soldiers  were  in  evidence,  drinking  and  gambling.  In  a  week's 
time  I  was  never  on  the  main  street  when  there  were  not  drunken  soldiers 
in  sight.  Besides  the  regulars  there  was  a  regiment  of  volunteers  at  the 
fort,  and  although  the  police  arrested  none  who  were  not  disorderly  as  well 
as  drunk,  there  were  nearly  fifty  arrests  that  week.  A  majority  of  the  reg- 
iment deserted  the  camp  after  the  pay-day  drinking  I  had  witnessed  in  can- 
teen and  saloons. 

That  was  a  volunteer  regiment,  but  the  canteen  was  conducted  by  reg- 
ulars who  garrisoned  the  fort,  and  it  should  have  been  one  of  the  best  can- 
teens, for  it  was  an  institution  of  the  Regular  Army  in  time  of  peace,  not  an 
extemporized  bar  in  the  disorder  of  war  time. 

Soldiers  were  allowed  to  go  out  of  camp  only  once  a  week,  but  they 
were  allowed  to  buy  on  credit  at  the  canteen  during  the  rest  of  the  time. 
This  most  vital  fact  is  generally  overlooked.  It  is  supposed  that  soldiers 
could  go  any  day  to  saloons  outside.  It  were  better  so  than  to  have  the 
Government  tempt  them,  as  it  does  by  an  official  saloon  inside.  Many  of 
them  were  boys  and  they  talked  to  me  with  the  utmost  freedom.  They  re- 
gretted their  frequent  drunkenness  and  so  expressed  themsehres  to  me. 

Mr.  William  E.  Johnson,  whose  accuracy  as  a  correspondent  I  have 
repeatedly  tested  and  proved,  says  in  a  letter  to  me  of  November  21,  1900: 

136 


During  the  past  two  years,  in  my  newspaper  work,  I  have  visited  something  like  a 
hundred  beer  canteens  of  the  United  States  Army,  covering  a  territory  from  Portland, 
Me.,  all  the  way  to  the  Philippine  Islands.  With  one  or  two  exceptions,  I  have  never 
been  able  to  find  anything  of  the  nature  of  a  reading  room  in  connection  with  the  beer 
saloon.  For  the  most  part,  these  beer  canteens  were  located  on  prohibition  territory, 
in  defiance  both  of  the  State  laws  and  of  an  express  law  of  Congress.  In  every  case  the 
beer  canteen  was  merely  a  common  groggery.  In  many  cases  whiskey  was  sold  as  well 
as  beer.  In  one  case  Jamaica  ginger  was  openly  sold  for  beverage  purposes.  In  one 
case  the  canteen  was  operated  in  connection  with  a  brothel.  As  a  rule,  soldiers  are 
still  being  detailed  to  act  as  bartenders  in  the  face  of  the  Griggs  opinion.  So  far  as  my 
observation  goes,  the  only  "  regulation  "  which  was  generally  adhered  to  was  that  a 
soldier  should  pay  for  his  liquor,  either  when  purchased  or  on  pay  day. 

Rev.  Dr.  A.  C.  Dixon,  who  preached  as  an  evangelist  to  our  armies 
during  the  Cuban  war,  says: 

"  I  regard  the  '  canteen  '  system  as  it  is  worked  in  the  camp  as  the  most  diabolical 
piece  of  iufernalism  of  which  the  Government  has  ever  been  guilty.  I  studied  its 
workings  while  I  was  at  Tampa,  and  I  do  not  hesitate  to  say  that  parents,  when  they 
give  their  boys  to  the  service  of  their  country,  have  more  cause  to  fear  the  '  canteen  ' 
than  they  have  to  fear  Spanish  bullets  or  Cuban  fever.  It  brings  the  worst  tone  of  the 
regiment  down  to  the  bar  room  level.  Around  it  gather  all  kinds  of  iniquities.  It  is  the 
slums  of  the  regiment,  with  forces  at  work  helping  to  turn  the  whole  regiment  into  a 
slum  district." 

Does  some  one  say  that  we  "  slander  the  soldiers?  "  Nay,  it  is  those 
who  say  "soldiers  will  drink  anyhow."  The  recent  history  of  the  British 
army  shows  that  soldiers  will  not  drink  in  time  of  war  under  rules  to  the 
contrary  if  commanders  mean  what  they  say,  and  that  even  in  times  of  peace 
one-third  of  the  army  will  abstain  if  encouraged  by  temperance  canteens 
and  an  army  abstinence  society  with  their  commanders  acting  as  its  officers. 
The  New  York  Times  says  editorially: 

"  'Men  will  drink.*  Will  they?  Certain  railways  and  quite  a  numberof  other  cor- 
porations have  managed  to  establish  a  close  approach  to  total  abstinence  among  their 
employees,  and  thev  have  done  it  without  the  exercise  of  anything  like  the  pressure 
that  can  be  brought  to  bear  upon  the  soldiers.  As  for  the  argument  that  the  canteens 
are  a  source  of  little  luxuries  in  the  way  of  food,  that,  as  we  have  said  before,  is  un- 
worthy of  serious  consideration  by  adults." 

We  are  told  by  General   Corbin    that    the   canteen    is   a    temperance 
measure  ;  and  that  temperance  reformers  are  "allied  with  aggressive  saloon 
interests  in  their  efforts  to  destroy  it."     Here  is  the  Washington  Sentinel, 
the  organ  of   the  liquor  dealers,  of  this  date,  containing  two  editorials 
demning  the  very  amendment   we   are  advocating,  and  I  challenge  any  one 
to  show  a  single  advocate  of  this  anti-canteen  measure  who  is  a  liquor  dealer, 
or  interested  in  the  liquor  interest.     Many  other  articles  have  appeared  in 
tliis   Washington  Sentinel  in  defense  of   the  canteen.      Indeed,  the  ed 
claims  to  have  suggested  the  interpretation  by  which  Secretary  Alger  and 
Attorney-General  Griggs  nullified  the   intent  of   the  last  Congress  in  this 
matter.     Many   other  liquor  papers  could  be  quoted.     Only  one  other 
need  be  stated,  namely,  that  Congressman  Bartholdt.  chairman  of  the 
committee,"  yesterday  spoke  in  the  House  for  the  canteen  and  against  this 
amendment. 

Congress  having  appropriated  a  million  dollars  for  canteen  substitutes, 
gymnasiums,  etc.,  these  must  be  fairly  tried  before  repeal  of  the  anti-canteen 
law  will  be  seriously  considered. 

i37 


STATEMENT  OF  MRS.  MARGARET  DYE  ELLIS,  N.  W.  C.  T.  U.    SUPERIN- 
TENDENT OF  LEGISLATION. 

We  by  no  means  admit  that  the  weight  of  military  authority  is  in  favor  of  the  liquor- 
selling  canteens.  Not  to  mention  the  new  restrictions  of  liquor  selling  in  the  French 
army  and  the  conclusive  experiments  of  the  British  army,  which  another  will  give,  we 
submit  the  following  points  as  to  our  own  military  leaders : 

First,  the  Navy,  in  which  official  liquor  selling  should  be  useful  if  it  is  really  so  in 
the  Army,  abolished  the  canteen  by  advice  of  admirals,  commodores,  and  captains,  in 
General  Order  508  of  Secretary  Long,  dated  February  3.  lSgg. 

After  mature  deliberation  the  Department  has  decided  that  it  is  for  the  best  interest 
of  the  service  that  the  sale  or  issue  to  enlisted  men  of  malt  or  other  alcoholic  liquors 
on  board  ships  of  the  Navy,  or  within  the  limits  of  naval  stations,  be  prohibited. 

Therefore,  after  the  receipt  of  this  order,  commanding  officers  and  commandants  are 
forbidden  to  allow  any  malt  or  other  alcoholic  liquor  to  be  sold  to  or  issued  to  enlisted 
men,  either  on  board  ship  or  within  the  limits  of  navy-yards,  naval  stations,  or  marine 
barracks,  except  in  the  Medical  Department. 

Will  anyone  say  the  reputation  of  'the  Navy  for  health,  order,  and  efficiency  is  not 
equal  to  that  of  the  Army? 

Rear-Admiral  William  T.   Sampson   said : 

I  think  there  is  but  one  opinion  among  officers  of  the  Navy  about  grog,  and  it  is  that 
alcoholic  liquors  have  no  place  in  the  Navy  of  the  United  States  except  as  a  medicine. 
Intoxicating  liquors  of  all  sorts  should  be  abolished. 

Rear-  Admiral  A.  S.  Barker  said : 

I  am  opposed  to  the  selling  of  beer  to  our  sailors  and  marines  at  any  navy-yard  or 
on  board  any  of  our  men-of-war.  Fortunately,  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  has  prohib- 
ited its  sale.  [In  letter  to  The  Reform  Bureau,  from  navy-yard,  New  York,  dated 
November  28,   1900.] 

Second.  While  General  Corbin  shows  that  a  majority  of  the  officers  he  polled  were 
for  the  canteen,  it  is  to  be  very  emphatically  noted  that  he  did  not  poll  the  whole  list 
nor  even  a  majority,  only  500  of  the  commissioned  officers,  omitting  most  of  the  generals 
and  chaplains,  the  two  groups  whose  testimony  is  most  weighty. 

Third.  The  reason  was  manifest  in  that  up  to  the  time  the  anti-canteen  law  was 
passed  not  only  nearly  all  the  captains,  but  every  general,  except  Eagen,  who  had  pub- 
lished an  opinion,  had  condemned  the  canteen,  including  the  following  generals,  whom 
we  set  against  the  three  pro-canteen  generals  quoted  by  the  Secretary  of  War — Ander- 
son, Merriam,  and  Wade:  Generals  Miles,  Shafter,  Wheeler,  Corbin,  Sternberg,  Lud- 
low, O.  O.  Howard,  Hayes  (ex-President ),  Henry,  Boynton,  Wilcox,  Stanley, 
Rochester,  Harries,  Carr,  Carlin,  Graham,  Castleman,  Bliss,  Lee. 

Since  the  War  Department  took  the  canteen  side  Generals  Corbin  and  Sternberg,  of 
the  Department,  have  declared  a  change  of  opinion,  but  their  previous  statements  of 
fact  can  not  be  thus  wholly  set  aside.  Both  of  them  assured  Dr.  Crafts  and  others 
present  in  1899  that  they  held  the  opinions  following,  which  had  been  previously 
published: 

Adjutant-General  Henry  C.  Corbin,  United  States  Army,  in  his  official  report  in 
1892.  when  he  ranked  as  Assistant  Adjutant-General,  said: 

133 


A  \rmy  )  i-  traced  to  the  • 

feature  of  which  is  m  I  ivc  of  g 1  and    should    1"  with 

■   further  experiment.     The  sale  of  beer, 
and  served  by  noncommissioned  i  nd  soldi)  i  "t  conducivi  cipline,  nor 

;:  picture  that  can  he  submitted  t'»  the  p  their  approval.     The  men 

r  portion  of  their  money   for  beer.     The  credit 
i  to  the  pay  table  with  little  or  no  money  due.     This  takes  all  heart  out  of  them 
•hem  quite  ready  to  ask  their  discharge  and  try  s<  me  other  calling. 

.1  Sternberj 

I  do  not   think  much  beer  canteen.     The  theory  that  the  soldier  needs  a  I 

een  to  keep  him  from  going  to  outside  sal*  mething  sti  all  wn 

there  i-;  nothing  in  it.     On  the  contrary,  a  great   many  young  soldier  not 

accustomed  to  drink  contract  drinking  habits  at  these  canteens  and  are  ruined.     Tl 

need  whatever  for  intoxicating  drinks  at  tl  will  bi 

thing  for  the  Army  if  they  are  abolished. 

To  get  full  weight  of  anti-canteen  opinion  we  add  a  li-t  of  regiments  in  which  can- 
-   were   forbidden,   in  many  cases  after    disastrous    experiments    by    office] 
thought  they  would  "promote  temperance:" 

lonels    of    following    regiments    which    had    no   canteens;      First,    Third    N< 

W.  J.  Bryan)  :  First  Texas;  Fir-t  Wisconsin;  Second,  Fourth.  Sixth.  ghth 

1  :    Fifth,   Eighth,  Twelfth,  and  Thirteenth    Pennsylvania;   Second  and   Fifth   Mis- 

ri;  Twenty-fifth  Kansas;   One   Hundred  and  fifty-seventh,  One  Hundred  and   fifty- 

'.  and  One  hundred  and  sixtieth   Indiana:    First,  Third.   Fourth.   Fifth.   Sixth,  and 

Ninth    Illinois;    First.    Second.    Third,    and    Fourth    Kentucky;    District    of    Columbia 

ment;    First   and   Second   Mississippi;    Firsl    New    Hampshire;    Fifth   and    Eighth 

•t-;  First  Washington;  Fifteenth  Mil  ;  First  and    :  :  Arkan 

y-ninth,  Fiftieth,  and  Fifty-second   Iowa;   Fir~t  South  Dal.  inia; 

ith  Carolina,  and  Second  Louisiana. 

dd  the  following  commissi  cr  rank  that  have 

canteei 

Lieutenant-Colom  man.  North  Dakota;  Beck,  K  ■ 

Chaplains    Sam   Small.   Third    United   Stat  (no  canteen  i  :  ind 

''••'.ugh.   01  House,    Massachusetts;    Hunter  and    Brady,    Pennsylvania;    White. 

Todd,  Illinois;  Phillips,  Nebr  Si  mper,  Kentucky 

ck,  Ari               Kimball   (:  ;  Watl                   .nd  Lyi 
1.    lisiana. 

gulars)  ;  Ward.  Missouri;  .  Utah;  Epler, 
Adjutant  Venable  (United  States  Engim 
ton  R.  Ri  --.  1  listricl  of  C  lui 

;>t.  K.  S   Woodson              ......  Hunt,  Battery  D,  Pennsylvania. 

Lieut.  A.  K.  T             Regular  Army  .ice  Magazine. 

T< >  •!••  dded  tl 

canteens,  making  ioo  in  all.  b<  in  the  n  crc- 


tary  of  War,  that  weigh  heavy  by  intrinsic  valu*-  «f  their  statements,  especially  under 
the  peculiar  conditions  of  their  witnessing: 

Naval  officers:  Secretary  John  D.  Lone;,  Rear-/\dmrals  Sampson,  Kimberley,  Barker; 
Commodore   I.   H.   Gibbs;   Captains   Folger,   Higginson,   Crowinshield,   Bradford. 
The  following  ?.re  samples  Irom  anticanteen  utterances  of  the  officers  named: 

General  Miles  has  been  quoted  elsewhere. 

Maj.  Gen.  William  H.  Shafter:  I  have  always  been  strongly  opposed  to  the  can- 
teen system  or  the  sale  of  intoxicating  drinks  of  any  kind  on  military  reservations, 
and  have  opposed  it  until  absolutely  overruled  and  required  to  establish  a  canteen 
at  my  post.  I  regard  it  demoralizing  to  the  men,  besides  impairing  seriously  their 
efficiency.  There  are  always,  in  every  regiment,  a  number  of  men  that  will  under 
any  circumstances  get  and  drink  liquor,  but  the  great  majority  are  temperate,  ab- 
stemious men;  and  it  is  to  those  that  the  evil  effects  of  the  post-exchange  system 
work  the  greatest  injury,  as  young  men  who  would  not  think  of  going  away  from 
the  post  for  liquor  will,  when  it  is  placed  before  them  and  every  inducement  offered 
them  to  purchase,  do  so,  and  thus  gradually  acquire  habits  of  intemperance.  The 
plea  that  it  furnishes  a  large  sum,  which  it  does,  to  improve  the  table  fare  of  the 
men  is,  in  my  opinion,  a  very  poor  one,  as  the  Government  of  the  United  States  is 
perfectly  able  to  feed  its  men  without  any  assistance  from  the  profits  of  rum  sell- 
ing. I  have  absolutely  prohibited  the  sale  of  liquor  or  the  opening  of  saloons  in 
the  city  of  Santiago,  and  have  refused  permission  for  cargoes  of  beer  to  come  from 
the  States  here.     [Letter  from  Santiago  de  Cuba,  dated  July  30,  1898.] 

Maj.  Gen.  Joseph  Wheeler:  I  am  a  thorough  believer  in  temperance  in  all  things, 
and  am  utterly  opposed  to  soldiers  being  sold  intoxicating  liquors,  and  I  believe 
that  every  effort  should  be  exercised  to  remove  the  temptation  of  such  dissipation 
from  them. — [In  letter  from  Camp  Wikoff,  Montauk  Point,  Long  Island,  dated 
September  20,   1898.] 

Maj.  Gen.  H.  V.  Boynton  (asked  if  each  regiment  had  a  sutler.  General  Boynton 
replied):  They  had  something  worse  than  a  sutler,  each  one  had  a  canteen.  He 
said  that  372  carloads  of  beer  had  been  sold  in  the  camp  under  discussion.  He  de- 
precated the  fact  that  army  regulations  permitted  the  canteen  system. — [Testimony 
before  the  war  investigation  committee  as  reported  by  the  New  York  Tribune.] 

Bvt.  Maj.  Gen.  O.  B.  Wilcox  (retired):  It  is  my  opinion  that  the  public  good,  as 
well  as  personal  character  of  those  concerned,  would  be  enhanced  very  much  by 
the  exclusion  of  liquor  from  the  rank  and  file  of  the  Army,  except  under  due  medi- 
cal prescription. 

Gen.  E.  Carr:  I  have  always  opposed  the  "canteen"  which  encourages  soldiers  to 
drink  beer  when  otherwise  they  might  not  be  exposed  to  temptation. 

Brig.  Gen.  D.  S.  Stanley:  It  is  my  deliberate  opinion  that  our  Army,  now  enter- 
ing upon  a  campaign  in  a  hot  climate,  would  be  immensely  better  off  if  all  alcoholic 
drinks  were  prohibited. 

Brig.  Gen.  William  B.  Rochester  (retired):  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  drink 
habit  works  very  great  injury  to  the  Army.  It  has  been  shown  over  and  over  again 
that  those  who  endure  the  greatest  fatigue  and  exposure  are  the  men  wdio  do  not 
drink. 

140 


Brig    Gen.  William  R.  Carl  in   (retired):  It  has  alwaj  .     inci    I   was  old  enough  to 

have  an  opinion,  been  my  conviction  that  the  public  g I  would  be  enhanced  by 

exclusion  of  liquor  from  all  circles.     It  does  no  g 1  anywhere,  and  countl 

evils  everywhere.     It  is  useless  to  discriminate  between  the  Army  and  other  ; 

Liquor  is  .-i  nuisance  and  an  evil,  and  no  greater  blessing  to  mankind  could 
come  to  it  than  the  total  prohibition  of  its  manufacture,  sale  and  use. 

It  is  important  also  to  observe  that  the  Secretary  of  War's  report  (December, 
ioooi  contained  the  statements  of  35  officers  who  declare  thai  the  canteen  h; 
detrimental  to  the  morality  of  the  enlisted  men;  that  40  declare  it  to  1"-  prejudicial 
to  discipline;  that  20  assert  that  it  has  increased  drunkenness,  and  that  36  declare  in 
favor  of  the  absolute  prohibition  of  the  canteen. 


Till-.  ANTI-CANTEEN  LAW. 
'1  1  i  Senator  Jacob  11.  Gallinger,  M.  D.,  Congressional  Record,  Jan.  n,  [901. 

I  am  not  going  to  argue  that  the  preponderance  of  opinion  among  army  officers 
is  either  for  or  against  the  army  canteen.  Opinions  are  divided.  Many  leading 
officers  have  pronounced  against  the  canteen. — men  like  Generals  Howard,  Lud- 
low. Shafter,   Wheeler,  Henry,  Carlin.  and  others  of  equal  note. 

Colonels  of  the  following  regiments  had  no  canteen:  T st.  3d  Nebraska;  1st  Texas; 
i^t  Wisconsin;  2d,  4th.  6th,  and  8th  Ohio;  5th.  8th,  [2th,  and  13th  Pennsylvania:  2d 
and  5th  Missouri;  25th  Kansas;  I57th,  159th,  and  160th  Indiana;  i-t.  3d,  4th.  5th. 
and  oth  Illinois;  i-t.  2d,  3d,  and  4th  Kentucky;  District  of  Columbia  regiment; 
i-t  and  2d  Mississippi;  1st  New  Hampshire;  5th  and  8th  Massachusetts;  ist  Wash- 
ington; 15th  Minnesota;  1st  and  _'d  Arkansas;  49th,  50th.  and  sjd  Iowa;  1st  South 
Dakota;  2d  Virginia;  2d  South  Carolina,  and  2d  Louisiana. 

Genera]  Ludlow  says:  "The  use  of  intoxicating  drinks  of  any  kind  in  the  tropics 
conduces  effectively  to  attacks  from  diseases.  It  is  believed  by  this  department 
that  absolute  prohibition  is  imperative.  In  almost  every  case  of  yellow  fever 
ng  American  tro,,|>>  in  Cuba  it  has  been  found  that  the  patient  was  in  the  habit 
of  drinking.  It  is  particularly  important,  where  a  large  proportion  of  the  troops 
recruits,  that  nothing  he  officially  done  to  create  in  them  the  habit  of  using  in- 
toxicants. To  establish  canteens  in  the  tropin  js  to  render  the  temptation  of  soci- 
ability and  companionship  practically  irresistable,  and  the  habit  of  drinking  is  read- 
ily acquired." 

Harper's  Bazaar,  June  <>.  i<k*i,  comments:  "Al  present  85  per  cent,  of  the  United 

army  is  in  the  tropics.  This  is  the  keynote  of  the  whole  question,  as  (',<n- 
Ludlow  puts  it.  'It  is  particularly  important,  where  a  large  proportion  of  the 
ps  are  recruits,  that  nothing  be  done  officially  to  create  in  them  the  habit  of 
usine;  intoxicants.'  Recruits  form  75  per  cut.  of  the  army.  These  have  left  home, 
family,  business,  to  serve  their  country  in  time  of  war.  Shall  this  country  repay 
them  by  officially  establishing  in  their  midst  a  temptation  threatening  them  and  the 
loved  ones  to  whom  they  will   return  with  the  horror  of  the  vice  of  drinking?     If 

ial    act   the    government   tempted    him    to   drink,   he   shall   say   in   bitten 
heart.  T  answered  the  call  of  my  country  at  the  risk  of  all  my  -arthly  int  ami 

it   called   me    to   this. — dishonor,   depravity." 
I  have  an  article  recently  written  by  a  HAFLAIN,  :. 

Ml 


"Edit*  r  of  the  Atlanta  Journal: 

"Your  editorial  Friday  concerning  the  army  canteen  indicates  the  confusion  ob- 
taining generally  concerning  that  institution.  As  chaplain  in  the  army  1  have  my 
convictions  formed  after  many  years  of  observation,  under  favorable  conditions  to 
satisfy  myself  as  to  its  influence  for  good  or  evil.  The  public  is  entitled  to  a  state- 
ment of  these  conclusions. 

'"The  last  thirteen  years  I  have  served  at  posts  where  canteens  were  in  operation. 
Thirteen  years  ago  they  were  experimental,  most  posts  having  post-traders'  stores, 
which  furnished  beer  to  officers  and  men.  When  it  was  proposed  to  substitute  co- 
operative canteens  I  lent  my  influence  for  the  change,  as  it  was  argued  that  officers 
could  control  canteens  more  successfully  than  stores.  I  hoped  a  saloon  could  be  con- 
trolled in  the  interest  of  a  temperate  use  of  intoxicating  liquors.  But  after  thirteen 
years  of  close  observation,  I  have  been  forced  to  abandon  all  hope  of  regulation,  and 
to  become  as  much  opposed  to  the  canteen  as  I  was  then  to  the  traders.  I  have 
never  seen  the  canteen  regulated  but  once  for  only  a  few  weeks  by  one  post  com- 
mander. 

"My  first  experience  with  the  canteen  was  at  Fort  Omaha.  It  was  a  pet  institution 
of  the  commander,  and  did  more  to  set  the  gait  for  the  army  than  any  other,  except, 
perhaps,  one  at  Vancouver  barracks,  where  the  experiment  was  first  tried.  It  paid 
dividends  of  from  $7,000  to  possibly  $10,000  a  year,  if  my  memory  serves  me  correctly, 
in  a  command  of  400  men.  I  have  frequently  gone  into  it  when  the  noise  of  the  bois- 
terous, drunken  mob  that  filled  it  to  overflowing  was  so  great  that  no  ordinary  conver- 
sation could  be  carried  on.  Sitting  around  were  maudlin,  cursing  soldiers,  others 
filling  the  air  with  curses  as  they  surged  around.  Such  a  saloon  could  not  exist  in 
Atlanta  an  hour.  But  it  was  a  regulated  canteen  according  to  the  views  of  the  post 
commander,  whose  reports  were  quoted  in  congress  in  those  days. 

"My  second  experience  was  at  Fort  Niobrara,  Neb.,  where  I  served  seven  years  with 
four  different  regiments,  observing  the  canteen  under  different  managements.  The 
chapel  and  post  schools  were  within  100  feet  of  the  canteen.  As  I  had  charge  of 
both,  I  had  excellent  opportunity  to  observe  the  kind  of  regulation  it  had.  The  com- 
mand usually  consisted  of  450  to  500.  The  consumption  of  beer  per  month  was 
usually  three  car  loads,  sometimes  four. 

"The  noise  of  this  saloon  could  be  heard — in  the  remotest  part  of  the  garrison.     Re- 
ligious meetings  have  been  so  disturbed  as  to  make  it  exceedingly  embarrassing,  the 
howling  crowd  taking  up  our  religious  songs  and  repeating  them  in  the  saloon  with- 
their  blasphemous  curses.     One  officer  who  had  charge  of  it  said,  'I  keep  just  as  far 
from  it  as  I  can.' 

"A  soldier  drank  heavily  at  the  canteen  and  killed  a  man.  Conducting  the  funeral  I 
dwelt  on  the  forces  in  every  community  for  good  or  evil,  this  chapel  for  instruction  in 
righteousness,  the  canteen  for  the  destruction  of  men.  The  officer  of  whose  company 
both  the  murderer  and  the  murdered  were  members  stepped  up  and  said,  'It  is  tin*;  to 
close  these  services.'  though  I  had  not  been  speaking  more  than  ten  minutes.  At  the 
close  I  asked  him  what  he  meant.  He  replied,  'When  a  chaplain  inveighs  against  the 
canteen  in  the  presence  of  the  commanding  officer  it  is  time  one  should  call  him  down.' 

"A  soldier  on  an  extended  spree  drinking  at  the  canteen,  becoming  crazed  with 
drink,  shot  down  one  soldier,  began  shooting  at  every  one  he  saw,  and  was  shot  down 
by  command  of  an  officer.     ***** 

"Army  officers,  according  to  my  observation,  and  I  served  with  ten  regiments,  will 
not  demean  themselves  by  remaining  at  canteens  to  regulate  the  conduct  of,  and  the 
quantity  of  beer  given  to  soldiers.     A  man   intolerant   of  the  rows   of  drinking  men, 

142 


■.  with  a  strong  hand  should  restrict  sales,  would  defeal  thi 
ami  foremost,  t"  make  money,  second,  to  keep  men   from  going  i  le  drinking 

places.     My  observation  is  that  the  least  regulated  saloons  are  army  canteens. 

"The  rule  is  to  do  all  business  possible  and  lei  the  boys  have  a  ^ !  time.     Regula- 

is  theoretical,  not  practical.    The  ideal  canteen  is  being  exploited;  the  actual  cl 
i-  altogether  different.     It  i-  the  debauching,  ruining  menace  to  every  young  man 
enters   the  army,   a   co-operative   saloon,   created   by   the   government,    fostered    1> 
commended  to  the  young  man  just    from  the  restraining  influences  of  home, 
weakest  period  in  his  life,  as  his  club.     Here  are  games,  amusements,  reading  n 
and  library,  to  draw  him,  and  place  him  under  its  influence. 

'"To  propose   such   a   scheme   in   the  communities    from    which   recruits    are    dr 
ild  call  out  universal  protest  from  all  good  people.     It  is  based  on  the  doctrine  that 
the  temperance  homes  of  the  country,  from  which  the  government  prefers  to  draw  its 
recruit-,  the  churches  and  young  people.'  societies  to  which  the  country  owes  so  much, 
and  the  public  schools  which  inculcate  total  abstinence  on  grounds  of  health. — have  all 
been  in  error;  and  that  the  right  way  i-  to  establish  young  men's  clubs,   50  run  ■ 
keep   the  young  men   in   their  own   saloon   rather   than   run   the   risk  of  their   going 
ruin  in  some  other  saloon.     What  community  would  consider  such  a  proposition 
a  moment? 

"The  government  canteen  lowers  the  conscience   standard  of  both   officers   and  r 
It  inculcates  tolerance  of  the  vice  of  drinking.     It  hold,  up  the  idea  of  the  temperate 
drink  as  against  total  abstinence.     It-  ideal-  are  opposed  to  those  <>f  the  best 
ciety. 

"The  "nly  way  T  can  account  for  the  interruption  at  the  funeral,  and  the  late  recom- 
mendation of  officers  in  favor  of  the  canteen  is  that  the  canteen  modifies  the  views  of 
:rs  as  well  as  men.  and  produces  a  toleration  of,  rather  than  a  repugnance  for,  the 
wicked    I  This    government    canteen    doctrine    is    dangerous    to    inculcate    into 

the  mind-  of  hundred-  of  thousands  of  young  men  destined  to  return  to  citizenship, 
and  be    I  of  children  of  the   future  republic.      It   will    result    in   undoing  the 

k  of  these  day-.     The  business  success  of  these  canteen-  gain-  the  adherenc 
many  who  do  not  -eriou-ly  consider  their  moral  influenc 

"The  sound  p<  '  ivernment  on  thi-  question  i-.  in  my  opinion,  i    I        put 

it-elf   athwart    the   doctrine-   of   the   churche-   and   the    home-,    and    undo    the    cher: 
work   of   parents   and   Christian    worker-,    hut    to   buttress    in    every    way     possible     the 
'aing-   of  it-   best    citizens   and   endeavor   to   return   their    -on-   to   societj  'idly 

temperate  a-  when  they  enlisted.     Thi-  i-  possible. 

ORVILLE  .1.  NAVE 
t  Chaplain,  U.  S.  .In 

Our  army  is  in  Cuba,  China,  and  the  Philippines,  ex|  I  i  the  dangers  ami 

of  a   tropical   climate.      It   i-  our  duty   to  do   what    we  cm   to  preserve   theil    health. 

to  that  end  to  protect   them  a-  far  a-  possible   from   strong  drink.      '1 

not  do.  if  we  legalize  in  their  mid-t   places   where  inl  tamed. 

We  ought    '  imple  to  the  p  iba  and  the   Philipptl 

Ket  the  torial  from  the  li  ib  ina   Post,  J 

answer : 

143 


"A  DISGRACEFUL  OCCASION." 

"It  was  a  source  of  disappointment  to  a  large  assemblage  of  American  citizens  who 
gathered  to  witness  the  Vedado  field  sports  of  the  soldiers  stationed  there,  that  the 
army  canteen  to  the  right  and  in  front  of  the  grand  stand  gave  visitors,  American  and 
Cuban,  an  enforced  opportunity  to  witness  the  disgraceful  spectacle  of  perhaps  a  hun- 
dred drunken  soldiers,  many  of  whom  were  violently  disorderly,  even  to  engaging  in 
fist  fights  and  general  brawls  in  the  presence  of,  and  apparently  under  the  supervision 
of  the  officers  of  the  batteries. 

"It  is  doubtful  if  such  a  disgusting  and  disgraceful  spectacle  has  ever  before  been 
offered  the  people  of  Cuba  at  a  public  celebration.  Certainly  not  within  the  experience 
of  a  large  portion  of  the  civilian  visitors,  who  went  expecting  high-class  sports  con- 
ducted in  an  orderly  and  truly  American  manner,  have  there  ever  been  witnessed  such 
scenes  of  drunkenness,  disorderliness,  and  general  confusion. 

"So  noticeable  was  the  debauchery  that  some  one  closed  the  place  two  hours;  but  it 
was  reopened  at  one,  and  till  the  exercises  closed  was  the  rendezvous  for  the  army 
toughs;  fight  after  fight  following  as  men  lost  their  heads  under  the  influence  of  a 
broiling  tropical  sun.  It  was  a  repulsive  sight  for  the  ladies,  hundreds  of  whom  were 
compelled  to  view  it  from  the  grand  stand;  equally  disgusting  for  the  sterner  sex, 
who  love  their  natal  day,  and  would  have  been  glad  to  have  seen  it  observed  in 
decency. 

"Some  one  is  to  blame  for  the  disgrace  to  the  United  States  and  its  flag.  How  can 
we  censure  Spaniards  and  Cubans  for  displaying  it  upside  down,  when  we  admit  to 
places  of  amusement  disorderly  canteens  to  make  our  soldiers  indulge  in  rowdyism 
that  belonged  to  the  Bowery  of  other  days?" 


144 


SCIENTIFIC  TESTIMONY  R. 

bby  Senator  J.  H.  Gallinger,  M.  I »  I  Record,  January  9,1901, 

or: 

The  alarm: 
lusi'  many  who  consider  tl  • 

linking  is  an  effe<  tive 
of  aiding  to  ut  the  demon  rum,  impelled  th< 

•o  a  number  of  the  leading  pi  - 
sal  damage  which  indulgence  in  malt  liquors  does  the  ■ 
of  : 

not  only  a  ian  of  the  highest  personal  cha: 

m   whose  professional  abilities   1  :   the 

he  hig] 
.llful  physicians  are  not  ti  ind  any 

of  known  b  -ice  principles.     Whal  .y  of  b 

ing  for  .  but  is  the  col  :ice  of  men  of 

know  whereof  they  speak. 

A    BEER    DRINKING    CITY. 

Toledo  is  essentially  a  beer  drinking  city.     The  German  population  is  very  large. 

Five  of  the  largest  breweries  in  the  country  are  he:  ibably  more  drank, 

in  proportion  to  the  population,  than  in  any  other  city  in  the  United  States.     The 

e  physicians  is,  therefore,  largely  among  beer  drinkers,  and  they  have 

had  abundant  opportunities  to  know  exactly  its  bearings  on  health  and  disease. 

Every  one  bears  testimony  that  no  man  can  drink  beer  safely,  that  it  is  an  injury 
to  any  one  who  uses  it  in  any  quantity,  and  that  its  effect  on  the  general  health  of 
the  country  has  been  even  worse  than  that  of  whiskey.  The  indictment  they  with 
one  accord  present  against  beer  drinking  is  simply  terrible. 

The  devilfish  crushing  a  man  in  his  lor  ling  arms,  and  sucking  !ood 

from  his  mangled  body,  is  not  so  frightful  an  a  I   as  thi  ly  but  u 

enemy,  which  fastens  itself  upon  its  victim,  and  daily  becomes  more"  and  more  the 
hed  man's  master,  and  finally  dragging  him  to  hi  a  time  when  other 

men  are  in  their  prime  of  mental  and  bodily  vigor. 

BEER  KILLS  QUICKER  THAN*  OTHER  LIQIOR. 

Dr.  S.  IF.  Burgen,  a  practitioner  35  years,  2S  in  Toledo,  says:  "I  think  beer  kills 
quicker  than  any  other  liquor.      My  attention  v.  its  insidious  eff< 

when  I  began  examining  for  life  insurance.      I  pa  unusually  good  risks  five 

German  -g  business  men — who  seemed  in  the  best  health,  and  to  have  sir 

constitutions.      In  a  few  years  I  was  amazed  to  see  the  whole  five  drop  off,  one  . 
another,  with  what  ought  to  have  been  mild  and  1  arable  diseases.     On  < 

paring  my  experience  with  that  of  other  physicians   I   found  th<  all  having 

similar  luck  with  confirmed  beer  drink*  since  has  heaped 

firmatinn   on   confirmation. 

"The  first  organ  to  be  attack  the  kidneys;  the  liver  soon  sympathizes,  and 

then  comes,  most  frequently,  dropsy  or  Brigl  certain  fatally. 

an.  who  cai  I  dee  the  time,  will  mong  the 

suits  of   beer  drinking  are  loekja  that  tl  drinker 

incapable  of    1  enng   from   mild    d  nd    injui  il    usually   • 

a  grave  character.      Pneumonia,  pleui 
on  him,  which  they  foreclose  remor  in  early  opportunity. 

BEER    WORSE    THAN    WHISK 

"The  beer  drinker  is  much  worse  off  than  the  whiskey  drinker,  wl  S  to 

have  moi  tremens;  but 

after  the  fit  is  gone  you  will  sometimes  fin  material  to  work    upon.      Good 

management  may  bring  him  around  all  rigl  '  drinker  gets  into 

trouble  it  seems  almost  as  if  you  have  to  •  ing 

for  him.      I  have  talked  this  for  years,  and   hi-  ace  of  living 
instances  around  me  to  support   mv  opil 

BEER    DRINKING    SHORTENS    LIFE. 

Dr.  S.  S.  Lungren.  a  leading  homeopathic  |  jeon,  has  practiced 

in  Toledo  25  yeai  difficult  to  find  any  part  of  the  confirmed  beer  drink 

145 


machinery  that  is  doing  its  work  as  it  should.  This  is  why  their  life  cords  snap  off 
like  glass  rods  when  disease  or  accident  gives  them  a  little  blow.  Beer  drinking 
shortens  life.  This  is  not  a  mere  opinion;  it  is  a  well  settled,  recognized  fact.  Physi- 
cians and  insurance  companies  accept  this  as  unquestionably  as  any  other  undisputed 
fact  of  science.  The  great  English  physicians  decide  that  the  heart's  action  is  in- 
creased 13  per  cent,  in  its  efforts  to  throw  off  alcohol  introduced  into  the  circulation. 
The  result  is  easily  figured  out.  The  natural  pulse-beat  is,  say  76  per  minute.  If 
we  multiply  this  by  60  minutes  in  an  hour,  and  24  hours  in  a  day,  and  add  13  per 
cent.,  we  find  that  the  heart  has  been  compelled  to  do  an  extra  work  during  that 
time  in  throwing  off  the  burden  of  a  few  drinks  (4.8  ounces  of  alcohol)  equal  to  15.5 
tons   lifted  one   foot   high." 

LIFE    INSURANCE    COMPANIES. 

"The  life  insurance  companies  make  a  business  of  estimating  men's  lives,  and 
can  only  make  money  by  making  correct  estimates  of  whatever  influences  life.  Here 
is  a  table  they  use  in  calculating  how  long  a  normal,  healthy  man  will  probably  live 
after  a  given  age: 

Age,   20  years;  expectation,  41.5  years.  Age,   50  years;  expectation,   20.2   years. 

Age,    30    years;  expectation,  34.4  years.  Age,  60    years;  expectation    13.8    years. 

Age,  40  years;  expectation,   28.3  years.  Age,  65  years;  expectation,   n       years. 

"Now  they  expect  a  man  otherwise  healthy,  who  is  addicted  to  beer,  will  have 
his  life  shortened  from  40  to  60  per  cent.  For  instance,  if  he  is  20  years  old  and  does 
not  drink  beer,  he  may  reasonably  expect  to  reach  the  age  of  61.  If  he  is  a  beer 
drinker,  he  will  probably  not  live  to  be  over  40  or  45,  and  so  on." 

BEER    DRINKING    AND    LONGEVITY. 

The  President  of  the  Connecticut  Mutual  Life  Insurance  Company — one  of  the 
oldest  in  the  country — has  for  years  been  investigating  the  relation  of  beer  drinking 
to  longevity;  or  otherwise,  whether  beer  drinkers  are  desirable  risks  to  a  life  insur- 
ance company. 

He  declared,  as  the  result  of  a  series  of  observations  carried  on  among  a  selected 
group  of  persons  who  were  habitual  drinkers  of  beer,  that  although  for  two  or  three 
years  there  was  nothing  remarkable,  yet  presently  death  began  to  strike,  and  then 
the  mortality  became  astounding  and  uniform  in  its  manifestations.  There  was  no 
mistaking  it;  the  history  was  almost  invariable;  robust,  apparent  health,  full  muscles, 
a  fair  outside,  increasing  weight,  florid  faces;  then  a  touch  of  cold  or  a  sniff  of  malaria, 
and  instantly  some  acute  disease,  with  almost  invariable  typhoid  symptoms,  was 
in  violent  action,  and  ten  days  or  less  ended  it.  It  was  as  if  the  system  had  been 
kept  fair  on  the  outside,  while  within  it  was  eaten  to  a  shell,  and  at  the  first  touch 
of  disease  there  was  utter  collapse,  every  fiber  was  poisoned  and  weak.  And  this 
in  its  main  features,  varving  in  degree,  has  been  his  observation  in  beer  drinking 
everywhere.  It  is  peculiarly  deceptive  at  first;  it  is  thoroughly  destructive  at  the 
last. 

BEER    DRINKERS    UNPROMISING    PATIENTS. 

Dr.  J.  T.  Woods:  "That  confirmed  beer  drinkers  are  especially  unpromising 
patients,      practical   surgeons   agree." 

Dr.  S.  S.  Lungren:  "Alcohol  invites  attacks  of  disease,  and  makes  recovery 
from    any    attack   or   injury    difficult." 

Dr.  C.  A.  Kirkley:  "Sickness  is  always  more  fatal  in  beer  drinkers,  and  serious 
accidents   are   usually    fatal    to   them." 

Dr.  S.  H.  Burgen:  "Beer  drinkers  are  absolutely  the  most  dangerous  class  of 
subjects  a  surgeon  can  operate  on.  Insignificant  scratches  are  liable  to  develop  a 
long  train  of  dangerous  troubles.  Sometimes  delirium  tremens  results  from  a  small 
hurt.  It  is  dangerous  for  a  beer  drinker  to  even  cut  his  finger.  All  surgeons  hesitate 
to  perform  operations  on  a  beer  drinker  that  they  would  undertake  with  the  greatest 
confidence  on   anyone  else." 

"A     LITTLE    CIRCLE    OF    DOCTORS." 

Dr.  S.  S.  Throne:  "  If  you  could  drop  into  a  little  circle  of  doctors,  when  they  are 
having  a  quiet,  professional  chat,  you  would  hear  enough  in  a  few  minutes  to  terrify 
you  as  to  the  work  of  beer.  One  will  say,  'What's  become  of  So-and-So?  I  haven't 
seen  him  around  lately?'  'Oh,  he's  dead.'  'Dead!  What  was  the  matter?'  'Beer.' 
Another  will  sav.  'I've  just  come  from  Blank's.  I  am  afraid  it's  about  mv  last  call 
on  him,  poor  fellow.'  'What's  the  trouble?'  'Oh,  he's  been  a  regular  beer  drinker  for 
years.'     A  third  will  remark  how has  just  gone  out  like  a  candle  in  a  draft  of  wind. 

146 


son  given.     And  so  on,  till  half  .1  dozer    p1 
■  apparent] 
should  be  in  their  prii 

r  drinkers  is  suffi  m." 

BEER  DRINKING  PRODUCES  RHBUMAT1 

Dr.  W.  T.  Ridenour:  "Beerdrinl 

con-^  md  ulti  <t  the  liver,  thus  interfering  with  i 

and  fitted  for  the  ince  of  the  body." 

S    11 .    !  "All  beer  drink<  '  no 

one  can  rec  n  it  as  he  'Irinks  beer.      Notice  how  a  be<  r  di 

his  heels,  without  any  of  the  natural  elasticity 
I  ball  of  the  foot  that  a  healthy  man  should  have.     That  is  because  the 
3  the  lithia  deposits  about  the  smaller  joints." 

BEER    CRIPPLES    THE    LIVER. 

Dr.   S.   H.   Burgen:  "The  first  effect  on  the  liver  is  to  coi 
Then  follows  a  low  grade  of  inflammation  and  subsequent  contr 
producing  'hoi  or  drunkard's  liver,  the    su  with    I 

look  like  n;  il  heads  on  the  soles  of  shoes.      This  1  5  dropsy.     The 

of  t1  up  all  the  springs  of  the  I  ■>  as 

!  labored  as  it  would  be  to  run  a  clock,  the  wheels  of  which  were  cov- 
with   dirt   and   gum." 

LIABLE    TO    DIE    OP    PNEUMONIA. 

Dr.  W.  T.  Ridenour:  "Beer  drinkers  are  peculiarly  liable  to  die  of  pneumonia. 
Their  vital  power,  their  power  of  resistance,  is  so  lowere  y  are  liable  to 

drop  off  fr«-  n  of  acute  disease,  such  as  fevers,  pneumonia,  etc.      As  a  rule 

when  a  beer  drinker  takes  pneumonia,  he  dies. 

"Mv  first  patient  was  a  saloon  keep  ■•  • 

ever  '-11    buil  it    thirty-five,    witl 

mus<  »ped.      He  had  an  attack  of  ph< 

rig)--  1  case,  which   In  D 

are  confident  of  saving  nil  out  of  t 

the  eve  surprise  he  sai  tly,     'He'll  die.' I 

thinl  irinkcr,' 

ick  on  • 

ked  the  other  lun  1  " 

DROPS  i  ED    BY     BFiER    DRINKI' 

Dr.  M    II    Parmal  surgeon  tw< 

maji 

■ 
1  a  minute.      1  . 
:    drinkers  than   any  other  cl 

•V.R  DK' 

•  r^ren:  "Th( 
irri' 

that  many  brain  d 
(linking 

I      A     Kirklcv:   "Under  'ivc 

than   t!  hardly  fully 

in  the  1 
causes  that  ma 

bricht's  di 
Dr    W.  T.   Ridcnn-ir     "I 
largely  due  to  beer  drinking.     1 
victim  to  the  German  beer  that  he  pi  1  highly.      He  died  of  Bright 

147 


50,  when  he  should  have  lived,  with  his  constitution,  to  a  ripe  old  age.      He  went 
just  as  beer  drinkers  are  going  all  the  time  and  everywhere." 

Dr.  C.  A.  Kirkley:  "I  believe  that  forty-nine  out  of  fifty  cases  of  chronic  Bright's 
disease  are  directly  produced  by  it.  I  have  never  met  with  a  case  in  which  the  patient 
has  not  been  intemperate  to  a  greater  or  less  degree.  The  proportion  may  be  too 
high,  but  that  is  certainly  my  experience.  Mr.  Christian,  a  celebrated  author,  states 
that  three-fourths  to  four-fifths  of  the  cases  met  with  in  Edinburgh  were  in  habitual 
drunkards." 

AN    ARTIFICIAL    PROP. 

Dr.  C.  A.  Kirkley,  in  constant  practice  in  Toledo  15  years,  says :  "  I  do  not  believe 
the  healthy  organism  needs  an  artificial  prop  to  sustain  it.  Depression  below  the 
standard  of  health  always  follows  just  in  proportion  as  the  system  is  sitmulat- 
ed  above  that  standard.  Every  physician  is  familiar  with  cases  in  which  nervous 
wear  and  tear  in  an  active  life  has  been  kept  up  by  stimulants  without  apparent 
loss  of  power  for  years.  Bodily  and  mental  vigor,  however,  suddenly  fail.  The 
repeated  application  of  the  stimulus  that  the  exertion  might  be  prolonged  has  really 
eated  application  of  the  stimulus  that  the  exertion  might  be  prolonged  has  really 
expended  the  power  of  the  nervous  system,  and  prepared  him  for  more  complete 
prostration.  The  temporary  advantage  was  purchased  at  a  great  cost.  The  greater 
the  expenditure  of  nervous  power  by  the  use  of  stimulants,  the  more  complete  the 
exhaustion." 

CHILDREN    OF    DRUNKARDS IDIOTS. 

Dr.  C.  A.  Kirkley:  "Plutarch  says,  'One  drunkard  begets  another;'  and  Aris- 
totle, 'Drunken  women  bring  forth  children  like  unto  themselves.'  A  report  was 
made  to  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts,  I  think  by  Dr.  Howe,  on  idiocy.  He  had 
learned  the  habits  of  the  parents  of  300  idiots,  and  145,  nearly  half,  are  reported  as 
known  to  be  habitual  drunkards,  showing  the  enfeebled  constitution  of  the  children 
of  drunkards.  I  have  in  mind  an  instance  where  children  born  to  the  mother,  begot- 
ten when  the  father  was  intoxicated,  all  died  within  eight  months  of  birth.  They 
would  have  recovered,  had  they  not  had  the  enfeebled  constitution  inherited  from 
their  intemperate  father.  Instances  are  recorded  where  both  parents  were  intoxi- 
cated at  the  time  of  conception,  and  the  result  was  an  idiot.  There  is  not  a  doubt 
but  that  inebriety  not  only  makes  more  destructive  whatever  taint  may  exist,  but 
impairs  the  health  and  natural  vigor  for  remote  generations." 

"a  crop  of  lunatics." 

Dr.  A.  McFarland:  "That  'the  iniquities  of  the  fathers  are  visited  upon  the  chil- 
dren;' that  'the  fathers  have  eaten  sour  grapes  and  the  children's  teeth  are  set  on 
edge,'  are  truths  that  no  Scripture  is  needed  to  teach.  In  other  words,  he  who  sins 
through  physical  excess  does  not  do  half  the  harm  to  himself  that  he  does  to  the 
inheritors  of  his  blood.  The  penalty  must  be  paid  as  sure  as  there  is  seed  time  and 
harvest. 

"It  is  your  stout  old  hero,  who  goes  to  bed  every  night  with  liquor  enough 
under  his  belt  to  fuddle  the  brains  of  a  half  dozen  ordinary  men,  and  yet  lives  out 
his  three-score  and  ten,  that  will  be  found  at  the  head  of  the  stock  that  pour  into  the 
world,  generation  after  generation,  such  a  crop  of  lunatics,  epileptics,  eccentrics, 
and  inebriates  as  we  often  see.  The  impunity  with  which  one  so  constituted  will 
violate  all  physical  law  gets  its  set-off  in  a  succeeding  generation,  when  the  great 
harvest  begins." 

ONLY    ONE    SAFE    COURSE. 

Dr.  J.  T.  Woods:  "That  beer  is  foreign  to  nature's  demand  is  plainly  evident. 
The  whole  organism  at  once  sets  about  its  removal.  Every  channel  through  which  it 
can  be  got  rid  of  is  brought  into  play,  and  does  not  cease  till  the  last  trace  is  gone.  Reach- 
ing a  certain  end  depends  only  on  the  frequency  of  the  repetition.  The  whole  is  made 
up  of  the  parts;  every  drink  counts  one.  These  'ones'  added  together  make  the  wreck; 
to  secure  this  result  it  is  only  necessary  to  make  the  single  numbers  sufficient.  Each 
leaves  its  footprints  in  one  way  or  another;  and  the  idea  that,  because  you  stop  be- 
fore you  stagger,  the  system  takes  no  note  of  the  damaging  material  you  put  into  it 
is   a  ruinous   delusion." 

Dr.  S.  H.  Burgen:  "I  have  told  you  the  frozen  truth — cold,  calm,  scientific 
facts,  such  as  the  profession  everywhere  recognizes  as  absolute  truths.  I  do  not  re- 
gard beer  drinking  as  safe  for  any  one.  It  is  a  dangerous,  aggressive  evil  that  no  one 
can  tamper  with  with  any  safety  to  himself.  There  is  only  one  safe  course,  and  that 
is  to  let  it  alone  entirely." 

148 


Social  Features  of  the  Post  Exchange,  56th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  Sen- 
ate Document  No.  182,  Presented  by  Senator  J.  H.  Gallinger, 

on  Feb.  22,  1901. 

REGULATIONS   OF   THE   BRITISH    army    IN    INDIA    ESTABLISHING  THE   TEMPER 

[From  Indian  Army  Regulations,  vol.  1  91.] 

\  separate  room  shall  invariably  be  allotted  in  the  barrai  the 

Army  Temperance  Association,  of  sufficient  accommodation  for  the  numbers  using 
It  should  be  made  as  comfortable  and  attractive  ible,  and  oi  immanding 

hould  arrange  that  a  separate  bar  for  light   refreshments  be  established  in  it. 
The  room  will  form  a  part  of  the  institute  and  he  under  the  general  superintended 
the  institute  committee,  but  the  management  of  the  l>ar  sin  mid  he  in  the  hand-  of  a 
committee  of  the  Army ,Temperan<  ciation,  with  one  of  their  number  as  barman, 

to  the  control  and  supervision  of  the  commanding  ■  whom  the  bar 

Id  he  laid  monthly. 
Tea.  e  hould  as  far  as  possible  he  provided  by  the  regimental  or 

battery  coffee  shop  and  charged  for  at  cost  price.  Mineral  waters  will  he  supplied  from 
the  regimental  soda-water  and  charged   for  at  the   sam  -  as  the  w; 

int.)  the  refreshment  room.     Under  no  circumstances  is  a  double  profit  to  he  made 
Whether  thus  obtained  or  purchased  elsewhere,  15  per  cent  of  the  profits  on  the  sale 
of  the  same,  or  a  fixed  sum,  must  he  paid  monthly  from  the  temperance  bar  into  the 
ral  refreshment  account  of  the  corps. 
In  corps  where  the  number  of  temperance  men  is  small,  and  the  profits  tl:  nil. 

commanding  officers  -hould  make  such  grants  from  other  funds,  for  the  benefit  of  the 
Army  Temperance   Association  room,  a-  are  proportionately  just,  having  regard 
other    claims    and    interests,    with    a    view    to    encouraging    the    much-desired    object 
the^e  rooms,  viz.  temperance  in  the  Army. 

ORnr.R   PROVIDING   FURNITURE   AT  GOVERNMENT   EXPENSE   FOR   THE  TEMPERANCE  CANTEEN    IV 

INDIA. 

[Order  from  the  secretary  of  the  Government  of  India  to  the  military  department,  No. 

2779,   M.  \V..  dated  Octoher  30,   iSyo.] 
In  reply  to  your  letter.  \*o.  3044?..  dated  September  To.   1890,  T  am  directed  to  state 
for  the  information  of  His  Excellency  the  Commander  in  Chief,  that  the  government  <<i 

India  sanctioned  the  inclusion  in  the  list  of  furniture  to  he  incorporated  in  Appendix 
A.  of  Army  Regulation-.  India.  Volume  XII.  of  the  -e.de  of  the  articles  marginally 
noted  for  temperance  room-. 

In  the  margin  of  tin-  order  i-  a  li-t  of  the  articles  of  furniture  to  he  supplied   1 

ORnr.R  providing  TENTS  AT  GOVERNMENT  EXPENSE  FOR  TIIF.  TEMPERANCE  CANTEEN  IN  IS 
[Order  from  the  Secretary  of  the  government  of  India  to  the  Military  Department,  No. 

302SD,  dated  July   [ft    1899.] 

I  am  ■'  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  letter,    X".  ,vn7  V  of  the  83d  Juno. 

1890.  requesting  the  sanction  of  the  government  of  India  to  the  supply  of  a  British 
private's  tent  to  the  Regimental  Institute  and  Soldiers'  Total  Abstinence  Society  Insti- 
tutions when  regiments  and  batteries  are  on  the  line  of  march,  with  a  view  to  encour- 
aging temperance  among  the  men. 

In  reply  I  am  to  say  for  His  Excellency's  information  that  the  remark  quoted  in  par- 
agraph   4   of    the    letter    under    reply    "that    extra    accommodation    for    special    purp 
such  as  above,  can   not.   under   existing  regulations,  he  arranged    for   regiments,   a-   was 
formerly  the  case,"  is  not  understood.     The  scale  of  camp  equipage  i-,   I  ai:  ;• .  the 

1  I  ) 


same  now  as  it  was  formerly,  and  if  it  should  fall  below  the  authorized  requirements 
the  regimental  authorities  can  at  once  indent  for  the  increased  amount  of  equipage 
required  for  the  march. 

As  one  British  private's  tent  is  allowed  for  every  sixteen  men  and  additional  accom- 
modation is  also  given  for  guards,  sick,  and  married  families,  at  least  one  tent  should 
be  released  for  the  purpose  required.  But  if  such  be  not  the  case,  the  extra  tent  asked 
for  will  be  supplied,  as  it  is  desirable  to  encourage  temperance  and  provide  the  men 
with  the  means  of  obtaining  refreshments,  etc.,  under  cover. 

REGULATION  ESTABLISHING  TEMPERANCE  COFFEE  ROOMS  IN  THE  BRITISH   ARMY  IN  ENGLAND. 

f  From  latest  edition  of  the  King's  Army  Regulations,  section  15,  paragraph  84.] 

The  coffee  room  shall  be  associated  with  the  grocery  shop,  but  whenever  practicable 
a  separate  room  will  be  allotted  to  it,  and  in  any  case  a  partition  should  be  made  to 
divide  the  two.  It  will,  whenever  possible,  form  an  adjunct  to  the  soldiers'  recreation 
room,  and  is  maintained  for  the  supply  of  refreshments  of  the  following  nature:  Tea, 
coffee,  cocoa,  nonalcoholic  drinks,  soup,  fish,  eggs,  bacon,  cooked  and  preserved  meats, 
etc.  It  will  be  open  at  such  an  hour  as  will  enable  the  men  to  have  refreshments  before 
the  morning  parade,  and  will  be  closed  half  an  hour  before  tattoo. 

MISCELLANEOUS  ORDERS  REGARDING  BRITISH   ARMY  TEMPERANCE  CANTEENS  IN   INDIA. 

On  March  5,  1894,  the  secretary  of  the  government  of  India  issued  orders  to  the 
quartermaster-general  (No.  688,  M.  W.)  providing  furniture  at  government  expense 
for  the  temperance  canteens  for  the  hill  depots  and  standing  camps  in  the  Bengal  pres- 
idency. 

Under  date  of  November  25,  1S90,  the  secretary  of  the  government  of  India  issued 
an  order  directing  the  payment  of  expenses  for  transportation  of  furniture,  supplies, 
etc.,  designed  for  the  Army  Temperance  Association  out  of  military  funds. 

LIST   OF  VICE-PRESIDENTS   OF   THE   BRITISH    ARMY   TEMPERANCE   ASSOCIATION. 

[From  the  annual  report  of  1899.] 

Field  Marshal  Lord  Wolseley.  Maj.  Gen.  Sir   Charles   Warren. 

Gen.    Sir   Redvers   Buller.  Major-General  Moorsom. 

General  Bulwer.  Major-General  Lord   Congleton. 

General  Biddulph.  Major-General  Thynne. 

General  Gipps.  Major-General  Owen. 

General  Wood.  Major-General  Bengough. 

General  Harrison.  Major-General  Wilson. 

General  Chapman.  Major-General  Carrington. 

Gen.  Lyon  Freemantle.  Major-General  Burnett. 

General  Davis.  Major-General  Henderson. 

Gen.  Montgomery   Moore.  Major-General  Alley ne. 

Gen.  T.  C.  Lyons.  Major-General  Combe. 

Lieut.  Gen.  Sir  George  White.  Major-General  Maurice. 

Lieut.  Gen.  H.   Rowlands.  Surgeon-Major-General  Jameson. 

Lieut    Gen.  N.   Stevenson.  Major-General  Richardson. 

Lieut.  Gen.  Godfrey  Clerk.  Major-General  Barnard. 

Lieutenant-General  Wilkinson.  Maj.  Gen.  Coleridge  Grove. 

Lieutenant-General  Hall.  Major-General  Swaine. 

Lieut.  Gen.  G.  Digby  Backer.  Major-General  Kelly-Kenny. 

Lieutenant-General  Markham.  Major-General  Talbot. 

Lieutenant-General  Moncrief.  Major-General  Jones-Vaughn. 

Lieutenant-General  Hewitt.  Major-General  Cox. 

J5° 


Lieutenant-General  Forster.  Surg.  William  A.  Mackin- 

Lieutenant  General  Fore  tier-Walker.  non. 

Lieutenant-General  East  Major-General  Luck. 

Lieut  Gen.  Lord  William  Seymour.  Major-General  Trotter. 

Lieut.  Gen.  Sir   Baker  Russell.  Major-General  Lloyd 

Maj.  Gen.  J.  P.  Carr  Glyn.  Major-General  Marshall 

Maj.  Gen.  Vi  count   Frankfort  de  Mont-     Major-General  Hildyard. 

morency.  Major-General  Gatacre. 

Maj.  Gen.  W.   M,   K.  Gossett  Major-General  Rundle. 

Major-General  Lord  Methuen.  Major-General  Frazer. 

r-General  Nficolls.  Major-General  Hart. 

Major-General  Freyer.  Major-General  Parr. 

Major-General  Knowles.  M  neral  McCalmont 

' '    or-General  Geary.  Major-General  Butler. 

Major-General  Hopeton.  Maj.  Gen.  Macgregor  Stewart. 

Major-General  Butler. 

Washington,  D.  '  ntary  20,  1901. 

\r  Sir:  In  reply  to  your  inquiries  regarding  the  War  Department's  intimation 
that  the  regulations  returned  herewith  with  reference  to  the  temperance  canteens  or 
coffee  rooms  of  the  British  army  at  home  and  in  India  have  been  repealed,  I  have  to 
say  that  this  is  entirely  an  error.  These  institutions  in  the  British  army  have  not  only 
m>t  been  abolished,  but  it  is  a  fact  that  this  work  among  British  soldiers  on  the  part  of 
the  Government  has  been  so  successful  that  it  is  being  extended  as  rapidly  as  possible. 

About  the  I  Si  <d  March  of  la  I  made  several  visits  to  the  war  office  in  London, 

and  also  to  the  headquarters  of  the  Army  Temperance  Association,  at  47  Victoria 
street.  At  both  of  these  places  I  was  assured  that  this  work  in  the  army  was  abund- 
antly successful  and  that  it  was  being  extend'  d. 

I  wa-  assured  also  that  the  Government  grant  <f    C500  annually  would  be  increased 
whenever  the  requirements  of  the  work  r 

1  have  before  me  the  annual  reports  ish  Army  Temperance    '  lion  in 

India,  in  which  is  included  a  financial  statement  for  the  year   1899,  in  which  the  Gov- 
ment  is  credited  with  £500. 

I  also  hav<  me  the  annual  report  <  f  the  P.ritidi  Army  Temperance  Associrr 

in   India   for  the  same  year.     The   financi  ment   in   the  lack  of  this  credits  the 

Government  with  the  annual  grant  of  10.000  rupi 

It   is  very  clear,  therefore,  that   if  the  Army  Temperance    \  in  the 

Army  has  been  abolished  at  all.  it  has  hern  aboli  ''  March.     The 

fact  that  the  current  English  newspai        ■  frequent  r.  I  to  the 

the  Army  Temperance   '  ition  in  South  Afri<  3  that  it  has  not  been  aboli 

since  that  time. 

Inly    a    few    months    ae*o    British    illustrated    W<  lined    pi 

Bri'idi  temperance  canteens  in  South  Africa.     \   British  I  1 

•  ■    ration  during  t!  lysmith  under  the  dircci  White. 

and  had  much  to  do  with  adding  to  the  rit  of  that  magnificent   d< 

1    York  Christian  Advocate,  in  it  bruary  7,  1901,  contains  an  el 

art-el*'  from  Bishop  Warne,  giving  an  account  of  the  current  0]  f  the   British 

Army  Temperance  Assocation  in   India.  Yours,  very  truly, 

William    I'..  n. 

Wii.iur  F.  Crafts,  E 

Washington,  D.  C. 

i5l 


AMERICAN  ANTI-SALOON  LEAGUE. 
Annual  Report  of  Rev.  E.  C.  Dinwiddie,  Legislative  Superintendent,  for  1901. 

57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  Senate  Document  (extract),  presented  by  Senator  J.  H. 
Gallmger  Jan.  20,  1902. 

The  design  of  this  department,  succinctly  stated,  is  to  safeguard  temperance  interests 
at  the  national  Capitol,  to  preserve  what  we  have  of  legislation  against  the  liquor  traffic, 
and  to  secure  what  the  concensus  of  opinion  in  the  reform  shows  we  need,  and,  as  far 
as  possible,  assist  our  auxiliary  State  organizations  in  similar  efforts  within  their  own 
bounds. 

Undoubtedly  the  miscarriage  of  the  first  anti-canteen  enactment  hastened  the  league's 
decision  to  inaugurate  a  systematic  legislative  work  here,  as  had  been  done  in  the  States 
from  the  beginning. 

It  was  felt  that  the  time  had  come  when  the  league,  as  the  federation  of  churches  and 
temperance  organizations  on  this  one  question,  should  be  represented  permanently  at 
the  Capital  by  someone  familiar  with  our  methods  of  work  and  responsible  to  this  rep- 
resentative body.  I  was  called  to  this  position,  and  my  appointment  became  effective 
November  1,   1899. 

A  legislative  committee  was  simultaneously  provided  for,  and  Jas.  L.  Ewin,  esq., 
Hon.  S.  Edgar  Nicholson,  ex-Governor  Sidney  Perham,  Francis  M.  Bradley,  and  John 
H.  Gassaway  were  appointed,  and  in  this  connection  I  have  pleasure  in  saying  that  our 
relations  have  been  most  cordial  and  pleasant,  absolutely  free  from  any  friction  or  dif- 
ferences, and  they  have  all  shown  intense  interest  in  our  efforts,  while  several,  by 
attendance  upon  hearings  and  the  more  direct  but  detail  work  of  assisting  the  superin- 
tendent in  securing  Congressional  support,  personally,  and  by  correspondence  in  special 
cases,  have  been  very  helpful  indeed. 

It  was  the  current  thought  of  the  executive  committee  and  our  league  leaders  gen- 
erally that  our  first  objective  point  should  be  the  canteen,  which,  except  as  to  the 
assignment  of  soldiers  to  sell  in  the  canteen,  and  the  employment  of  or  permission  to 
civilians  to  sell  outside  the  canteen  upon  military  premises,  was  left  undisturbed  by  the 
act  of  March  2,  1899,  as  construed  by  the  Attorney-General. 


APPROPRIATIONS  FOR  ARMY  GYMNASIUMS,  ETC. 

Extract  from  Army  Appropriation  Bill,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  1902. 

For  the  construction,  equipment,  and  maintenance  of  suitable  buildings  at  military 
posts  and  stations  for  the  conduct  of  the  post  exchange,  school,  library,  reading,  lunch, 
amusement  rooms,  and  gymnasium,  to  be  expended  in  the  discretion  and  under  the 
direction  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  five  hundred  thousand  dollars. 

[Same  repeated  in  two  su:ceeding  Sessions  of  Congress.] 


152 


[From   Senate  Document   No.  84,  58th  >n.] 

TEMPERANCE   CONDITIONS   tN    U     S.  ARMY    AND    NAVY. 

Extracts  from  official  reports  concerning  discipline,  health,  and  efficiency 

of  our  soldiers  and  sailoi 

THE  ANTICANTEEN  LAW  SUSTAINED. 

In  reply  to  the  charges  of  insubordination  and  physical  degeneracy  so 
widely  urged  by  the  advocates  of  the  canteen  against  the  soldiers  of  the 
United  States  Army,  the  following  official  statements  merit  close  attention: 

[Report  of  the  Judge-Advocate-General.] 

War   Department, 
Judge-Advocate-General's  Office, 
Washington,  D.  C,  September  28,    1904. 
Hon.  Wm.  II.  Taft,  Secretary  of  War. 

Sir:  I  have  the  honor  to  submit  the  annual  report  of  the  Judge-Advocate- 
General's  Department  for  the  year  ending  June  30,  1904. 

The  following  data  are  compiled  from  the  records  received  at  this  office 
of  trials  completed  and  published  during  the  year  covered  by  this  report: 

Commissioned  officers  tried  by  general  court-martial: 

Convicted  (sentence  disapproved  in  2  cases) 30 

.V  quitted 7 

Cadets  tried  by  general  court-martial  (convicted) 4 

Enlisted  men  tried  by  general  court-martial  (including  a  few  cases 
of  discharged  enlisted  men  serving  as  general  prisoner 

Convicted    (sentences  disapproved  in  46  cases) 3.897 

Acquitted 3x1 

Total    trials   by   general    court-martial 4.249 

(Being  1,026  less  than  in  the  preceding  year.) 

On  this  state  of  things  the  Judge-Advo  eneral  remarks  (p.  6): 

The  marked  diminution  m  the  number  of  trials  by  general  court-martial, 

which  amounts  to  nearly  20  per  cent  of  the  number  of  cases  tried  in  the  year 
ending  June  30,  1903,  is  very  gratifying,  as  indicating  that  the  conditio] 

of  the  military  service  are  now  such  as  to  It  t  to 

court-martial   procedure   in  order   to   maintain   discipline   in   the   military 
establishment. 


[Report  of  the  Surgeon-General,  1904,  p.  52.] 

The  admission  rate  in  the  United  States  per  thousand  for  disease  and  in- 
jury was  1,206.89  and  death  rate  5.94,  compared  with  1,343.77  and  7.83 
in  1902.  Of  this  rate  981.50  men  per  thousand  were  admitted  and  4.12 
died  from  disease,  and  245.39  admitted  and  1.82  died  from  external  causes. 
These  rates  compare  most  favorably  with  those  of  1901  and  1902. 

The  admission  rate  per  thousand  of  strength  of  the  whole  Army  for  dis- 
ease and  injury  during  the  last  calendar  year  shows  an  improvemet  over 
that  of  1902,  the  rates  being  1,451.13  and  1,716.51,  respectively.  This  re- 
duction in  the  prevalence  of  disease  and  injury  serves  to  further  show  the 
gradual  improvement  in  the  condition  of  the  troops  which  has  been  noted 
since  sanitary  matters  have  been  given  the  attention  due  them. 

[Report  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  1904,  p.  6.] 

Continuance  of  the  gradual  but  decided  improvement  in  the  condition 
of  troops  which  has  been  noted  since  sanitary  matters  have  received  the 
attention  due  them  is  shown  by  the  lower  rate  of  admission  to  sick  report 
per  thousand  of  strength  of  the  whole  Army  for  disease  and  injury  during 
the  last  calendar  year,  as  compared  with  1902.  Notwithstanding  the  fact 
that  a  mean  strength  of  25,379  troops  were  on  foreign  service  during  the 
year,  only  629  deaths  occurred  from  all  causes  in  the  entire  Army — American 
and  native  troops — equal  to  a  rate  of  9.30  per  thousand  as  compared  with 
15.49  for  the  previous  year. 

Of  this  death  rate  more  than  15  per  cent  was  due  to  cholera  in  the  Philip- 
pines— an  accidental  and  temporary  condition.  The  significance  of  these 
figures  becomes  more  apparent  when  it  is  known  that  the  census  of  the 
United  States  for  1890  gives  an  average  death  rate  of  8.95  per  1,000  for 
adult  males  of  the  military  ages,  20  to  45  years. 

[Report  of  Rear- Admiral  Barker.] 

The  Navy  is  to  be  congratulated  that  the  Department  has  remained  firm 
in  excluding  wine  and  beer  from  the  canteen  of  ships.  The  tendency  of  the 
times  is  toward  total  abstinence. 

Railroad  companies  do  not  employ  men  who  drink  intoxicating  liquor 
because  of  the  increased  danger  of  accidents  and  consequent  claims  for 
damages. 

Manufacturing  concerns  are  yearly  becoming  more  strict  in  this  regard. 
How  much  greater  the  necessity  for  absolute  sobriety  on  a  battle  ship.  Tons 
of  explosives  are  confined  in  the  vessel,  fires  burn  with  intense  heat  in  the 
furnaces,  electricity  is  generated  in  currents  of  sufficient  strength  to  run 
1,000  lamps  and  move  turrets  weighing  hundreds  of  tons,  while  within  the 
ship  closely  housed  over  this  dormant  hell  are  more  than  700  human  beings. 

The  majori  of  enlisted  men  come  from  good  homes  and  are  temperate. 
Is  it  therefore  not  better  to  weed  out  the  few  intemperate  ? 

154 


LIQUOR   SELLING   IN   IMMIGRANT   STATIONS. 
From  a   Hearing  before  Senate  Committee  on  Immigration,  April   23,   1902,  on 
Government  liquor  selling  at  U.  S.  Immigrant  Stations  and  in  Soldiers'  Homes. 

Rev.  Wilbur  P.  Crafts,  Ph.   I>.,  of  Washington,  D.  C,  Superinti  of  The 

International  Reform  Bureau,  in  charge  of  the  hearing,  inti  vho 

would  corroborate  and  supplement  his  statements,  must  of  tl 
the  foUowin  entatives  of  national  v.  O.  R.  Miller,  Field  Secretary 

of  the  Hure.m  already  named;  Mrs.  Margaret  Dye  Ellis,  N.  W.  C.  T.  U.  Superinti 
of  Legislation;  Mrs    Ella  M.  Thacher,  Superintendent  of  Soldiers  and  Sailors  De- 
partment  in  same;  Hon.   S.   E.   Nicholson,   Secretary  of  the  National  Anti-Saloon 
which  Joshua  L.  Baily,   President  of  the  National  Temperance  So- 
ciety, sent  a  prepared  s  at.     Dr.  Crafts  said: 

The  immigrants  who  seek  this  country  as  "the  land  of  the  free,"  meet  Uncle 
t  as  a  quarantine  officer,  and  in  the  very  shadow  of  the  statue  of  Lib< 
learn  the  wholesome  lesson  that  American  liberty  does  not  mean  liberty  to  do  harm. 
Another  lesson  in  liberty  is  given  them  at  the  immigration  station  on  Ellis  Island. 
There  every  immigrant  must  undergo  a  full  examination,  even  to  his  purse,  and  if 
he  is  likely  to  become  a  pauper  or  criminal  he  is  sent  back.     Then,  presto,  Uncle 
Sam  assumes  the  role  of  a  liquor  seller,  and  invites  the  immigrant  to  begin  or  con- 
tinue the  verv  habit  that  more  than  anything  else  promotes  pauperism  and  crime. 
In  order  to  get  at  the  facts  I  made  a  special  trip  to  Ellis   Island   on    Monday, 
April  21.      On  the  official  ferry-boat  from  New  York  nothing  was  carried  for  cargo 
•it   120  dozen  bottles  of  lager  beer.      I    found  that  in   two  outside  restaurants, 
used  by  visitors,  one  might  have  milk  or  tea  or  coffee  instead  of  beer,  if  he  would, 
but  at  the  only  lunch  counters  accessible  to  hundreds  of  the  detained  immigrants 
there  was  no  milk,  tea  or  coffee  to  be  had,  but  beer  in  abundance.     This  is  an  innova- 
tion of  only  a  I  its'  standing,  ordered  by  a  subordinate  officer  of  the  Treasury 
and  never  approved  by  Congress,  but  legal  until  forbidden   by   Executi  r  or 
by  law.      When  in  some  city  the  list  of  men  who  rent  buildings  to  liquor  selle: 
published  it  is  regarded  neither  by  the  men  so  advertised,  nor  by  the  public  as  a  roll 
of  honor.      Surely,  then,  our  public  buildings,  in  whose  ownership  all  Christian 
izens  share,  should  not  be  rented  for  a  business  which  most  of  them  <:                  When 
Congress  was  informed  that  young  soldiers  were  forced  to  be  bartenders  in  canteens, 
the  whole  system  was  swept  out  of  the  army.      When  the  American  people  and  1 
gress  realize  that  the  whole  nation  is  involved  in  the  supreme  shame  of  selling  liquor 
to  immigrants,  we  are  assured  that  this  bill,  or  at  least  so  much  of  it  as  would  abolish 
liquor  selling  on  Ellis  Island,  will  be  speedily  passed.      The  newspaper  charge  that 
immigrants  are  "herded"  with  hard  words  and  sticks  is  true,  but  worst  of  all  is  the 
corralling  of  them  at  the  beer  stands. 

As  for  liquor  selling  in  other  Government  buildings,  it  is  already  illegal  under  the 
District  of  Culumbia  law  to  sell  liquors  in  any  public  building  in  Washingl 
the  anti-canteen  law  forbids  liquor  selling  in  all  national  buildings  "used  for  mil:' 
purposes,"   which   surely  includes  old  soldiers'   homes,   as  1   intiir 

repeatedly.      We  shall  ask  the  P'  hal1 

continue  to  ask  Congress,  through  anoth  id  liquor  Belling  in  any 

building  owned  or  controlled  by  the  Uni  I  in  the  groun  ling 

to  the  same,  which  was  the  gist  of  the  Ellis  bill,  now  re  ill — 

.ore  people  than  any  other  bill  in  th< 

1  the  Hon  

Bowersock  amendment  to  Immigration  Act  of  57th  Congress:  No  intoxicating 
liquors  shall  be  sold  in  such  [United  States]  immigrant  stations. 
Landis  amendment,  same. 

155 


PENDING    McCUMBER-SPERRY   BILL,  TO  FORBID  LIQUOR  SELLING 

IN  SOLDIERS'   HOMES   AND  OTHER  GOVERNMENT 

BUILDINGS    AND  SHIPS. 

Be  it  enacted,  etc.  That  hereafter  it  shall  be  unlawful  to  sell^intoxicating  liquors  on 
any  ship  or  in  any  building  or  on  any  grounds  owned  or  used  by  the  United  States 
Government.  Sec.  2.  That  any  violation  of  this  act  shall  be  deemed  a  misdemeanor, 
and  shall  be  punished  by  a  fine  not  exceeding  five  hundred  dollars. 


[From  Senate  Document,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  No.  379.] 

DR.  CRAFTS.  The  anti-canteen  law  is  applied  only  to  young  soldiers  in  the  Army. 
I  agree  with  the  opinion  of  General  Sewell,  that  the  law  should  be  enforced  against 
canteens  in  the  old  Soldiers'  Homes  also.  In  a  letter  to  a  constituent,  which  I  have, 
and  in  a  speech  in  the  Senate  January  10,  Mr.  Sewell  interpreted  the  words  "premises 
used  for  military  purposes  by  the  United  States"  (on  all  of  which  liquor  selling  is  for- 
bidden) as  applying  to  Soldiers'  Homes,  which  are  in  reality  only  hospitals  for  vet- 
erans. But  the  war  department  interprets  the  anti-canteen  law  as  applying  only  to 
young  soldiers  in  the  Army. 

The  bill  now  before  us  is  the  same  in  substance  as  the  Ellis  bill,  reported  favorably 
in  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress  after  a  very  thorough  consideration.  There  were  more 
petitions  for  it  than  in  behalf  of  any  other  measure  coming  before  that  Congress.  I  wish 
to  call  attention  to  a  weighty  statement  in  the  House  report  on  that  bill,  whxh  was 
reiterated  substantially  in  another  House  report,  namely:  "The  United  States  Govern- 
ment should  not  in  any  sense  be  connected  with  the  liquor  traffic."  This  repeated 
declaration  has  unquestionably  been  the  weightiest  consideration  in  all  the  anticanteen 
legislation.  Few  drinking  men  would  defend  Government  liquor  selling.  The  bill 
before  us  applies  to  all  the  buildings  owned  by  the  United  States  Government,  whether 
used  for  military  purposes  or  for  any  other  purpose.  It  is  already  illegal  to  sell  intoxi- 
cants anywhere  at  army  posts,  but  the  law  is  not  fully  enforced,  and  this  law  would 
help  by  a  a  civil  penalty  that  any  citizen  could  apply  when  army  officers  neglected 

156 


their  duty.     It  is  also  illegal  to  sell  in  In  the  main  this  bill  socks  to  sup- 

telling  at  National 
It  may  be  qm  1  wheth  ( >n  I 

tent  of  l  I  ■  Soldier  '  I  [ome  al  I )  lyton,  qui 

in  the  Senate  January  8,    rc-OI,  1".'  Utial 

man  in  the  management  of  the  Sol 

an  not  I.     It  i  r  the  control  of  th  1  of 

In  ;' 
law,  then  about  t. 
horn  "It  (the  Soldi<  G       rnnaent  institution. 

It  is  sup:  an<!  may  he  considered  an  army  post." 

The  canteens  in  tl  Homes  do  i  I  soldiers  from  harder  liquors 

and  harder  ;  hut  only  a  ily  drinki:  ■  to  whet  the  appetite 

for  the  monthly  drunk  in  day.      II  .isit 

at  Hampton  and  in  many  Othei  stif y  to  1 

fn  the  Soldiers'  Homes, 

saloons  and  dives  gathei  ing  hosl  the  II  shown  in  our  dia- 

.  of  the  Milwaukee   1 1 •  >:::■' ti  envir  .  which  could  be  duplicated  fro:- 

Home  with  a  cai  The  Home  that  1-  ^t  outside  dives  is  the  one  at  Marion, 

Ind.     Tl  inteen.      It  is  illegal  for  liquor  to  be  sold  at  Soldi'  rs"  II-  mes  in 

aid  in  Maine,  prohibition  States,  and  ought  to  be  stopj 
Mr.  Joshua  L.  Rally's  statement  that  he  has  seen  old  soldiers  again  and  again  after 
drinking  in  line  at  the  canteen  go  out  and  join  the  i  rid  of  the  line  for  another 

round  of  drinks,  to  which  there  is  no  limit  but  ability  to  pay.  will  bear  repeating. 

other  point  1  wish  to  emphasize,  namely,  that  at  the  Homes  which  have  no  can- 
teens the  soldiers  are  in  the  best  condition  morally,  physically,  and  financially.     On 
the  point  of  physical  condition,  here  is  the  testimony  of  Inspector-General  Brecken- 
king  of  the  reviews  of  the  old  soldiers  on  the  occasion  of  his  visits,  he  gives 
first  honors  to  the  Marion  Home,  where  there  is  no  canteen,  of  which  he  says  in  his 
report  of  1900:  "The  ceremony  of  review  was  exceedingly  well  conducted,  and  was  the 
een  at  any  of  the  branch 
There  are  some  State  Homes  where  they  have  no  canteen,  showing  it  is  not  at  all 
There  is  one  in  Waupaca,  Wis.,  where  there  is  no  drinking.     A  man  from 
Maine  has  charge  of  it.     That  may  explain  why  they  have  no  drinking  there.      There 
is  another  at  Marshalltown,  Iowa,  where    the    sentiment  of  th-  may  have  had 

some  effect.      At  these  Homes  the  benefits  of  the  no-canteen  |  re  marked. 

Then  there  is  the  Home  here  in  the  capital.      I  ible  to  understand 

why  Congress  permits  the  sale  of  liquors  in  the  Soldiers'  Homes  of  the  volunteer  Army, 
svhen  it  has  ■  a  law  that  there  shall  not  be  any  liquor  sold  within  a  mile  of  the 

Soldiers'  Home  here  in  the  city.     The  contrast  between  this  Home  and  those  we  have 
>een  in  Dayton  and  Hampton  is  a  very  wholesome  t<  ice  lesson. 

STATEMENT    OF    MRS.    ELLA    M.    THACHER,   W.   C     T.    U.   SUPT.  FOR 

SOLDIERS   AND    SAILORS. 

We  found  in  Marion  no  saloons.      In  the  other  H01  -t  of  the  men  looked  like 

paupers  and  many  of  them  like  drunkards,  which  they  really  are.      They  ought  to 
n  an  in<  mi.     They  should  not  be  mixed  up  with  the  better  of  men. 

As  to  the  claim  that  a  1  inside  drives  tl  mtheoutsid 

but   12  saloons  about  the   Marion  canl  .  while  there  are  07  that  besiege 

iampton  Home,  which  has  put  a  cant'  nish  them. 

Many  wives  write  me  that  the]  1  their  husbands  a" 

and  mothers  wril  lat  their  children  I  while  the  hi 

md  father  squanders  his  pension  money,  sometimes  every  dime  of  it,   at   t:  rn- 

ment  canteen. 


Prom  Sundry  Civil  Appr  '■     part  of  this  appropri- 

a   shall  be  apporti  maintaii  .:•  or 

banteen  where  intoxicating  liquors  are  sold." 

nate  al  ted:     "No  bar  or  canteen  wftere  intoxicating  liquors  are  sold  shall  be 

maintained  in  any  branch  of  the  National  Soldiers'  home."i      Failed  in  cont   1 

157 


HEPBURN-DOLLIVER  ACT. 

INTERSTATE  COMMERCE  IN  INTOXICATING  LIQUORS 

Act  passed  House  Jan.   27,   1903,   57th  Congress;  not  acted  on  by  Senate.     Re- 
ported House,  58th  Congress. 

All  fermented,  distilled,  or  other  intoxicating  liquors  or  liquids  transported 
into  any  State  or  Territory  for  delivery  therein,  or  remaining  therein  for  use,  con- 
sumption, sale,  or  storage  therein,  shall,  upon  arrival  within  the  boundary  of  such 
State  or  Territory,. before  and  after  delivery,  be  subject  to  the  operation  and  effect 
of  the  laws  of  such  State  or  Territory  enacted  in  the  exercise  of  its  police  powers 
to  the  same  extent  and  in  the  same  manner  as  though  such  liquids  or  liquors  had 
been  produced  in  such  State  or  Territory,  and  shall  not  be  exempt  therefrom  by 
reason  of  being  introduced  therein  in  original  packages  or  otherwise. 

Sec.  2.  That  all  corporations  and  persons  engaged  in  interstate  commerce, 
shall,  as  to  any  shipment  or  transportation  of  fermented,  distilled,  or  other  intoxicat- 
ing liquors  or  liquids,  be  subject  to  all  laws  and  police  regulations  with  reference  to 
such  liquors  or  liquids,  or  the  shipment  or  the  transportation  thereof,  of  the  State 
in  which  the  place  of  destination  is  situated,  and  shall  not  be  exempt  therefrom 
by  reason  of  such  liquors  or  liquids  being  introduced  therein  in  original  packages 
or  otherwise;  but  nothing  in  this  Act  shall  be  construed  to  authorize  a  State  to 
control  or  in  any  wise  interfere  with  the  transportation  of  liquors  intended  for  ship- 
ment entirely  through  such  a  State  and  not  intended  for  delivery  therein. 

[House  Report,  57th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  No.  3377.] 

Nearly  all  of  the  States  have  passed  laws,  as  police  regulations,  differing  to 
some  extent  in  their  provisions,  for  the  prohibition,  regulation,  or  control  of  intoxicat- 
ing liquors  within  their  respective  boundaries.  In  the  case  of  Leisy  v.  Hardin  (135 
U.  S.  100)  the  Supreme  Court  held  that  any  citizen  of  a  State  had  the  right  under  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  to  import  any  intoxicating  liquors  into  another 
State,  and  that  in  the  absence  of  Congressional  permission  the  State  into  which 
such  liquors  were  imported  had  no  power,  in  the  exercise  of  its  authority  of  police 
regulations,  to  enact  laws  to  prohibit  or  regulate  the  sale  of  such  liquors  while  they 
remained  in  the  original  packages.  The  effect  of  this  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court 
was  to  deny  to  the  States  all  power  to  control  or  prohibit  the  sale  of  intoxicating 
liquors  transported  from  one  State  into  another  while  they  remained  in  the  original 
packages.  To  remove  the  effect  of  this  decision,  and  to  authorize  the  several  States, 
in  the  exercise  of  their  police  powers,  to  prohibit  or  control  the  sale  of  intoxicating 
liquors,  the  act  of  August  8,  1890,  was  passed.  That  act  provided  "that  all  fermented, 
distilled,  or  other  intoxicating  liquors  or  liquids  transported  into  any  State  or  Terri- 
tory or  remaining  therein  for  use,  consumption,  sale,  or  storage  therein,  shall  upon 
arrival  in  such  State  or  Territory  be  subject  to  the  operation  and  effect  of  the  laws 
of  such  State  or  Territory  enacted  in  the  exercise  of  its  police  powers,  to  the  same 
extent,  and  in  the  same  manner,  as  though  such  liquids  or  liquors  had  been  produced 
in  such  State  or  Territory,  and  shall  not  be  exempt  therefrom  by  reason  of  being 
introduced  therein  in  original  packages  or  otherwise." 

In  the  case  of  Rahrer  (140  U.  S.,  545)  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States 
held  that  this  act  was  constitutional  and  valid,  and  conferred  upon  the  States  the 
powers  enumerated  therein.  But  in  the  case  of  Rhodes  v.  Iowa  (170  U.  S.,  415)  a 
question  arising  under  this  act  again  came  before  the  Supreme  Court,  and,  in  de6n- 

158 


ing  the  scope  and  meaning  of  the  act,  the  court  held  that  under  its  provisions  liquors 
transported  from  one  State  into  another  remained  under  tl  >n  of  tl 

state  commerce  laws  until  tlv  ed   to  the  consignee,  and  that  tl 

law  was  inoperative  to  reach  them  until  they  were  delivered  by  the  common  carrier 
to  the  |  to  whom  they  were  consigned. 

The  effect  of  this  decision  was  practically  to  nullify  the  act  of  1800  &  the 

transportation  and  delivery  of  intoxicating  liquors  within  the  State  was  to; 
Under  the  law,  as  thus  construed,  d<  1  intoxicating  liquors  located  in  some  of 

the  States  sent  out  their  soliciting  agents  and  established  agencies  in  other  States, 
who  traveled  over  and  canvassed  the  country  and  solicited  sales  and  took  orders 
for  intoxicating  liquors  to  be  shipped  in  by  the  principal,  consigned  to  the  subscribers 
— sometimes  to  be  sent  to  them  direct,  and  in  other  cases  to  be  sent  to  them  in  care 
of  the  soliciting  agent. 

By  this  method  regular  business  of  dealing  in  intoxicating  liquors  by  the  foreign 
dealer  ha  been  kept  up  in  many  of  the  States  with  im]  unity.  Under  this  system  the 
States  ae  entirely  powerless  either  to  prohibit  such  sales  or  to  e.\  con  rol 

or  regulation  over  them.  They  can  not  even  impose  a  license  or  any  restrictions 
whatever  on   the  business  carried  on  in   this  manner. 

It  is  the  purpose  of  this  bill  to  correct  this  evil  and  to  subject  intoxicating  liquors 
imported  from  one  State  into  another  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  laws  of  the  States 
into  which  they  are  imported  on  the  arrival  of  such  liquors  within  the  bound. 
of  such  State. 

[Congressional  Record,  Jan.  27,  1903.] 

HENRY   D.    Clayton,  of  Alabama:  I  will  say  to  those  who  believe  in  the 
doctrine — once  so  largely  believed  by  many,  now,  as  we  eonstan" 
but  which  is  still  cherished  by  some  of  us,  whatever  is  left  of  it,  the  doctrine  of  State 
rights — that  there  is  nothing  here  to  militate  against  our  ideas  on  that  subject.     On 
the  contrary,  this  is  a  proposition  to  surrender  back  to  the  trol 

which  was  •.  the  comnu- 

of  which  power  has,  according  to  th< 
nullified    the  police  regulations  of  the  States.      In  other 

tore  to  the  States  in  this  matter  full  and  am;  r 

poli'  inst  the  sale  of  intoxicating  liquors.     That  is  I 

m   W    P.  II  '.-.of  Iowa:  The  this  bill,  tub 

WILL    I  AND,    ASn 

:->s,    "before    and    after    delivery."     Tl  ill.      Tlx 

held  that  the  la  until  "aft 

1    Lot  ,  of  Iowa:  The  only  pur:  *his  bill  is'  law 

an!  •  intoxicating  1: 

as  soon  line.      1 

tion .  it  does  n  with  tl 

of  controlling  the  liq  with   tl 

r  r  I  Smith, of 
.   held   that    "arrival"   nv 
practice  has  grown  up  in  lov.  nch  a  non- 

into  the  State  to  himself,  and  then  1  iring  nr^  "ing 

these  liquors  a-  in  the  town,  ar 

ing  on  the  retail  Hqtif •  in  1  h  it  n  in  violation  of  the  the  ma- 

jority of  the  people,  and  using  the  express  office  as  a  retail  liquor  pla  e. 

159 


Speech  of  Dr.  Wilbur  F.  Crafts,  Superintendent  of  the  International  Reform 

Bureau  of  Washington,  D.  C,  at  hearing,  February  13,  1903, 

before  Senate  Committee  on  Interstate  Commerce. 

I  speak  as  the  representative  of  The  International  Reform  Bu- 
reau, which  is  in  touch,  by  membership  and  literature,  with  every 
city,  borough  and  village  in  the  United  States.  Almost  half  our 
population  is  under  prohibition,  including  the  numerous  and  in- 
creasing "no  license"  towns.  The  President  of  the  Brewers' 
Association  has  told  you  that  the  area  of  State  prohibitory  laws 
is  decreasing,  as  if  this  act  would  protect  only  such  States — surely 
a  State  should  be  allowed  to  enforce  its  laws  unhindered  by  outside 
parties — but  he  has  wisely  ignored  the  fact  that  local  prohibition 
is  the  rule  in  the  South,  and  is  becoming  increasingly  so  in  the 
North.  He  knows  all  too  well  that  when  Congress  has  by  this  bill 
refused  to  be  made  an  ally  of  nullifiers,  and  has  called  off  its  "  in- 
terstate "  dogs,  prohibition,  both  state  and  local,  will  become  so 
much  more  worth  having  that  its  area  will  increase.  But  this  act 
is  not  to  protect  prohibitory  states  and  no  license  towns  alone. 
As  Senator  Tillman  has  shown,  South  Carolina  wants  it  to  defend 
its  dispensary  law  against  outsiders  who  would  nullify  it.  The 
brewers'  advocate  has  wasted  words  on  the  old  plea  of  "  personal 
liberty."  It  was  in  reply  to  such  a  plea  that  Senator  Colquit  said: 
"  It  is  all  the  liberty  of  the  lawbreaker,  it  is  the  liberty  of  the  im- 
moral, it  is  the  liberty  of  the  debauchee,  that  is  claimed."  In  this 
case  it  is  indeed  "the  liberty  of  the  lawbreaker"  that  is  set  against 
the  liberty  of  a  State  to  carry  out  its  laws  unhindered  by  outsiders 
who  invoke  the  power  of  interstate  commerce  to  carry  on  a  traffic 
forbidden  to  its  own  citizens.  The  brewers  dare  not  state  their  real 
case.  They  assume  to  be  anxious  lest  a  private  citizen  may  be  pre- 
vented from  importing  a  case  of  beer  for  his  own  home.  They 
know  that  such  an  importation  is  nowhere  forbidden.  It  is  not 
the  buying  but  the  selling  of  liquors  that  is  forbidden  in  no  license 
towns  and  states.  Let  them  speak  out  and  say  it  is  their  "speak- 
easy trade  "  they  are  fighting  for.  Nothing  else  would  this  act  cut 

160 


off.  Their  silence  reminds  me  of  the  burglar  whose  movements 
in  the  cellar  were  interrupted  by  the  cry  from  the  owner  ol  the 
house  at  the  top  of  the  stairs,  "  Who's  there  ?"  Silence.  "Why 
don't  you  speak  ?"  "  Because  I  don't  know  what  to  say."  These 
brewers  who  have  burglarized  prohibition  states  and  towns  dare 
not  come  out  and  deiend  that — the  only  thing  at  stake — and  so 
they  fall  back  on  the  cry  made  against  every  law  that  bears  the 
Gladstone  test,  "making  it  harder  to  do  wrong,  and  easier  to  do 
right,"  and  shout,  "  Unconstitutional!"  I  feel  sure  that  no  Sen- 
ator needs  any  proofs  that  the  power  of  Congress  over  interstate 
commerce  goes  much  further  than  this  negative  act.  The  Con- 
stitution says:  "Congress  shall  have  power  to  regulate  commerce 
with  foreign  nations  and  among  the  several  states."  Two  Sena- 
tors in  this  Committee  have  intimated  that  the  power  to  "  regu- 
late "  is  "  not  power  to  destroy."  The  Supreme  Court  has  held 
that  the  power  to  "  regulate  "  includes  the  power  to  prohibit. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  if  dynamite  should  be  used  for  a 
wholesale  slaughter  of  Senators  and  other  public  men,  Congress 
would  wholly  exclude  it  from  interstate  commerce.  Much  more 
can  Congress  control  and  regulate  interstate  commerce,  as  in 
this  bill  provided,  to  the  negative  degree  necessary  to  leave  states 
in  full  control  of  the  drink  evil  in  their  own  borders.  This  law 
would  not  interfere  with  goods  passing  through  a  prohibition  or 
dispensary  state  to  some  state  beyond. 

On  another  point  the  Committee  asks  specific  information, 
namely,  as  to  cases  where  the  law  has  been  nullified,  and  how. 
In  fourteen  years'  travel  I  have  come  on  these  "interstate"  tricks 
i  i  many  forms.  In  Washington,  Pa.,  for  example,  an  express 
company,  I  was  informed,  brings  single  bottles  into  that  no  license 
borough  addressed  over  and  over  again  to  persons  who  have 
once  ordered  a  bottle,  who  are  made  aware  that  whenever  a 
thirst  is  on  them  they  can  find  another  bottle  waiting  C.  O.  D. 
in  the  express  office.  In  Evanston,  III.,  I  found  what  was  prac- 
tically a  street  peddling  of  liquors  by  many  bogus  "express" 
wagons.  Iowa  Congressmen  in  the  House  told  how  a  liquor 
dealer  outside  would  consign  many  jugs  to  himself  and  the  agent 
would  transfer  the  bill  of  lading  to  anyone  who  came  with  money 
to  pay  the  C.  O.  D.  charge.  Such  frauds  should  no  longer  be 
allowed  to  hide  under  our  national  shield,  feeding  "blind  tigers" 
in  no  license  towns,  that  destroy  youth  and  trample  on  the  law, 
and  answering  the  charge  of  lawlessness  by  crying,  "The  Con- 
stitution!  The  Constitution!" 

161 


STATEMENT    OF    REV.  EDWIN    C.  DINWIDDIE,  LEGISLATIVE  SUPERIN- 
TENDENT OF   THE  AMERICAN  ANTISALOON  LEAGUE. 

Hearing  before  House  Judiciary  Committee,  Mar.  2,  1904. 

Mr.  Dinwiddie.  Mr.  Chairman  and  gentlemen  of  the  committee,  we  are  here  this 
morning  in  support  of  the  Hepburn-Dolliver  bill. 

This  proposed  law  is  designed  to  supplement  what  was  known  as  the  Wilson  law, 
approved  August  8,  1890,  and  by  which  undoubtedly  Congress  and  the  people  expected 
that  the  entire  control  of  the  liquor  traffic  within  their  own  borders  should  be  left  in 
the  hands  of  the  people  in  the  several  States. 

A  few  facts  relative  to  the  necessity  for  that  legislation,  as  well  as  for  this  proposed, 
will  be  entirely  in  place. 

Immediately  after  a  decision  by  the  Supreme  Court  in  1890,  in  the  case  of  Leisy  vs. 
Hardin  (135  U.  S.  100),  in  which  it  was  held  that  "The  State  had  no  power,  without 
Congressional  permission  to  do  so,  to  interfere  by  seizure,  or  by  any  other  action,  in 
the  prohibition  of  importation  and  sale  by  a  foreign  or  nonresident  importer  of  liquors 
in  unbroken  original  packages,"  there  sprung  up  in  several  of  the  States  under  the  pro- 
hibitory policy  great  numbers  of  what  were  called  "original  package"  saloons.  The 
proprietors  would  buy  their  liquors  without  the  State  and  have  them  sent  in  and  sell 
them  in  the  unbroken  original  packages,  although  the  law  of  the  State  or  the  commun- 
ity in  which  they  did  business  forbade  the  traffic  in  intoxicating  liquors. 

This  created  widespread  indignation  and  gave  rise  to  a  stern  demand  from  all  over 
the  country  for  redress  from  these  unbearable  conditions.  Congress  responded,  as  it 
had  been  suggested  in  the  opinion  of  the  court  in  the  case  just  referred  to  it  could  do, 
by  passing  the  Wilson  law,  which  is  given  in  the  House  Committee  report  submitted 
by  Mr.  Clayton,  of  Alabama  (H.  Rept.  3377,  to  accompany  H.  R.  15331,  58th  Cong., 
2d  sess.),  and  which,  by  the  courtesy  of  the  committee,  I  shall  append  to  this  state- 
ment for  the  printed  hearings.  This  report  in  itself  is  one  of  the  clearest  and  most 
concise  statements  of  what  this  bill  is  and  will  accomplish  that  could  be  made. 
(Exhbit  A.) 

However,  in  view  of  the  mistaken  ideas  that  appear  to  prevail  among  certain  classes 
as  to  the  scope  of  the  measure,  it  seems  entirely  appropriate  that  some  further  facts  be 
stated. 

In  construing  the  W'ilson  law,  after  having  passed  upon  its  constitutionality  in 
Rahrer's  case  (140  U.  S.,  545)  the  court  held  in  the  subsequent  case,  namely,  Rhodes 
vs.  Iowa  (170  U.  S.,  412),  that  the  effect  of  the  law  was  to  forbid  the  sale  by  a  con- 
signee of  liquors  imported  from  another  State,  but  that  the  language  of  the  Wilson  law 
in  the  words,  "arrival  in  such  State,"  etc.,  contemplated  their  delivery  to  the  consignee 
before  State  jurisdiction  should  attach. 

It  is  in  consequence  of  this  decision  that  the  remedial  legislation  proposed  in  House 
bill  4072  has  been  pressed  for  passage.  It  is  true  that  the  "original  package"  saloons, 
as  they  were  known  thirteen  years  ago.  are  not  in  operation,  but  the  ingenious  violators 
of  laws — brewers,  distillers,  wholesale  liquor  dealers,  retail  venders,  and  others — have 
invented  a  number  of  subterfuges  by  the  employment  of  interstate  transportation  agen- 
cies for  the  violation  of  law.  It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  bill  before  the  com- 
mittee is  not  in  any  sense  a  prohibition  law  per  se,  nor  will  its  passage  affect  only  those 
States  having  a  prohibitory  policy.  The  conditions  it  is  designed  to  remove  can  exist 
in  States  having  the  license  or  dispensary  policy,  and  do  so  exist  to  the  extent  of 
rendering  even  regulatory  legislation  of  this  character  to    a    greater    or    less    extent 

162 


nil  they  exist   in  aggravated   form   in   States  having  prohibitory  or  I 
option  la 

We  base  our  request  for  the  passage  of  the  law  upon  the  broad  principle  that  C 

-  should  by  law,  as  we  believe  it  to  be  fully  empowered  t"  do  under  tl  titu- 

.  remove  tl.  t"  the  successful  carrying  nut  of  the  interna]  policy  of  the 

■  on  this  >n.  whatever  that  policy  may  he.     Nor  can  it  he  truthfully  declared 

that  an  inconsiderable  portion  of  our  territory  i-  affected  by  the  conditions  which  the 

decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  on  the  Wilson  law.  in  the  case  of  Rhodes  vs.  [owa 

rutted  to  spring  up  ami  flourish  in  many  sections.     I  think  il  that  not 

'•s  of  the  Union  have  prohibitory  or  local-option  laws  in   -Mint-  ;' 
or  another,  ami  in  many  of  these   State-   '  reas,  including  I  townships, 

.  are  under  the  operation  of  local-option  laws.     Ami  it  i-  impossible  for  them 
full  fruitage  i  law-,  enac  we  believe,  in  the  pn  • 

of  their  police  powers,  uniformly  held  by  the  court  t"  !  t"  tin-  v  it 

the  remedial  legislation  asked,  and  which  undoubtedly  i  led  to  grant  by 

the  Wilson  Act,  approved  August  8,  1890. 

We  are  asking  for  no  more  than  is  fair  and  right  under  tl  tutiona]  powers  of 

>s  when  we  a-k  that  C  all  so  legislate  upon  the  subject  as  that  the 

States  will  have  complete  jurisdiction  over  the  subject  within  their  own  borders;  and 

iat  a  nonresident  of  a  State,  with  the  connivam        atives  of  inter 

transportati  .    will   not  he  permitted   t"   do    wha)    tin-    State   properly,    in   the 

exerci-e  of  its  judgment  on  this  question,  has  n  citizen-  to  do.     This 

:i  very  carefully  canvassed  by  many  miliar  with  the 

1  in  the  law.  and  \'  1  now  pi  1  is  beli 

approach  cl  •      per  solution  1  f  the  qui  .  ilhin  the  prob- 

I  the  certainty,  of  the  constitutional  | 
In  this  connection  I  feel  it  is  only  m  that  I  think  it  is  true  beyond  any 

that  tit'    3l  never  inter  ler — nor  in  my  judgment  d 

ler — their  right    I     protect  the  health,  property,  morals,  and  li  their 

!e  under  their  police  power-,  nor  do  I  think  that  any  a  •'  the 

rnment,  whether  it  commission,  by  which  the 

rtive   exerci-e    of   t!  the    S'  *  ry.    will    he 

acquiesced  in  by  the  pe 

Statement  of  Rev.  0.  R.  Miller,  Field  Secretary  of  the  International  Reform 

Bureau,  same  hearing,  Mar.  4,  1904. 

I   am  not  here  to  discuss  the  1 
which  may   throw  light  upon  the  ev 

ler  says   "  If  you  flood  a  rat  hole  with  1  1  spoil 

so    I  ■  that  if  a  floo  |  ;;t  can  be  thrown  upon  the  evil  . 

iuced  or  made  possible  by  the   weakness  of  on 
e  law  in  reference  to  the  liquor  I 

Hepburn  bill,  which  will  spoil  I  for 

rumsellcrs'  purpos- 
wit 
cretary  of  the   Reform    B 
over  the  country,  speaking  in  many  diff  ob- 

0  the  conditions   which  make  this  bill  n 
fore,  a   few   fa 

to  show  you  why  we  urge  the  passag 


Last  summer  I  made  a  tour  through  the  State  of  West  Virginia,  speaking  every 
night  for  a  month  in  all  parts  of  the  State,  especially  in  the  interest  of  this  Hepburn 
bill;  and  I  have  done  the  same  in  several  other  States,  and  Dr.  Crafts,  superintendent 
of  the  Reform  Bureau,  in  his  addresses  all  over  the  country  this  past  year,  has  also 
spoken  in  behalf  of  this  bill. 

A   MODEL    ANTI    C.  O.    D.  LIQUOR    LAW. 

"When  on  my  trip  through  West  Virginia  last  summer  I  found  that  the  temper- 
ance people  of  that  State  everywhere  were  sorely  grieved  at  the  failure  of  the  last 
Congress  to  pass  this  bill.  In  anticipation  that  the  last  Congress  would  pass 
this  bill  the  temperance  people  of  West  Virginia,  pressed  for  and  secured  the  pas- 
sage of  a  strong  anti  C.  O.  D.  liquor  law  to  forbid  any  person,  firm,  or  corporation 
of  that  State  shipping  liquor  C.  O.  D.  to  any  illegal  liquor  dealer  in  any  no-license 
territory  in  that  State.  It  is  a  model  law,  a  similar  law  to  which  ought  to  be 
passed  by  every  State  in  the  Union.  The  Hepburn  interstate  liquor  law  will  be  of 
value  only  to  those  States  which  back  it  up  by  some  such   State  legislation . 

This  law  is  very  liberal.  It  effects  only  illegal  liquor  dealers.  It  specifically 
provides  that  liquor  may  be  shipped  into  any  no-license  town  or  county  of  that 
State  to  a  private  individual  "  who  has  in  good  faith  ordered  the  same  for  ms  per- 
sonal use;  "  but  if  the  same  individual  in  a  no-license  town  or  county  of  that  State 
was  receiving  one  hundred  or  more  jugs  of  whisky  every  week  by  express  or  freight, 
then  any  honest  court  would  doubtless  hold  that  the  railroad  or  express  company 
delivering  it  and  the  person  receiving  it  were  evidently  violating  the  law,  and  would 
impose  penalty  accordingly. 

If  a  town  or  county  votes  out  the  liquor  traffic,  the  State  should  assume  that 
the  people  of  that  town  or  county  want  what  they  voted  for,  and  hence  should  pro- 
tect the  will  of  the  majority  of  the  people  by  providing  that  so  far  as  the  State  is 
concerned  the  traffic  in  that  town  or  county  shall  cease,  and  so  the  State  should  pro- 
vide that  when  any  subdivision  of  its  territory  votes  out  the  saloons  no  railroad  or 
express  company  or  individual  should  be  allowed  to  send  liquor  to  anyone  in  that 
no-license  territory  which  was  evidently  intended  for  sale. 

WEAKNESS    OF    THE     PRESENT    INTERSTATE    COMMERCE    LAW. 

But  now,  under  protection  of  the  interstate  commerce  law,  liquor  dealers 
outside  West  Virginia  can  do  what  liquor  dealers  in  the  State  can  not  do.  The  liquor 
dealers  and  the  common  carriers  in  the  State  are  forbidden  to  ship  liquor  to  illegal 
dealers  in  no-license  towns  and  counties  of  that  State,  but  outside  liquor  dealers  and 
common  carriers  can  ship  liquor  in  the  original  packages  into  any  part  of  the  State, 
whether  license  or  no  license,  for  according  to  the  interpretation  of  our  present  in- 
terstate commerce  law  by  the  United  States  Supreme  Court,  liquor  dealers  in  one 
State  can  ship  liquor  in  the  original  packages  into  another  State,  and  such  liquor 
does  not  become  subject  to  the  law  of  the  State  into  which  it  is  shipped  until  after 
it  is  delivered  to  the  consignee ;  which  simply  means  that  it  can  not  be  seized  or 
molested  by  the  local  officers  until  after  it  is  delivered  to  the  consignee;  and  this 
helps  to  nullify  the  prohibitory  and  no-license  laws  of  many  States. 

It  was  this  unfair  discrimination  against  liquor  dealers  of  their  own  State  which 
caused  prominent  men  of  West  Virginia  to  say  to  me  when  on  my  trip  through  that 
State  last  summer  that  had  they  not  been  assured  that  the  Hepburn  bill  would  pass 
in  the  last  Congress,  the  last  West  Virginia  legislature  would  not  have  passed  their 
present  anti  C.  O.  D.  liquor  law.  It  is  therefore  the  very  evident  duty  of  the  Na- 
tional Congress  to  back  up  the  action  of  the  State  legislatures  in  all  such  matters. 
In  many  places  in  no-license  territory,  the  shipping  in  of  liquor  from  outside  of  the 
State,  has  practically  nullified  the  will  of  the  majority  of  the  people. 

164 


A  bill  to  remedy  this  evil  was  first  brought  from  Iowa  by  Mr.  S-.  I 

i  in  the  House  by  Congressman  Hepburn,  of  I 
nch  of  Congress  on  January    ?-,  1903,  but   it  proved   too  late   in   the    se 
to  get   it   through  the  Senate.      This  was  a  hill  in  the  right  direction,  but  still  it 
some  serious  defects  which  might  have  jeopardized  its  constitutionality.     But  i' 

been    improved  in  the  present  llephurn-Dolliver  bill.       The  Reform  Bureau  has 
1  trying  to  arouse  a   great   interest  in  this    measure,  urging    the  this 

bill  everywhere  to  appeal  to  their  Senators  and  Congressmen  at  once  in  its  behalf. 

ORIGINAL    PACKAGE     NUISANCE     I  .V    NEBRASKA. 

When  on  a  long  tour  through  the  West  last  year  I  met  a  minister  from  Nebraska 
who  told  me  that  several  years  ago  the  people  had  voted  out  and  driven  out  the 
saloons  from  every  town  in  his  county.  But  the  outside  rumsellers,  under  protec- 
tion of  the  interstate  commerce  law,  began  to  ship  in  liquor  in  the  original  packages 
to  illegal  liquor  dealers  in  such  large  quantities  that  finally  the  temperance  people, 
realizing  their  helplessness,  became  discouraged  and  disgusted,  and  so  voted  back  the 
saloons  all  over  the  county,  simply  because  the  United  States  Government,  instead  of 
siding  with  the  great  majority  of  the  people  of  that  county  against  the  lawbreakers, 
practically  sided  with  the  local  illegal  liquor  dealers  and  outlaws  against  the  expressed 
will  of  the  majority  of  the  people.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  National  Government  to  back 
up  rather  than  to  break  down  State  laws. 

EXPRESS   OFFICE    BECOMES    THE    TOWN    RUM    SHOP. 

In  many  nodicense  places  in  many  States,  under  the  present  interstate  commerce 
laws,  the  local  express  company's  agent  becomes  the  illegal  liquor  dealer  of  the  town. 
When  liquor  is  sold  by  the  express  agent  it  is  usually  done  as  follows:  The  soliciting 
agent  of  the  wholesale  liquor  firm  goes  to  the  express  agent  and  gets  the  names  of  all 
the  old  bums  in  town  and  consigns  to  each  of  them  C.  O.  D.  one  or  more  bottles  of 
liquor  in  the  "  original  package."  The  bum  knows  that  there  is  always  a  package  of 
liquor  at  the  express  office  for  him  which  he  can  get  at  any  time  he  wants  it,  and  often 
liquor  is  consigned  to  fictitious  names,  and  such  liquor  can  be  taken  out  by  anyone 
who  will  pay  the  C.  O.  D.  charges  and  sign  the  fictitious  name  to  whom  it  is  sent.  The 
agent  of  the  liquor  firm  arranges  this  with  the   express   agent,  who  gets    a    certain 

•ent  of  all  liquor  thus  delivered.      I  have  found  these  conditions  in  several 

THE     MAIN    POINT    OF    THIS    HEPBURN-DOLLI  VE  R     BILL. 

I  say  it  is  a  grievous  wi  irning  shame,  an  unpardonable  outrage,  that  the 

United  States  Gov  at  should   make  it  so  v  icult  for  a  State  to  enforce  her 

own  laws.      Now,  if  this  Hepburn  bill  passes,  for  which  we  plead,  it  will  greatly  sim- 
plify the  problem  of  prohibition  in  Maine.   The  main  point  of  t!  1  bill  is  that 
liquor  shipped  from  one  State  to  another  shall  become  su 
soon  as  it  passes  the  State  line,  which  would  mean  that  the  sheriff  of  Cum 
County,  Me.,  or  his  deputies,  would  not  ha%-e  to  wait  until  a  load  of  liquor  was  deliv- 
ered, but   liquor  evidently  intended  for  sale  could   be   seized   in    the   freipht  car  or 

:ht  office,  or  in  the  express  office,  or  on  the  ex:  igon,  and  conf. 

SEIZIN  IN    TRANSIT   " 

When  I  was  at  Skowhcgan.  Me  .  last  fall.  I  calle  ratio 

sheriff  of  Somerset   Coun'v  ibition  so  grandlv  in  that  county. 

He  said  to  me:  "  Mr.  Miller.  I  hope  that  The  Reform  Bureau  will  press  the  Hepburn 


interstate  liquor  bill  before  Congress  with  all  possible  haste.  We  greatly  need  it  in  the 
enforcement  of  the  prohibitory  law  of  this  State,  as  under  the  present  laws  we  are  not 
allowed  to  seize  liquor  '  in  transit.'  I  have  a  lawsuit  on  my  hands  now  for  seizing  in 
transit  a  big  consignment  of  liquor  evidently  intended  for  sale.  I  ought  not  to  have 
seized  it  till  after  it  was  delivered  to  the  consignee;  but  then  it  is  usually  so  much 
harder  to  find  and  seize  liquor  after  it  gets  into  the  hands  of  the  consignee;  that  is,  the 
illegal  liquor  dealer.  I  hope  your  Bureau  will  rush  the  Hepburn  bill."  I  received  the 
same  earnest  appeal  in  substance  from  prohibition  sheriffs  and  temperance  workers  all 
over  the  State  when  on  my  tour  there  last  fall.  Rev.  Herbert  N.  Pringle,  secretary  ot 
the  Maine  Civic  League,  said  to  me  that  this  bill  was  so  important  to  the  State  of 
Maine  that  he  would  come  to  Washington  and  speak  at  the  hearing,  if  possible. 

WHY    MINISTERS    SHOULD    FAVOR    THIS    BILL. 

The  opponents  of  this  bill  brought  on  several  German  ministers  from  New  York 
and  elsewhere  to  testify  at  this  hearing,  who  denounced  prohibition  and  advocated 
beer  drinking.  We  are  ashamed  of  the  ministerial  profession  when  we  find  any  repre- 
sentative of  it  marshaled  on  the  side  of  the  illegal  rumseller.  Every  minister  of  the 
Gospel  in  the  United  States  ought  to  favor  the  Hepburn-Dolliver  bill,  and  from  wide 
travel  and  observation  I  believe  that  nine-tenths  of  them  do  favor  it. 

Many  of  these  same  Germans  who  oppose  this  bill  come  from  New  York,  where 
they  are  making  a  great  cry  for  home  rule  as  to  opening  the  saloons  on  Sunday.  This 
Hepburn  bill  is  distinctly  a  home-rule  bill,  a  bill  to  let  the  different  States  manage  the 
liquor  traffic  as  they  please.  Why  should  the  Germans  demand  home  rule  for  New 
York  and  oppose  home-rule  for  Iowa  or  Maine?  If  they  are  really  honest  in  their  cry 
for  home-rule  in  New  York,  why  do  they  oppose  the  Hepburn-Dolliver  bill,  which  will 
give  home-rule  to  every  State  in  the  Union  on  the  liquor  question  ? 

The  general  interest  being  manifested  in  this  measure  by  its  friends  and  foes  can 
be  seen  by  the  many  news  items  being  sent  out  over  the  country  from  Washington 
concerning  it.      Here  is  a  sample  of  such  news  items: 

"  More  brewers,  agents  of  distillers,  and  wholesalers  of  wines  and  liquors  are  arriv- 
ing in  Washington  to  urge  the  defeat  of  the  Hepburn  bill,  which  aims  to  give  States 
with  local  option  and  prohibition  laws  complete  jurisdiction  over  wines  and  liquors 
shipped  from  other  States,  regardless  of  whether  they  are  shipped  in  original  packages 
or  in  bulk.  The  brewers  and  liquor  men  are  thoroughly  alarmed.  They  are  ascer- 
taining from  Senators  that  the  temperance  societies  of  the  country  are  flooding  them 
with  letters,  telegrams,  and  petitions  which  urge  the  immediate  passage  of  the  bill." 

SOLICITING    SALES     FROM     HOUSE    TO    HOUSE. 

Sometimes  the  arrangement  between  the  wholesaler  and  the  express  agent  is  made 
by  mail.  Another  method  employed  for  violating  the  law  is  this :  A  wholesale  liquor 
dealer  in  one  State  will  ship  to  one  of  his  agents  in  some  prohibition  territory  in  an- 
other State  a  large  number  of  original  packages  of  liquor — beer,  wine,  and  whiskey — 
and  send  a  different  bill  of  lading  for  each  to  his  agent,  who  will  canvass  the  town, 
explain  the  superior  quality  of  the  different  kinds  of  liquor  consigned  to  him,  and 
sell  the  bills  of  lading  to  whoever  desires  the  whiskey,  saying  that  he  does  not  dare  to 
take  this  liquor  from  the  freight  office  and  deliver  it  to  them  lest  he  be  arrested  for 
selling  liquor,  but  that  they  can  take  the  bill  of  lading  and  get  the  package  which 
the  bill  of  lading  calls  for,  and  no  officer  would  seize  the  liquor  when  in  their  pos- 
session, knowing  that  they  wanted  it  for  their  own  use.  By  this  method  business  is 
drummed  up  and  people  are  encouraged  to  buy  who  would  not  otherwise  have  gone 
to  the  trouble  to  order  liquor,  and  the  will  of  the  majority  of  the  people  is  broken  down. 

166 


Rl  •..:•.  I      \  r    WASHINGT<  IN,    i 

Probablv  the  this  kind  which  I  have  found  anywhere  in  my  tra 

'.'.'     bington,  Pa.,     a  no-license  town  of  about  25,000  population — where  one  of 
the  local  express  companies  has  quantities  of  liquor  all  the  time  in  its  office. 

There  were  boxes  of  liquor  piled  1  than  a  man's  head,  and  thei  1  all 

around  the  office  with  hundreds  of  bottles,  or  "  original  packages,"  waiting  for  the 
consignee  to  get  dry,  or  for  the  pocket  peddler  to  call  for  it.  The  express  company 
had  a  team  to  deliver  other  goods,  but  there  did  not  seem  to  be  any  effort  being  made 
to  find  the  owners  or  consignees  of  the  great  quantity  of  liquor  on  hand  and  del 
the  same.  It  seemed  to  be  a  mutual  understanding  with  the  express  agent — the  town 
rumseller — and  his  patrons  that  the  liquor  was  not  to  be  delivered,  but  "  to  be  called 
for  "  as  needed.  One  of  the  most  prominent  and  wealthy  men  of  that  city  compla 
bitterly  01'  the  scandalous  work  of  that  express  agent,  and  asked  if  something  could 
not  be  done  to  stop  it.  I  went  into  that  express  office  two  or  three  times  and  exam- 
ined conditions,  and  boldly  charged  the  express  agent  with  violating  the  law,  but  he 
insisted  that  he  was  living  within  the  limits  of  the  law.  But  if  Congress  will  pass  this 
Hepburn- Dolliver  bill,  and  Pennsylvania  will  back  it  up  with  some  good  State  law 
like  the  West  Virginia  anti  C.  O.  D.  law,  that  express  agent,  and  otheis  like  him  in 
no-license  towns  in  that  State,  will  have  to  go  out  of  the  rum  business,  or  go  to  jail. 

ORIGINAL    PACKAGE    NUISANCE    IN    MAINE. 

When  on  a  lecture  tour  "  way  down  East,"  in  the  State  of  Maine,  last  fall,  I  saw 
there  the  great  need  for  the  passage  of  this  bill.  As  I  have  said,  the  present  interstate 
liquor  law  protects  liquor  "  in  transit,'1  or  until  it  is  delivered  to  the  consignee.  When 
at  Portland,  Me.,  they  told  me  of  the  difficulties  met  with  by  the  late  Sheriff  Samuel 
F.  Pearson  in  his  noble  and  heroic  efforts  to  enforce  the  prohibitory  law  in  Portland 
and  Cumberland  County.      I  was  told  that  sometimes  who!  mor  dealers  in  Bos- 

ton and  other  places  outside  of  the  State  of  Maine  would  ship  a  large  quantity  of 
liquor  in  the  original  packages  to  some  illegal  liquor  dealer  in  Portland.     The  express 
company  would  load  up  a  wagon  full  of  this  liquor  and  start  out  to  deliver  it  t 
consignee,  and  two  of  Sheriff  Pearson's  deputies  would  follow  the  express  team,  deter- 
mined to  seize  the  liquor  the  moment  it  was  delivered  to  the  the  illegal  rumseller. 

But  as  soon  as  the  express  company's  driver  saw  that  he  was  being  foil 
two  deputies,   he   would  whip  up  his  horse  and  rush  down  one  street,  up  ano' 
across  another,  and  through  an  alley,  etc..  trying  to  get  away  from  the  deputies.      It 
he  succeeded,  he  delivered   his  liquor  to  the  low  dive  keeper.     But  sometimes, 
being  followed  by  the  deputies  for  several  hours  and  found  no  opportunity  to  sec 
deliver  his  goods,  the  driver  would  take  his  load  of  liquor  back  to  the  express  office 
and  unload  it,  and  wait  until  2  o'clock  in  the  morning,  or  some  other  unseemly  hour, 
when,  under  cover  of  darkness,  he  woul  ip  his  liquor  again  and  quietly 

away  and    '  it  to  the  consignee,  the  proprietor  of  the  "  low  the  "8] 

easy,"  the  "  blind  tiger,"  or  whatever  ot  .all  the  illegal  rum  shop. 


ECONOMIC  ASPECTS  OF   THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM 
Lodge  Amen d  ppropriation   Hill. 

M 

The  Commissio-     t 

ults 
ther  :    pro 

r  the  regu!  nations  ma  artmenl 


A    STUDY    IN    LOCAL    PROHIBITION. 

From  Rev.  O.  R.  Miller's  Speech,  Hearing  on   Hepburn  Bill,  Judiciary  Committee, 

March  1-4,  1904. 

Results  of  License  and  No-License  in  Two  New  York  Villages. 

Delhi,  N.  Y.  January  7,  1899. — I  have  been  spending  the  day  in  this  village,  which 
is  one  of  the  most  interesting  and  beautiful  in  the  State,  and  have  been  studying  a  con- 
trast that  is  presented  between  this  and  the  neighboring  village,  Walton,  something  less 
than  20  miles  down  the  Delaware.  Some  twenty-five  or  thirty  years  ago  the  village  of 
Walton  adopted  no-license,  which  policy  has  been  generally  followed  by  the  village  and 
the  township  ever  since,  the  law  being  better  enforced  year  by  year,  and  expecially  well 
during  the  last  ten  years.  Shortly  after  the  adoption  of  no-license  in  Walton,  Delhi,  in 
1874,  adopted  no-license,  but  after  a  year  or  two  abandoned  the  policy,  and  has  nearly 
always  voted  license  since.  At  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  no-license  by  Walton  it  was 
confidently  predicted  that  it  would  prove  the  ruin  of  the  village,  and  many  business 
men  of  Delhi  supported  license  on  the  ground  that  the  business  interests  of  the  village 
demanded  it. 

In  Walton  there  have  been  one  or  two  short  periods  of  license,  and  in  Delhi  similar 
periods  of  no-license,  while  at  times  at  Walton  the  enforcement  of  the  law  has  been 
slack;  but  the  two  villages  and  the  townships  stand  as  examples  of  the  comparative  re- 
sults of  the  two  policies  followed  for  a  considerable  term  of  years. 

Before  Riving  results  in  detail  I  ought  to  indicate  the  comparative  advantages  pos- 
sessed by  the  two  villages.  Walton,  situated  on  the  main  line  of  the  Ontario  and  Western 
Railroad,  has  better  railroad  facilities  than  Delhi,  which  is  situatad  on  a  branch  road; 
but  this  is  more  than  counterbalanced  by  the  fact  that  Delhi  is  the  base  of  supplies  and 
the  shipping  centre  of  five  or  six  surrounding  townships  that  constitute  one  of  the  rich- 
est dairy  regions  in  the  whole  country.  Delhi,  too,  has  had  the  advantage  of  being  the 
home  of  a  large  number  of  wealthy  and  influential  families,  is  the  county  seat,  and  con- 
sequently the  place  of  residence  of  well-paid  county  officials,  and  the  court  centre  to 
which  comes,  almost  monthly,  a  small  army  of  attorneys,  witnesses,  and  jurors,  all  of 
whom  pay  tribute  to  the  business  of  the  village.  Delhi  is  also  a  summer  resort  of  con- 
siderable popularity,  and  annually  receives  thousands  of  dollars  from  that  source. 

The  difference  in  the  type  of  population,  so  far  as  the  two  places  differ,  is  in  Delhi's 
favor,  her  inhabitants  being  very  largely  of  sturdy  Scotch  descent.  The  two  villages 
have  been  rivals,  and,  as  far  as  I  can  discover,  Walton's  one  real  advantage  has  been 
freedom  from  the  legalized  liquor  traffic.  The  outcome  of  their  rivalry  is  as  follows: 

POPULATION'. 

Delhi:  (License)      In  1870,  1223;  in  1S80,  1384;  in  1890,  1564;   in  1S97,  1932. 
Walton:  (No  License)      In   1970,  866;  in  1880,  1389;  in  1890,  2290;  in  1S97,  30S4. 
In  27  years,  gain  in  population  of  license  village,  57.9  per  cent. ;    gain  in  no-license 
village,  256.1  percent. 

Outside  the  villages,  the  population  of  this  whole  section  of  the  State  is  decreasing; 
but  in  the  20  years  from  the  census  of  1870  to  that  of  iS 90  the  rural  population  of 
Walton  township  (not  the  village),  which  was  under  no-license  during  nearly  the  whole 
period,  decreased  only  4.5  per  cent,  while  in  Delhi  township,  under  license  nearly  aJ 
the  time,  the  decrease  was  20.  7  per  cent. 

BUSINESS     PROSPERITY. 

Twenty  years  ago  Walton  was  noted  for  its  lack  of  business  enterprise,  and  a  good 
deal  of  the  business  that  is  usually  considered  local  "went  out  of  town,"  while  Delln'  was 
the  centre  of  a  large  trade.  To-day  according  to  the  reports  of  the  commercial  agencies, 

168 


Delhi  has  business  capital  invested  to  the  amount  of  about  S300,  000,  while  Wall 
investments  in  home  business  amount  to  about  S500,  000. 

ng  to  a  statement  which  I  have   upon  authority  of  a  Delhi  business  m 
and  which  I  have  verified  as  far  as  it  is  possibe  to  do  so  in  the  absence  of  systematic  • 

the  business  failures  of  Delhi  have,  during  a  little  over  twenty  years  past,  amoun  •  - 
ed  to  $1,000,000  of  unpaid  liabilities,  or  more  than  three  times  the  present  invested 
capital.  In  Walton  1  was  unable  to  learn  of  a  singie  failure  of  any  importance  for  ten 
years  past,  while  I  am  assured,  by  those  who  have  h  ad  the  bestof  opportunity  to  know, 
that  the  total  of  unpaid  liabilities  of  the  failures  in  Walton  for  twenty  years  back 
not  exceed  $100,000.  Ten  years  ago  Delhi  still  held  its  position  as  the  money  c?ntre 
of  the  countv.  and  all  large  transactions  were  adjusted  there.  To-day  it  is  conceded  to 
rank  below  not  only  Walton,  but  two  or  three  other  villages  of  the  county  It  is  a 
worthy  of  mention  that  of  the  eight  incjrporated  banks  here  in  Delaware  County,  six 
are  situated  in  no  license  towns. 

BUSINESS    AND    MORALS. 

"Even  though  there  have  been  years,"  said  a  Walton  business  man  to  me  yester- 
day, "when  the  law  has  been  very  poorly  enforced  in  Walton  and  a  good  deal  of  liquor 
has  been  sold,  one  benefit  of  no  license  has  always  existed— the  business  has  been  under 
the  ban.  and  both  selling  and  drinking  have  been  looked  down  upon.  As  a  result,  our 
young  men  have  grown  up  sober,  and  a  drinking  man  among  Walton's  business  men 
is  hard  to  find.  One  of  the  results  of  this  has  been  that  we  have  no  business  crashes  by 
gambling  houses,  and  another  is  that  there  has  been,  so  far  as  I  can  recall,  omy  one  de- 
falcation in  the  village  during  the  past  ten  years." 

The  testimony  regarding  Delhi  is  in  marked  contrast.   Xot  only  selling,  but  drink- 
ing, has  had  the  sanction  of  respectability  here.   A  representative  of  one  of  the  la- 
business  interests  in  the  United  States,  a  man  who  has  had  opportunity  to  know  Delhi 
I     '  1  financially  and  socially,  said  a  few  days  ago:   "Conditions  in  bu 
Delhi  are  almost  beyond  belief.   I  know  of  no  other  town  where  drinkir.  ambling 

are  so  common  among  business  men."    Another  life-long  resident  of  the  r 
me  sadly :   "  I  have  seen  more  than  a  score  of  young  men  in  business  in  this  villa- 
to  financial  and  moral  ruin  through  drink  and  its  attending  vices.    Many  of  them  have 
been  of  the  best  families  and  among  our  brightest  and  most  promisii 

Defalcations  have  been  numerous,  and  some  of  them  very  grave    Th<  ank 

in  the  village  is  to-day  in  a  receivers  hands,  and  the  leading  manufacturing  industi 

o  irregular  transactions  that  ' 
not  re  the  direct  result  of  drunkenne  g  on  the 

part  of  officers  of  the  bank  and  members  of  I  aufacturing  company. 

BMC     HEALTH. 

is  at  first  disinclined  to  believe  that  license  or  no  licen 
results  in  the  public  health  of  *  but  an  examination  «• 

in  the  offices  of  the  town  clerks  of  the  two  to  shows  that 

for  the  township  of  Walton  for  the  1    un- 

less than  the  probable  rural  death  rat. 

the  average  death  rate  for  the  township  of  Delhi  during  the  same  ten  years  I 
1 7  -  -  r>  per  thousand,  or  1.26  above. 

LIQUOR     K 

h  of  the  towns  had  a  bonded  debt,  a 
and  Oswego  Midland  Railroad,  some  twenty  igo     I  »•  Ihi 


or  about  Si  to  each  $4.50  of  taxable  property  in  the  town  at  the  time  the  debt  was  as- 
sumed. Walton's  debt  is  $138,000,  or  about  $1  to  every  $5.60  of  property  at  the  date 
of  assumption.  Keeping  this  in  mind,  the  following  fact  is  worthy  of  consideration. 
The  tax  rate  of  the  towrzhip  of  Delhi,  the  town  that  has  regularly  received  liquor-li- 
cense revenue,  has  for  the  past  ten  years  averaged  $20.10  per  thousand,  while  the 
avarage  rate  in  Walton,  where  there  has  been  no  license,  has  been  $15.19  per  thousand. 

INCREASE  OF  PROPERTY  VALUES. 

It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  the  assessed  valuation  of  the  town  of  Walton  has  in  the 
ten  years  past  risen  from  $846,911  to  $1,420,290,  an  increase  of  67.6  per  oent,  while 
Delhi 's  valuation  has  increased  only  from  $1,094,448  in  1899  to  $1,214,062  in  1898, 
or  9. 1  per  cent.  Delhi  has  built  only  one  business  building  of  any  importance  on  her 
main  business  street  in  ten  years.  Walton  has  erected  half  a  dozen  substantial  and 
valuable  brick  business  places  within  the  same  time.  Delhi  furnishes  for  the  school 
children  a  public  school  building  that  would  not  be  worth  $3,000.  Walton  has  for 
years  maintained  a  union  free  school,  for  which  it  has  built  and  furnished  within  the 
past  few  years  a  splendid  building  at  a  cost  of   nearly  $50,000. 

Walton,  during  the  past  twelve  years,  has  expended,  as  nearly  as  I  am  able  to  learn 
about  $45,000  in  building  churches.  Delhi  has  built  no  new  churches,  and  $10,000 
would  be  a  liberal  estimate  of  all  the  money  spent  in  church  repairs  during  that  period. 

DRUNKENNESS    AND    CRIME. 

It  ought  also  to  be  added  that  in  Walton  there  has  been  only  one  arrest  for  drunk- 
enness in  sixteen  months,  and  that  the  criminal  expenses  of  the  village  have  been  con- 
stantly reduced.  A  few  years  ago  justice  fees  in  criminal  cases  averaged  from  $450  to 
$500  per  year,  while  now  a  police  justice  attends  to  all  criminal  business  and  receives 
a  salary  of  $125  per  year  for  work  that  at  the  old  work  of  fees  would  not  amount  to 
$100.  In  Delhi  drunkenness  and  petty  crime  are  common,  and  criminal  expenses  show 
no  decrease.  It  may  not  be  true  that  all  of  Walton's  greater  prosperity  has  been  due 
to  no  license;  but  though  I  have  examined  conditions  here  with  the  utmost  care,  I  am 
unable  to  find  any  reason  why  Delhi  with  her  many  natural  advantages,  with  her 
naturally  progressive  and  industrious  citizens,  and  with  her  splendid  local  history, 
should  have  been  so  outstripped  by  her  rival,  save  that  she  has  paid  to  the  liquor  traf- 
fic a  constant  tribute  from  the  wealth  of  her  people  and  the  manhood  of  her  citizens. 


KKl'LY  TO  THE   PHYSIOLOGICAL  SUBCOMMITTEE  Ob  THE  COMMITTEE 

OF  FIFTY. 

Mary  II.  Hunt, World  and  National  Superintendenl  of  Deparl 

mperence  Instruction,  Woman's  Chri  remperance  Union. 

[Abridged  from  Sen   t<    D  tcument  No.  171.  58th  Cor  -''1  Session,  introduced  by 

Senator  J.  II.  Gallinger,  M.  D.] 

ted  and  approved  by  the  text-book  committee  of  the  advisory  board  of  the 
bureau  of  scientific  temperance  investigation  and  departmi  1  ientific  temperanca 

instruction  in  schools  and  colleges  of  the  world  and   National  W  's  Christine 

Temperance   Union:  T.   D.  Crothers,   M     D.,  Professor  of  d  ^  of  the  brain 

nervous  system,  New  York  School  of  Clinical  Medicine,  Hartford,  Conn.;  George  W. 
Web  ter,  M.  D.,Presiden1    Illinois  rd  of  health,  Chicago,  111.;  L.  I).  Mason, 

M.  D  .  Brooklyn,  X.  Y.;  John  Madden,  M.  D.,  Milwaukee,  Wis.;  (diaries  II.  Shepard, 
M.  D..  Brooklyn,  X.   Y.;  A.  H.  Plumb,  I).  D.,  Pastor  of  Walnut   Avenue  Congrega- 
tional Church,  Boston,  Mass.;  Daniel  Dorchester,  D.  D.,  ex-Superintendent  of  Indian 
schools,  West   Roxbury,  Mass.;  William  A.   Mowry,   Ph.   D.,  President  of  Marti 
Vineyard  Summer  Institute,  Hyde  Park,  Mass.;    Mrs.  Mary  II.  Hunt,  Boston,  Mass. 

In  1893  a  company  oi       ntl<  men  organized  under  the  name  of  "The  Committee 
the  Liquor  Problem,"  from  which  subcommitte<  chosen 

to  consider  different  phases  of  the  question.  In  June.  1903,  after  ten  years  of  inves- 
tigation, the  physiological  subcommittee  published  two  •  "The 
Physiological   Aspects  of  the   Liquor   Problem." 

The  first  sentence  on  page  xix  of  Volume  I  says  the  object  which  the  committee 
had  in  view  Wi 

••'I'..  ascertain  the  effects  of  the  oci  J  or  habitual  use  of  a  moderate  quantity 

of  wine,  beer,  or  spirits  upon  the  health  and  working  p  I  man." 

withstanding  this  avowed  purpose  to  investigate  the  physiological  efl 
of  moderate  drinking,  the  first  paper  in  the  report,  covering  a  third  of  the  first  volu 
is  devoted  to  a  ion  of  our  national  >1  study  <'i  plr 

and   hy  hieh   includes  the  nature  and  effects  of  alcoholic  drinks  and  other 

narcotics  upon  the  human  system;  a  study  which  is  now  mandatory  in  the  public 
schools  of  1  in  the  United  States  and  in  all  schools  undi  ral  COn1 

This  fir  by  Dr.  II.  P.  Bowditch  and  Prof.  C.  F.  Hodge. 

There  are  threi  d  points  at  which  the  subcommil 

system  of  scientifii    temperance  instruction  in  the  public 

r.      They  1  t  to   instruction   being  given   to  all   pupils  in   all   schools 

confined  to  the  older  pupils,  illy  those  in  the  high 

2.      They  objeel    to  it    as  "frankly  and 

criticism  tfc  Icohol  is  no;  a  foo 

The  report   of  the  ph\  al  sub  idently  ii.' 

for  the  overthri  hildren. 

SECRKI  R    <<iM'  ;;ss. 

The  report  by  Pi                Bowditch  and  II  with  tl            ture  of       r 

public  education   which  legally  1  this 

country  to  study  the  laws  of  health  inrfud 

effects  of  alcoholic  drinks  ai                                          This   report,   tl  with 

rests  that  touch  not  only  the  individual  the 

nation,  but  also  a  feature  of  1 

cause  that    has  hel]               make   .'  namely, 

171 


the  most  efficient  of  the  nations  in  commercial  enterprise,  owing  to  the  greater  so- 
briety of  the  men  and  women  engaged  in  her  industrial  pursuits.  An  English  paper, 
commenting  on  the  report  of  the  Mosely  industrial  commission  which  last  year  was 
sent  from  England  to  discover  the  secret  of  our  commercial  success,  says: 

' '  i .  No  evidence  is  presented  by  the  subcommittee  to  prove  that  alcohol  is  a 
food  in  the  sense  in  which  the  word  is  commonly  understood. 

2.  No  evidence  is  presented  by  the  subcommittee  that  alcohol  is  not  a  poison 
according  to  standard  definitions  of  the  word  poison. 

3.  No  evidence  is  presented  by  the  subcommittee  that  anyone  who  attempts 
the  beverage  use  of  alcoholic  drinks,  even  with  meals  after  the  day's  work  is  done, 
can  be  sure  that  he  will  not  fall  a  victim  to  the  alcoholic  appetite.  Hence  they  do 
not   prove  that  moderate  drinking  is  safe. 

4.  No  evidence  is  presented  by  the  subcommittee  that,  confining  the  study 
of  temperance  physiology  to  the  older  pupils,  especially  those  in  the  high  school, 
would  not  introduce  it  too  late,  after  cigarette  and  other  wrong  habits  may  have 
been  formed  or  after  an  overwhelming  majority  of  the  pupils  have  left  school. 

Therefore  the  physiological  subcommittee  have  not  proved  the  indorsed  physi- 
ologies inaccurate  on  the  above  points  or  that  confining  the  teaching  to  the  older 
pupils  would  be  either  wise  or  safe. 

The  Americans  have  realized  that  alcoholic  liquor  is  not  one  of  the  things  which 
tend  to  industrial  supremacy  and  national  progress.  *  *  *  There  is  no  disputing 
that  the  mass  of  the  evidence  given  by  the  Mosely  delegates  shows  that  the  use  of 
alcoholic  liquors  among  American  workmen  is  much  less  than  among  English  work- 
men." 

Mr.  Alford  Mosely,  the  originator  of  the  commission,  says  in  his  report: 

"My  personal  conclusion  is  that  the  true-born  American  is  a  better  educated, 
better  housed,  better  fed,  better  clothed,  and  a  more  energetic  man  than  his  British 
brother,  and  infinitely  more  sober.  As  a  natural  consequence  he  is  more  capable  of 
using  his  brains  as  well  as  his  hands." 

Another  Englishman,  Mr.  John  Newton,  in  a  later  edition  of  the  paper  quoted 
above,  says : 

"The  universal  testimony  of  those  who  know  both  countries  is  that  the  workman 
of  America  is  superior  to  the  workman  at  home  mainly  because  he  is  more  sober. 
*  *  *  He  neither  wasts  his  physical  nor  his  mental  resources  in  the  public  house 
to  anything  like  the  extent  our  workmen  at  home  do." 

Looking  for  the  cause  of  this  greater  sobriety,  the  same  writer  says: 

' :  In  the  United  States  scientific  temperance  teaching  is  universal  in  the  elementary 
schools.  They  early  recognized  that  the  '  star  of  hope.'  for  the  temperance  reform 
stands  over  the  schoolhouse." 

Many  other  instrumentalities  have  been  powerful  factors  in  the  efforts  which 
have  secured  the  conditions  our  neighbors  thus  comment  upon,  but  all  of  these  with- 
out scientific  temperance  instruction  in  the  public  schools  did  not  an  could  not  secured 
all  the  gain  we  now  rejoice  over. 

FAVORABLE      FOREIGN    TESTIMONY    DESPITE    MISREPRESENTATIONS. 

Notwithstanding  the  misrepresentations  contained  in  the  information  sent 
out  with  the  circulars  to  the  European  physiciaus,  almost  no  adverse  criticisms  were 
returned,  and  what  little  there  was  appeared  to  be  mainly  based  on  the  false  infor- 
mation sent  them.  Many,  on  the  other  hand,  most  emphatically  favored  such 
instruction  and  even  answered  very  completely  the  objections  raised  by  their  infor- 
mants. 

172 


Some  e  opinions  arc  cited  below: 

Pr  '..  of   Wurzburg,  wto1 

"To  jrour  second  question  1  have  to  answer  thai  nider  instruction  upon  the 

:  alcohol  very  advantageous.     I  believe  that  this  instruction  must  laj 

-  upon  the  undeniable  truth  that  alcohol  is  under  n<>  condition  and  in  unt 

acial  to  the  healthy  body.     Whether  alcohol  can  act  beneficially  under  morbid 
conditions  of  the  body  I  do  not  r  proved." 

Professor  Dogiel,  of  Kasan,   Ru  rid: 

"Ethyl  alcohol  can  be  regarded  neitheras  a  useful  stimulant  nor  as  a  food  material. 
*  *  *  The  effort  to  check  the  propen  if  alcohol,  to  ro  -ion 

•ink.  is  rn^st  assuredly  no  Utopian  project.  It  lies  within  the  limits  of  possibi 
The  inner  consciousness  provides  the  only  means  to  this  end — a  firm  will,  a  strong 
character — and  is  maintained  only  through  a  correctly  guided  education  from  earliest' 
childhood.  *  *  *  An  intelligent  teaching  of  the  injurious  effect  of  alcohol  introduced 
in  the  schools  would  be  very  desirable  and  extremely  advantageous;  indeed,  therein 
lies  the  only  way  by  which  the  development  of  the  inclination  for  the  use  of  alcohol 
can  be  combated." 

Doctor   Baer,  of   Berlin,   Germany,   wrote: 

"  I  can  not  regard  it  as  an  argument  against  this  sort  of  instruction  that  the  child, 
when  thus  taught  in  the  school,  may  come  into  conflict  with  the  lives  of  his    parents. 

rding  to  this  pedagogical  principle,  one  must  not  teach  in  the  schools  the  funda- 
mental doctrines  of  morality,  *  *  *  because  unfortunately  in  many  families  t' 
are  actually  and  openly  sinned  against.  Many  children  are  said,  as  you  allege,  to  be 
led  to  a  liking  for  alcoholic  drinks  through  this  instruction.  If  such  is  actually  the 
case,  it  is  caused,  in  my  opinion,  only  by  a  bad  sort  of  instruction  and  by  a  very  un- 
fortunate method  which  the  teacher  himself  chooses  to  employ." 

Professor  Schafer  wrote: 

"To  assume  the  possibility  ot"  such  instruction  increasing  their  [alcoholic  drinks] 
abu  -  to  indicate  a  very  definite  belief  in  the  asinine  qualities  of  human  nat- 

Professor  von   Bunge,   of   Basle,   sa 

"It  is  important  to  overcome  ding  prejudices  before  it  is  too  late — th: 

before  the  young  people  have  become  slaves  to  alcoh 

Professor  Bunge  also  made  a  y  to  the  objec  >o  much  ti- 

based  on  the  misrepresentation  <<i  250  hours  given  to  "alcohol  physiolo  He    aid: 

"With  regard  to  the  number  of  hours,  250  hotu  to  me  leal, 

certainly,  yet    I  do  not  presume  to  contradi  I  abstu*  We 

t  how  many  more  hours  the  contrary 

AMERICAN    TI  V. 

The   subcommittee   claim    that   of     the    American    phj  replied    all 

oppose  nt    ten.  'ig  in   the 

the   11    :  -ublished  shows  how  "eminently  fitted"  th. 

press  an  opinion.     Three  of  the  1  little  or  nothin 

OH   this  su1  fully  acquainted   with   tl 

on  the  ,  give  m 

with  the  indorsed  book 
school  literatui 

.  while  the 
unii  and  an 

especially  condemned   by  the  the 

very  points  for  which  he  criti 

■ 
tants,   cho  rt. 


PHYSIOLOGISTS    WHO    HOLD    THAT    ALCOHOL    IS     NOT   A     FOOD. 

The  first  group  of  physiologists  who  take  ground  more  or  less  strongly  against 
any  use  of  alcohol  as  food  or  with  food  they  designate  as  "a  small  group,"  and  the 
same  gentlemen  are  referred  to  as  "more  or  less  actively  interested  in  the  cause  of 
reform  in  the  use  of  alcohol,"  as  though  such  interest  minimized  the  value  of  their 
evidence. 

It  would  be  quite  as  reasonable  to  refer  to  an  eye  specialist  as  a  gentleman  "more 
or  less  actively  interested  in  the  treatment  of  eye  diseases,"  as  though  that  lowered 
the  value  of  his  opinion  in  his  special  subject. 

It  is  noticeable  that  any  authority,  no  matter  how  great  his  ability  or  acknowl- 
edged position,  who  is  a  defender  of  total  abstinence,  is  belittled  or  his  testimony 
discounted  by  Professors  Bowditch  and  Hodge,  representatives  of  the  committee 
that  announced  to  the  public  their  purpose  "to  collect  and  collate  impartially"  a^ 
facts  bearing  upon  the  problem  in  order  that  their  findings  might  receive  "a  measu 
of  confidence  not  accorded  to  partisan  statements." 

The  value  of  an  investigator's  testimony  depends  upon  his  skill  in  investigation, 
his  logical  faculty  in  seeing  the  relation  of  his  demonstrations  to  the  whole  subject, 
and  his  probity  in  reporting  his  findings.  The  value  of  his  opinion  is  not  to  be  dis- 
counted if  he  happens  to  be  endowed  with  a  heart  and  can  sympathize  with  humanity's 
sufferings,  and  can  see  the  application  of  his  findings  to  human  needs.  The  "small 
group"  of  physiologists  made  by  Professors  Bowditch  and  Hodge  to  appear  as  special 
pleaders  have  made  such  investigations  on  the  alcohol  question  as  entitle  them  to 
recognition  as  experts  in  that  subject.  They  have  formed  a  large,  growing,  and 
active  organization  in  Germany,  where  they  publish  a  monthly  magazine.  Among 
the  leaders  of  this  movement  are  Prof.  G.  von  Bunge,  professor  of  physiological 
chemistry  in  the  University  of  Basle;  the  late  Professors  Fick,  of  Wurzburg,  and 
Pettenkofer,  of  Munich;  Doctor  Forel,  for  many  years  professor  of  psychiatry  in 
the  University  of  Zurich;  Professor  Gaule,  of  Zurich;  Professor  Dogiel,  of  Kasan; 
Professor  Richet,   of  Paris;  Professors  Wlassak  and   Kassowitz,   of  Vienna. 

A  statement  that  aclohol  is  not  a  food,  but  a  poison,  has  been  signed  by  99  Ger- 
man physicians,  35  Swiss,  17  Austrian,  and  by  enough  English  and  American  to 
bring  the  total  number  of  signatures  (1903)  up  to  800. 

PHYSIOLOGISTS  WHO  HOLD  THAT  ALCOHOL  HAS  NOT  BEEN  PROVED  A  FOOD. 

The  second  group  of  physiologists  described  in  this  report  as  those  who  do  not 
consider  it  proved  that  alcohol  is  a  food,  includes  Professor  Schafer,  who  says: 

It  can  not  be  doubted  that  any  small  production  of  energy  [by  alcohol]  is  more 
than  counterbalanced  by  its  deleterious  influence  as  a  drug  upon  the  tissue  elements, 
and  especially  upon  those  of  the  nervous  system. 

PHYSIOLOGISTS    WHO    HOLD    ALCOHOL    TO  BE  FOOD  BECAUSE  IT  IS  OXIDIZED  IN  THE  BODY. 

The  ideas  of  the  third  group,  those  who  think  that  the  discussion  of  alcohol  as 
a  food  is  "useless  quibbling,"  are  represented  first  by  a  quotation  from  a  text-book 
issued  sixteen  years  ago  (18S7),  the  author  of  which,  Dr.  Lauder-Brunton,  now 
refuses  to  subscribe  to  the  statement  that  alcohol  "supplies  energy  like  common 
articles  of  food." 

Two  other  quotations  from  men  in  this  group  are  dated  1889,  fourteen  years  ago, 
and  all  base  their  conclusions  as  to  the  food  value  of  alcohol  simply  upon  the  fact 
that  it  is  oxidized  in  the  body  and  liberates  energy.  They  do  not  take  into  consider- 
ation, as  Professor  Schafer  does,  the  counterbalancing  amount  of  harm  the  alcohol  may 
be  doing  at  the  same  time. 

174 


Wood's  Thera]  i  quoted  by  the  commil 

that  4  ounces  of  si       g  spirit  will  suffice  to  maintain  the  circulation  and  respiral 
for  one  day,  because  2  ounces  of  alcohol  furnish  as  much  heat  as  9.5  ■ 
which  is  sufficient   for  the  above  bodily  needs. 

But  9.5  ounces  of  meat   can  supply  nourishment    to    the  body  without  injui 
it,  while  2  ounces  of  alcohol  can  be  shown  to  have  injurious  effects, 
points  out  that  0.9  ounces  of  alcohol  "suffices,  when  taken  by  an  individual 

ght,  to  induce  cerebral  changes  that  can  be  made  the  object  of  study."     Tht 
there  is  a   marked   differei  1   the  effect  of  meat   and  alcohol,   a  difference 

which  the  quotation  from  Wood's  Therapeutics  fails  to  state. 

The  next  quotation  representing  this  third  group  of  physiol<  from  Pro- 

fessor Lusk  and  deals  only  with  gastric  digestion,  which  he  thinks  >1  promotes; 

but  this  opinion  does  not  harmonize  with  the  •  ents  of  Professor  Chittei 

or  those  of  other  experimenters  whose  work  the  latter  rev-  On  this  point  Dr. 

P.  A.  Levene,  of  New  York,  say 

X     experiments  on  alcohol  and  its  influence  on  digestion  (Chittenden  and  V 
del,  for  instance)  have  ever  disclosed  any  beneficial  effect  of  it  [alcohol]. 

tainly  the  subcommittee  should  not  condemn  the  school  text-books  for  teach- 
ings  which   their   own   experimental   findings   confirm. 

The  last  "standard  medical  text-book"  quoted  in  support  of  calling  alcoh 
food,  in  contrast  with  the  opposite  teaching  in  the  public  schools,  was  published 
fourteen  years  ago,  1889.  It  was  written  by  Professor  Konig.  This  German  author 
sees  in  "the  strong  craving  for  brandy  on  the  part  of  the  laboring  class  whose  food 
consists  of  difficulty  digested  materials  (potatoes,  bread,  etc.)"  an  evidence  that 
alcohol  in  the  form  of  brandy  is  an  aid  to  digestion.  "A  strong  craving  for  bra- 
is  a  pretty  sure  symptom  of  the  abnormal  craving  popularly  I  koholic 

appetite,"  which  is  one  evidence  of  alcohol  poisoning.     Apology  for  the  school  t< 
books  because  they  do  not  harmonize  with  Professor  Konig's  illogical  and  undemon- 
st  rated  opinion  on  this  point  is  needless. 

THE    PARALLEL   COLUMN    COMPARISON. 

Doctors  Bowditch  and  Hodge  next  proceed  to  comp 
columns,  statements  from  the  indorsed  school  physiologies  to  the  effect  that  alcohol 
and  not  a  food,  with  statements  from  tl  "  which 

set   forth   opinions   supposed   to   contradict    the   public-school   b- 
these  three  quotations  agrees  with  the  indorsed 

of  acquiring  the  alcoholic  habit.      The  second  is  old  and  untenable.      Thj  thir 
contra  later    ii  itions. 

The  first  of  these  quotations  is  from  ! 
and  is  the  rather  equivoc.  tion  that  "it  n  id  with 

mall  quantities  it  [alcohol]  is  ben< 

firing  an  alcohol  h  il        while  in  it  is  directly  injui 

to  the  various  tissues." 

"The  danger  of  acquiring  the  alcot 
the  use  of  "small  quantities"  which  the 

tex-  in  mentioning  this  dai  r  in  harmony  with  them.      I 

Howell  twice  emphasizes  this  point  in  1 

A' >out  the  fact  that  those  v.  danger 

of  becoming  victims  t.  vise  there  can  "  iffereno  *  *  * 

Most  men  will  admit  that  *  *  *  he  wh 

IT.; 


The  admission  of  this  danger  is  an  admission  that  even  in  small  quantities  alcoholic 
liquors  are  capable  of  poisoning,  for  the  alcoholic  craving  is  evidence  of  an  inherent 
power  to  harm,  which  is  the  distinctive  characteristic  of  a  poison. 

The  second  quotation  cited  against  the  school  text-books  in  these  parallel  columns 
is  from  Fothergill's  Practitioner's  Handbook  of  Treatment,  the  author  of  which 
has  been  dead  fifteen  years.  The  passage  quoted  was  written  twenty-three  years 
ago  and  stands  now  just  as  the  author  left  it,  although  the  book  bears  on  its  title 
page  the  date  of  1897.     It  says: 

'If  alcohol  is  oxidized  in  the  body  it  is  therefore  a  food." 

Many  modern  physiologists,  some  of  whom  are  quoted  by  the  subcommittee, 
hold  that  oxidation  does  not  prove  a  substance  a  food,  because  many  known  poisons 
may  be  oxidized  in  the  system  and  injure  at  the  same  time. 

Professor  Abel,  one  of  the  committee's  own  investigators,  says: 

"Oxidizability  can  not  be  made  the  measure  of  usefulness  in  regard  to  this  sub- 
stance." 

Prof.    C.    von   Voit    says: 

"A  substance  may  be  consumed  bythe  body  and  liberate  energy  and  yet  be  harm- 
ful." 

Prof.    W.    Kuhne,   Heidelberg,   says: 

"To  my  view  the  oxidation  of  a  substance  in  the  animal  body  does  not  determine 
its   injurious   or  its   useful  effects." 

Professor  Gruber,  president  of  the  Royal  Institute  of  Hygiene,  Munich,  says 
in    a    recent    article : 

"Does  alcohol  truly  deserve  to  be  called  a  food  substance?  Obviously,  only  such 
substances  can  be  called  food  material,  or  be  employed  for  food,  as,  like  albumen, 
fat,  and  sugar,  exert  nonpoisonous  influence  in  the  amounts  in  which  they  reach  the 
blood  and  must  circulate  in  it  in  order  to  nourish.  *  *  *  Although  alcohol  con- 
tributes energy  it  diminishes  working  ability.  We  are  not  able  to  find  that  its  energy 
is  turned  to  account  for  nerve  and  muscle  work.  Very  small  amounts,  whose  food 
value  is  insignificant,  show  an  injurious  effect  upon  the  nervous  system." 

A  passage  from  Wood's  Therapeutics  is  the  third  one  quoted  by  Professors  Bow- 
ditch  and  Hodge  to  show  lack  of  agreement  between  the  medical  and  public  school 
physiologies.  The  latter  teach  that  alcohol  is  a  poison.  As  opposed  to  that,  the 
following  statement  from  Wood  is   cited : 

"The  habitual  use  of  moderate  amounts  of  alcohol  does  not  directly  and  of  neces- 
sity do  harm;  to  a  certain  extent  it  is  capable  of  replacing  ordinary  food." 

But  Professor  Wood  can  not  prove  that  the  habitual  use  of  "moderate  amounts" 
will  not  lead  to  a  craving  for  immoderate  amounts  that  will  destroy  the  user.  The 
power  to  create  that  craving  is  evidence  of  the  poisonous  character  of  alcohol. 

THE     COMMITTEE'S    APPEAL    TO     PHYSIOLOGISTS. 

The  physiological  subcommittee,  in  this  effort  to  contradict  the  statement  of 
the  public  school  physiologies  that  alcohol  is  not  a  food  but  a  poison,  included  also 
in  their  letters  addressed  to  physiologists  in  this  country  and  Europe  questions 
as  to  their  opinions  on  the  food  value  of  alcohol  and  its  classification  as  a  poison. 

Forty-five  of  the  117  letters  sent  out  were  addressed  to  European  physiologists, 
only  13  of  whom  replied.  Of  these  13,  7  objected  to  calling  alcohol  a  food  and  2  do 
not   appear  to  have  expressed   an  opinion. 

This  must  have  been  discouraging  to  the  subcommittee,  but  they  tried  again. 

The  next  year,  September,  1898,  Doctor  Bowditch  and  other  members  of  the 
physiological    subcommittee    attended   the    International    Physiological   Congress   in 

176 


Cambridge,  England.     There  .1  Btatemenl  concerning  alcohol  as  a  food  or  a  p< 

was   drawn    up   and    signatures   were   solicited. 

THK    CAMBRIDGE    STATEMENT. 

This  Btatemenl   was  as  follows: 

The  physiological  effects  of  alcohol,  taken  in  diluted  form,  in  small  (lost- 
indicated  by  the  popular  phrase  "moderate  use  of  alcohol,"  in  spite  of  the  continued 
study  of  past  years,  have  not  as  yet  been  clearly  and  completely  made  out.  \ 
much  remains  to  be  done,  but  thus  far  the  results  of  careful  experiments  show  that 
alcohol  so  taken  [a]  is  oxidized  within  the  body  and  so  supplies  energy  like  common 
articles  of  food,  and  [b]  that  it  is  physiologically  incorrect  1. 1  designate  it  as  a  poison — 
that  is,  a  substance  which  can  only  do  harm  and  never  good  to  the  body.  Briefly, 
[c]  none  of  the  exact  results  hitherto  gained  can  be  appealed  to  as  contradicting,  from  a 
purely  physiological  point  of  view,  the  conclusions  which  some  persons  have  drawn 
from  their  daily  common  experience,  that  alcohol,  so  used,  may  be  beneficial  to  their 
health. 

The  subcommittee  have  previously  charged  that   "much  of  the  methods  and 
substance  of  the   so-called   scientific   temperance   instruction   in   the   public   schools 
is  unscientific  and  undesirable,"  that  "it  is  not  in  accord  with  the  opinions  of  a  large 
majority  of  the  leading  physiologists  of  Europe  as  shown  by  the  statement  print* 
page   1 8,"   which  is  the   above   Cambridge  statement. 

Does  that  statement  prove  the  teaching  of  the  indorsed  text-books  to  be  in- 
accurate is  thus  the  pivotal  question,  for  their  attack  upon  the  text-books,  according 
to  their  own  words  just  quoted,  rests  on  the  difference  between  the  Cambridge  state- 
ment  and   the   teachings  of  the   indorsed   text-books. 

The  Cambridge  statement  consists  of  three  points  which  are  to  be  compared 
with  the  teachings  of  the  indorsed  books.  These  points  are  designated  by  the  in- 
serted letters  a,  b,  and  c. 

The  Cambridge  statement  contains  a  definition  of  a  poison  which  is  both  un- 
justifiable and  absurd,  as  will  be  seen  from  the  following  parallel  columns.  This 
definition  is  apparently  used  to  represent  the  teaching  of  the  indorsed  text-books 
No  such  definition  of  a  poison  is  to  be  found  in  those  books.  Thus  the  teaching 
of  these  books  as  to  what  a  poison  is,  is  misrepresented,  and  then  the  verdict  "un- 
scientific" is  pronounced   upon   the  misrepresentation. 

In  some  cases  explanations  like  the  following  are  added: 

When  we  use  the  word  poison  we  are  likely  to  think  of  a  substance,  such  as 
strychnine  or  arsenic,  that  causes  or  may  cause  death  in  a  very  short  time.  But 
there  are  many  poisons  that  work  very  slowly,  sometimes  requiring  many  years  to 
cause  death  or  a  serious  disabling  of  the  system.  Painters  are  sometimes  aff< 
with  lead  poisoning,  due  to  small  quantities  <>f  lead  absorbed  day  by  day  for  >■ 
If  a  man  were  to  take  a  considerable  quantity  of  the  poison  at  once,  it  might  cause 
death  in  a  few  hours  or  days.  Arsenic  may  be  taken  in  very  small  doses  day  after 
day  for  many  years  without  causing  death,  but  it  is  no  less  a  poison  because  it  does 
its   damage   slowly. 

The  italicized  definition  of  a  poison  quoted  above  from  the  indoi  oka 

is  quite  in  harmony  with  the  standard  definitions  of  attth  Calling  alcohol  a 

poison  according  to  such  definition  is  very  different   from  what  theCambridj 
ment    says    "is    physiologically    incorrect 

Alcohol  and  many  other  poisons  are  prescribed  by  phys&i  ians  as  medicine*. 
Whether  in  such  instances  they  "do  harm"  or  "good"  is  for  medical  colleges,  not 
the   public   schools   to   decide. 

177 


When  two  things  are  to  be  compared,  all  the  facts  about  the  points  in  com- 
parison should  be  truthfully  stated.  To  imply  that  the  books  teach  what  they  do 
not  teach  and  then  to  condemn  them  on  that  false  representation  is  at  least  bad 
ethics. 

The  Cambridge  definition  seems  to  have  been  manufactured  for  the  occasion. 
According  to  that  definition  there  would  be  very  few  poisons.  For  instance,  arsenic 
is  often  given  as  a  medicine  with  results  that  are  claimed  to  be  good,  but  no  one  there- 
fore wants  it  taken  off  the  list  of  poisons. 

Professor  Pye-Smith,  London,  one  of  the  physicians  who  signed  this  statement, 
said: 

The  definition  of  a  poison  is  not  quite  satisfactory.  Arsenic  and  strychnine 
would  be  excluded,  for  they  sometimes  do  good. 

As  will  be  seen  from  the  above  quotations,  the  school  books  teach  that  alcohol 
may  be  oxidized  and  liberate  energy  and  injure  at  the  same  time,  hence  that  oxidation 
does  not  prove  a  substance  to  be  a  food. 

This  teaching  of  the  school  text-books,  as  we  have  seen,  is  the  teaching  of  Pro- 
fessor Abel,  of  Professor  von  Voit,  of  Professor  Kuhne,  in  the  committee's  report, 
and  of  Professors  Schafer  and  Gruber  and  many  others  in  current  medical  literature. 

Professor  von  Yoit,  who  was  appealed  to  by  the  subcommittee,  refused  to  sign 
the  Cambridge  statement,  but  wrote  concerning  the  last  sentence  [c]  that  he  would  not 
object   to   signing   it   if  it   said: 

Judging  from  a  purely  physiological  point  no  exact  result  can  be  mentioned 
which  would  oppose  the  views  which  many  persons  have  drawn  from  their  daily 
experience,  namely,  that  alcohol  consumed  in  the  aforesaid  manner  injures  their 
health.     (Italics  ours.) 

That  some  persons  have  concluded  from  their  own  experience  that  alcohol  is 
"beneficial"  is  not  sufficient  evidence  for  generalization.     The  individual's  personal 
judgment  concerning  the  effects  of  alcohol,  which  acts  as  a  depressant  upon  the 
brain,  is  untrustworthy. 

Professor  Gruber  and  others  have  shown  that  some  few  persons  are  comparatively 
unsusceptible  to  alcohol,  but  whether  or  not  one  is  susceptible  can  not  be  foretold. 
"He  finds  out  only  by  playing  a  game  of  chance  with  his  life,  which  is  a  dangerous- 
experiment." 

AUTHORITIES     WHO    DIFFER     FROM    THE     CAMBRIDGE    STATEMENT. 

Some  of  the  physiologists  who  attended  the  International  Congress  in  1898 
signed  the  Cambridge  statement  as  it  was  presented  to  them.  Others  either  refused 
to  sign  it  or  made  changes  in  it  before  doing  so. 

The  changes  made  by  some  of  the  latter  before  signing  are  interesting  as  show- 
ing that  those  physiologists  saw  the  weak  places  in  it. 

Prof.  Hans  Meyer,  of  Marburg,  struck  out  the  words  "like  common  articles 
of  food;"  also  the  word  "poison"  and  the  three  words  following  it. 

Thus  this  gentleman  refuses  to  call  alcohol  a  food  and  refuses  to  deny  that  it 
is  a  poison.     His  changes  made  that  part  of  the  statement  as  signed  by  him  read: 

Very  much  remains  to  be  done,  but  thus  far  the  results  of  careful  experiments 
show  that  alcohol,  so  taken,  is  oxidized  within  the  body  and  so  can  supply  energy, 
and  that  it  is  physiologically  incorrect  to  designate  it  as  a  substance  that  can  only 
do  harm  and  never  good  to  the  body. 

178 


Remembering  thai  the  above  is  the  vie*  of  a  physician,  who  naturally  thinks 
of  the  possibility  of  using  alcohol  as  :i  medicine,  and  remembering  thai   I  hool 

text-books  treat  only  the  berverage  us.-  of  alcohol,  it  will  be  seen  thai    Profi 
Meyer's  .'pinion  offers  nothing  with  which   to  contradict   the  school   physiolog 

A-  the  Antialcohol  Congress  held  in  Vienna,  njor,  Professor  Meyer  said:  "On 
account  of  its  injurious  action  it  [alcohol]  can  not  suitably  tx  <>d." 

Professor  von  Voit,  of  Munich,  who  was  among  the  European  physiologists 
appealed  to  in  1S97,  but  who  did  not  reply  and  did  not  sign  the  Cambridge  state- 
ment, was,  it  appears,  appealed  t  a  about  it.  for  in  December,  1898,  he  wrote 
the  letter  the  first  sentence  of  which  we  have  already  quoted. 

Prof.  W.  Kuhne,  of  Heidelberg,  who  did  not  sign  the  Cambridge  statement,  said: 

Indeed  I  consider  the  second  paragraph  [sentence]  dangerous,  as  you  will  be 
understood  to  consider  alcohol  as  a  food  and  to  recommend  it  as  such. 

Prof.  J.  Rich  Ewald,  of  Strassburg,  who  also  did  not  sign,  sai 
I  would  gladly  have  pleased  you  by  signing  it  if  I  were  not  on  principle  in  favor 
of  the  most  stringent  restrictions  upon  alcohol  drinking. 

To  summarize  briefly,  therefore,  the  report  of  Professors  Bowditch  and  Hodge 
claims  that  the  scientific  temperance  instructions  in  the  public  schools  "is  not  in 
accord  with  the  opinions  of  a  large  majority  of  the  leading  physiologists  of  Europe 
as  shown  by  the  statement  printed  on  page  18  [the  Cambridge  statement]." 

Examination   of   this   statement   has   shown    that — 

1.  The  Cambridge  declaration  that  alcohol  is  oxidized  in  the  body  and  so 
supplies  energy  does  not  prove  the  school  text-books  inaccurate.  As  has  been  shown, 
some  of  the  subcommittee's  own  experimenters  and  some  of  the  physiologists  quoted 
by  them  testify  that  the  mere  fact  of  oxidation  does  not  prove  a  substance  a  food. 
This   is   exactly    what   the   indorsed   books   teach. 

2.  The  declaration  of  the  Cambridge  statement  as  to  alcohol  a  poison  is  based 
on   an   unreasonable  and   absurd  definition  of  a  poison   which   floes  not   accura 
represent  the  definition  of  a  poison  given  in  the  indorsed  physiologies,  and  therefore 
constitutes  no  proof  that  these  books  are  unscientific  in  teaching  that  alcohol  is  a 
poison   according  to  standard  definitions  of  a  poison. 

3.  An    individual's    personal    judgment    concerning    the    effects    upon    hi- 

of  alcohol,   which  acts  as  a  depressant   upon  the  brain,  is  untrustworthy,  and   the 

personal  experience  of  a  few  people  concerning  tl 

can  not  be  made  a  guide  for  the  many,  because,  as  I  .ruber  says,  wi 

people  may  seem  comparatively  un  tible,  no  one  can  tell  whether  or 

belongs  to  that  class  without  incurring  the  risk  of  forming  the  alcohol  habit       The 

Cambridge  statement  brings  forward  no  proof  that  such  1 

to  the  alcohol  habit,  and  tl  not  prove  the  indorsed  text-books  ina.  curate 

in  teaching  that  there  is  no  danger  in  even  the  mo 

One  of  the  earliest  changes  against  thi  that   the 

were  written   by  mere  collaborators,  not  by   persons   having  suil 
scholarship.      Are  Professors  Bowditch  ai    I  H  silent  about   I 

Century  and  other  lately  indorsed  books  be  unit  th< 

books  they  must  also  admit  that  the>    were  written 
Hewes,  M.   D.,  instructor  in   physiological   ch<  in    Harvard   Med 

Boston.  Mass.,  and  Winfield  S.  Hall.  M.  D  tern 

University    Medical    School,    Chicago,    111.? 


RECOMMENDATIONS     OF    THE    COMMITTEE. 

The  physiological  subcommittee  nowhere  show  their  imperfect  knowledge  of 
the  education  which  they  condemn  more  than  when  they  attempt  to  advise  as  to 
what  ought  to  be  done.  They  say,  in  their  conclusions,  as  though  it  were  an  entirely 
new  suggestion : 

This  teaching  [regarding  alcoholic  drinks  and  other  narcotics]  should  not  be 
made  a  special  isolated  matter,  but  should  be  a  part  of  some  elementary  instruction 
in    physiology   and   hygiene. 

Is  it  possible  that  after  ten  years  of  investigation  the  sub-committee  does  not 
know  that  this  special  instruction  is  and  always  has  been  a  part  of  physiology  and 
hygiene? 

The  final  recommendation  of  the  subcommittee  is  thus  stated: 

It  should  not  be  taught  that  the  drinking  of  one  or  two  glasses  of  beer  or  wine 
by  a  grown-up  person  is  very  dangerous,  for  it  is  not  true. 

Can  this  subcommittee  prove  that  it  is  not  true?  Can  they  pick  out  the  persons 
for  whom  it  will  not  be  "very  dangerous?"  Until  they  can  we  must  so  teach.  For 
every  one  in  that  mournful  precession  that  every  year  goes  down  to  a  drunkard's 
grave  there  was  a  time  when  "one  or  two  glasses  of  wine  or  beer  was  very  dangerous," 
but  he  did  not  know  it.  He  had  never  been  taught  it.  How  soon  anv  moderate 
drinker  may  come  to  that  hour  no  one  can  tell  until  it  is  too  late.  The  physicians 
on  the  committee  would  not  advise  withholding  from  the  people  the  knowledge 
that  typhoid  fever  germs  in  a  town's  water  supply  are  "very  dangerous."  But  the 
destruction  that  might  follow  an  outbreak  of  typhoid  fever  would  bear  no  comparison 
to  the  harvest  of  death  that  might  result  from  the  universal  teaching  that  the  drink- 
ing of  one  or  two  glasses  of  wine  is  not  "very  dangerous." 

Professors  Bowditch  and  Hodge  charge  that  this  requirement  of  the  people 
that  their  children  shall  have  this  instruction  "is  frankly  and  honestly  the  total 
abstinence  reform."  Is  this  the  reason  why  they  oppose  it?  They  have  produced 
no  evidence  which  disproves  the  fact  that  modern  science  supports  total  abstinence 
teaching. 

The  relation  of  moderate  drinking  to  the  alcohol  question  is  well  stated  by 
Doctor   Forel,    who   says: 

As  long  as  one  drinks  even  just  one  glass  a  month  one  feels  the  irresistible  need 
of  excusing  and  defending  that  glass,  and  unconsciously  one  becomes  an  advocate 
of  the  alcohol  habit. 

Professor  Bunge  says: 

It  is  a  fatal  mistake  to  suppose  that  slaves  to  alcohol  are  only  those  who  lie  in 
the  gutters.  There  are  numberless  men  who  always  drink  one  moderate  glass.  To 
this  moderate  glass,  however,  they  cling  quite  as  inveterately  as  the  morphinist 
to  his  syringe.  These  men  are,  and  remain,  the  unrelenting  enemies  of  the  abstinence 
movement. 


1 80 


SALE  OF  INTOXICATING  LIQUORS  IN  THE  DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA 

Hearing  before  House  Committee  on  Alcoholic  Liquor  Traffic,  Hon.  Elijah  A.   Morse, 
Chairman,  April  jo,  1896,  House  Report  1813.  54th  Congress,  1st  Session. 


A  largo  delegation  ol  persons  representing  the  Anti-Saloon  League  of  the  District  of 
Columbia  appeared  before  the  committee,   through   Mr.   James   L.   Ewin,   president 
said  league. 

STATEMENT  OF  MR.  JAMES  L.  EWIN. 

The  act  ol  Congress  approved  March  3.  1893,  is  the  foundation  of  our  present  liquor 
law.  A  great  many  of  us  think  that  the  law  has  not  suitable  penalties,  and  that  such 
penalties  might  well  be  substituted:  but  we  are  not  here  to  present  that  view  this  morn- 
ing. We  are  not  here  to  speak  in  favor  of  high  license  or  low  license,  but  to  discuss 
the  bill  before  you  which  consists  of  ten  amendments  to  the  present  liquor  law  of  the 
District,  and  which  are  in  the  nature  and  to  the  effect  of  making  the  law  more  clear  and 
more  easily  enforced,  and  of  freeing  it  from  what  seems  to  be  glaring  injustices.  The 
law.  as  passed  in  1893,  was  framed,  as  is  generally  understood,  by  the  representatives 
of  the  liquor  sellers,  and  introduced  in  their  interest,  in  order  to  secure  for  them  some 
advantages  which  the  previous  law  did  not  give  them. 

Mr.  Chairman.  Mr.  Crafts  is  with  us  this  morning  by  invitation  from  the  committee 
on  legislation. 

STATEMENT  OF  REV.  WILBUR  F.  CRAFTS. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  GENTLEMEN  of  the  COMMITTEE:  This  bill  is  simply  an  effort  to 
make  a  law  of  Congress  enforceable.  I  am  not  in  favor  of  low  license  or  high  license, 
but  of  low  prohibition  or  high  prohibition,  the  higher  the  better.  We  are  not  here  this 
morning,  however,  as  prohibitionists,  but  as  law-enforcers  to  ask  Congress  to  protect  it- 
self against  contempt  When  Congress  has  passed  a  law  requiring  anyone  to  do  certain 
thing  ight  to  perfect  the  phraseology  if  it  be  found  that  through  its  defects  those 

things  are  not  done.     We  arc  here  this  morning  to  ask  Congress  to  perfect   its  own 
law.  so  that  it  can  not  be  treated  with  contempt. 

As  has  been  stated,  the  law  to  which  this  bill  proposes  amendments  was  drawn  by 
the  attorney  of  the  liquor  dealers.  It  was  not  intended  to  be  effective.  But  Congress 
is  bound  to  make  it  mean  what  it  says.  This  is  an  exceedingly  mild  law  as  compared 
with  laws  recently  enacted  in  New  York.  Indiana,  and  Texas  in  the  matter  of  restrict- 
ing the  liquor  traffic,  which  the  most  conservative  men  everywhere  de-ire.  Most  States- 
men and  Christian  men.  even  those  who  do  r  r  prohibition,  desire  that  the  liquor 
traffic  shall  not  increase.  The  evil  is  great  enough  as  it  is.  and  all  interested  in  the 
general  welfare  agree  it  should  not  be  allowed  to  grow.  In  1887  we  consumed,  as  sta- 
tistics show  «  in  the  United  States,  and  this  was  a  large  increase 
over  the  years  just  previous,  when  it  was  2  gallons  and  a  fraction.  The  :  I  con- 
sumption went  up  steadily  until  1K93.  when  it  «  08;  and  the  chief  cause  of  the 
slight  decline  since  then  has  been,  not  law.  but  the  hard  times.  One  reason  why  the 
laws  have  not  prevented  even  the  increase  of  liq'  umption  and  its  dreadful  con- 
sequent-- imperfect  enforcement,  and  one  cause  of  that  imperfect  enforcement  is 
the  fact  that  the  laws  are  commonly  so  drawn  a-  to  be  difficult  of  enforcement,  through 
ambiguity  or  otherwise. 

181 


Let  me  call  your  attention  to  the  difference  between  this  law  and  the  Raines  law  in 
New  York,  and  the  laws  in  Indiana  and  Texas.  The  Raines  liquor  law,  passed  by  the 
New  York  legislature  at  its  last  session,  although  by  no  means  satisfactory  to  temper- 
ance men,  is  much  more  strict  than  this.  It  imposes  a  license  fee  upon  all  clubs,  and 
puts  them  under  the  same  restrictions  as  saloons.  This  provision  in  the  amended  bill 
before  you,  I  regret  to  say,  does  not  do  that  but  gives  clubs  extra  privileges.  At  balls 
in  New  York  State  liquors  can  not  be  sold  later  than  12  o'clock,  the  hour — all  too  late — 
for  saloon  closing;  but  here,  in  case  of  balls,  they  may  sell  later  than  12  o'clock  by 
special  permission  of  the  authorities.  The  Raines  law  provides  that  no  new  license 
shall  be  granted  to  any  saloon  within  200  feet  of  a  school  or  church,  nor  within  200  feet 
of  residences  without  the  written  consent  of  two-thirds  of  the  owners  thereof.  The 
amended  bill  before  us  does  not  go  that  far.  Its  protection  extends  to  400  feet,  but 
that  is  more  than  offset  by  the  requirement  that  there  shall  be  the  consent  of  only  a 
majority  of  the  owners  of  adjacent  residences.  The  Raines  law  provides  for  revoking 
license  on  application  to  the  court  with  proof  that  the  licensee  is  unfit  to  retain  such 
license.     There  is  a  similar  provision  in  this  law. 

The  Raines  law  provides  that  any  person  who  forfeits  his  license  or  violates  the 
excise  law  shall  not  have  another  license  within  five  years.  This  law  excludes  the 
violator  for  only  two  years,  so  that  the  New  York  law  is  two  and  a  half  times  as  strict 
in  that  respect  as  the  amended  bill  now  under  consideration. 

The  Raines  law  requires  that  saloon  blinds  shall  be  drawn  and  the  interior  clearly 
exposed  to  view  from  the  outside  during  closed  hours.  The  bill  before  you  does  the 
same,  as  do  many  recent  laws. 

The  Raines  law  forbids  free  lunches  in  licensed  saloons.  There  is  no  such  restric- 
tion in  the  bill  before  you,  which  should  be  amended  in  that  respect. 

The  Raines  law  forbids  restaurants  to  serve  drinks  with  meals  on  Sundays.  Even 
bona  fide  restaurants  are  not  allowed  to  sell  it,  because  of  the  danger  of  evasion.  In 
that  respect  also  the  Raines  law  is  stricter  than  the  bill  before  you. 

The  Raines  law  forbids  apartment  hotels  to  serve  drinks  to  guests  in  their  rooms 
week  days  or  Sundays.  This  law  permits  it  both  on  Sundays  and  week  days.  Here  a 
company  of  men  may  go  into  a  hotel  room  on  Sunday  and  may  have  a  great  carousal. 

The  Raines  law  imposes  six  months  to  one  year  imprisonment  and  a  fine  of  twice 
the  regular  license  fee  upon  anyone  found  guilty  of  selling  liquor  without  a  certificate. 
Here  it  is  fine  or  imprisonment.  The  New  York  law  is  much  more  strict  with  its  fine 
and  imprisonment. 

Under  the  provisions  of  the  Raines  law  there  is  no  distinction  between  the  sale  of 
distilled  and  of  fermented  liquors,  which  is  the  implication  of  the  bill  before  you  as 
well.  I  refer  to  that  to  show  the  present  trend  of  public  sentiment  that  all  intoxicating 
liquors  should  be  treated  alike. 

In  the  Nicholson  law  of  Indiana  the  first  section  provides  that  no  license  shall  be 
granted  to  any  other  than  a  male  person  over  21  years  of  age  and  of  good  moral  char- 
acter. A  woman  can  not  be  the  proprietor  of  a  saloon.  This  does  more  than  veto  the 
custom  of  having  barmaids ;  not  even  the  proprietor  can  be  a  woman.  This  provision 
was  made  because  much  corruption  has  grown  up  in  connection  with  barmaids,  and 
public  sentiment  is  against  that  foreign  innovation.  The  Indiana  law  also  provides 
that  saloons  shall  be  conducted  by  "persons  of  good  moral  character,"  a  provision 
which,  if  enforced,  would  result  in  prohibition. 

The  Chairman.  A  saloon  conducted  by  a  man  of  "good  moral  character"  would 
be  "holy  hell,  or  white  blackbird." 

182 


Mr.  Crafts.  Indeed  it  would.  Section  2  of  the  Indiana  law  provides  that  the 
business  shall  be  conducted  in  a  room  separate  from  any  other  business  and  that  no 
devices  for  amusement  or  music  of  any  kind  shall  be  allowed. 

Section  3  of  the  Indiana  law  provides  that  the  room  shall  be  so  arranged  as  to  be 
securely  closed  or  locked  and  all  persons  excluded  therefrom  upon  all  days  and  hours 
when  sale  is  prohibited  by  law.  It  is  made  unlawful  for  the  saloon  keeper  to  permit 
any  person  other  than  his  family  to  go  into  the  room  upon  days  and  hours  when  the 
sale  of  liquor  is  prohibited,  and  the  fact  of  any  such  person  being  permitted  to  enter 
the  room  at  such  times  shall  be  taken  as  prima  facie  evidence  of  a  violation  of  law. 

i  remember  that  in  the  House  recently  a  bill  in  reference  to  liquor  dealers  in  the 
District  of  Columbia  was  passed.  I  do  not  know  the  title  of  the  bill,  but  a  majority 
of  the  House  voted  that  liquor  and  billiards  shall  each  stand  upon  its  own  merits  or 
demerits,  the  theory  being  that  if  a  man  wants  to  drink  he  ought  to  go  to  a  drinking 
place  and  should  not  be  lured  there  by  amusements  in  the  same  room.  It  is  to  be 
hoped  the  Senate  will  not  ask  the  House  to  change  that  reasonable  provision.  The  re- 
quirement that  amusements  shall  be  separated  from  bars  is  the  tendency  of  all  modern 
restrictive  legislation. 

The  Indiana  law  forbids  minors  from  even  loitering  in  saloons,  which  this  milder 
bill  before  you  fails  to  do. 

The  difficulty  of  proving  violations  of  the  law  where  only  drinking  by  minors  is  for- 
bidden has  been  great,  and  the  presence  of  minors  in  saloons  ought  to  be  prima  facie 
evidence  of  violation  of  the  law.  I  wish  that  the  bill  before  you  might  be  amended  in 
that  respect.  But  my  main  purpose  in  speaking  of  other  laws  is  to  emphasize  the  fact 
that  this  bill  is  a  very  conservative  one,  and  should  rather  be  strengthened  than  weak- 
ened or  rejected. 

The  Indiana  law  provides  that  the  saloons  shall  be  situated  upon  the  ground  floor  or 
in  the  basement  of  the  building  and  shall  front  on  the  street,  and  shall  be  so  arranged 
with  glass  windows  or  glass  doors  that  the  whole  interior  of  the  saloon  shall  be  plainly 
seen  from  the  street,  and  no  blinds  or  screens  of  any  kind  shall  be  erected  or  placed  so 
as  to  prevent  a  full  view  of  the  interior  from  the  street  on  all  days  and  hours  when 
the  sale  of  liquor  is  forbidden  by  law. 

The  Texas  liquor  law  holds  that  the  payment  of  the  United  States  tax  by  a  seller 
of  intoxicating  liquors  shall  be  held  to  be  prima  facie  evidence  that  the  person  paying 
such  tax  is  engaged  in  selling  liquors,  and  that  fact  can  be  proven  by  going  to  the 
United  States  internal-revenue  office  and  ascertaining  the  fact,  without  the  expensive 
work  of  overhauling  speakeasies.  The  highest  courts  have  just  pronounced  this  pro- 
■n  of  the  law  valid,  and  every  liquor  law  should  now  embody  a  like  provision. 
The  other  point  which  I  was  going  to  make  I  will  simply  mention,  because  I  do  not 
think  it  necessary  nor  is  there  time  to  go  into  it.  Beer  and  wine  are  often  mentioned 
as  less  harmful  than  distilled  liquors,  and  there  arc  many  who  think  wine  and  beer 
drinking  should  be  treated  more  leniently  by  the  law  than  whisky  drinking.  But  in 
France,  which  is  the  great  wine-drinking  country,  the  Society  for  the  Advancement  of 
Science  has  become  alarmed  at  the  increase  of  intemperance  there  and  is  asking  for 
such  restrictions  as  those  contained  in  the  Raines  and  Nicholson  laws. 

A-  to  beer  drinking,  I  have  brought  with  me  a  chart  which  I  have  hung  up  on  the 
wall  which  shows  the  fallacies  of  the  bter  advocates.  Take  6  pounds  of  barley,  and 
after  it  has  been   subjected  to  pr  by  the  brewer,   it   leaves  only   10 

ounces  of  solid  matter,  which  has  not  been  worked  away  and  wasted  in  the  process  at 
a  time  when  thousands  can  not  get  enough  to  eat. 

183 


It  is  supposed  that  the  farmer  has  some  interest  in  the  continuance  of  brewing  as 
making  a  market  for  grain  ;  but  only  3  per  cent  of  the  grain  which  the  farmer  raises 
is  used  for  liquors,  less  than  would  be  needed  to  feed  the  hungry  if  the  money  that 
should  buy  them  bread  was  not  wasted  in  beer.  Even  if  beer  were  not  harmful  because 
of  its  alcohol,  it  would  be  because  its  use  inclines  to  an  excessive  watering  of  the 
human  system.  Therefore  the  use  of  beer  has  a  dropsical  tendency  and  also  promotes 
kidney  troubles. 

I  believe  in  water  cure.  Most  people  drink  too  little  water.  Thirteen  is  a  lucky 
number  if  it  apply  to  daily  glasses  of  pure  water  and  milk.  But  the  water  which  the 
brewers  use  is  often  impure.  I  am  told  that  one  famous  brewer  gets  water  from  a 
mud  puddle  where  dead  cats  are  thrown,  because  it  gives  more  "body"  to  the  beer. 
If  the  solid  matter  in  beer,  the  barley  sediment,  10  ounces  to  the  gallon,  were  not  indi- 
gestible and  worse  than  useless— if  it  were  the  best  flour,  getting  a  barrel  of  it  out  of 
313  gallons  would  mean,  at  5  cents  per  glass,  two  glasses  to  the  pint,  $250.40  per  barrel 
for  what  is  called  "the  poor  man's  bread."  Beer  is  really  the  most  dangerous  drink  of 
all.  In  one  of  the  inebriate  asylums,  the  Christian  Home  for  Intemperate  Men  in  New 
York  City,  80  per  cent  of  the  inmates  told  me,  in  writing,  that  they  began  with  beer 
the  course  which  ended  in  the  gutter.  The  two  bridges  that  lead  to  intemperance  are 
wine  and  beer,  the  first  the  bridge  of  the  rich,  the  other  of  the  poor,  traversed  by  80 
per  cent,  and  so  calling  for  chief  attention  from  those  who  seek  to  prevent  intemper- 
ance whether  by  law  or  persuasion.  If  we  can  but  close  the  beer  bridge  we  have  three- 
fourths  settled  the  darkest  problem  of  our  times. 

ON  SUBSTITUTING  HIGH  LICENSE  FOR  PROHIBITION  IN  ALASKA. 

Hearing  Before  Senate  Committee  on  Territories,  Jan.  25,  1899. 

Present,  Senators  Shoup  (chairman),  Carter,  Sewell,  Kyle,  Heitfeld,  and  Bate. 
Governor  Brady,  of  Alaska,  and  Hon.  Vespasian  Warner,  Representative  from  the 
State  of  Illinois  (chairman  of  the  Committee  on  the  Revision  of  the  Laws),  were  also 
present. 

REMARKS  OF  REV.  WILBUR  F.  CRAFTS,   Ph.  D. 

Congress  should  refuse  to  start  an  era  of  expansion  by  a  surrender  to  lawbreakers. 
I  speak  my  own  convictions,  but  not  in  my  own  behalf  alone.  The  Christians  of 
Alaska  have  sent  me  the  official  petition  of  the  Presbytery  asking  that  the  present 
liquor  law  be  continued  and  enforced.  I  voice  also  the  like  petition  of  the  National 
Christian  Citizenship  Convention,  recently  held  in  this  city,  which  was  composed  of  the 
officials  and  official  delegates  of  twenty-one  great  societies  that  fairly  represent  the  sen- 
timents of  the  25,000,000  of  church  members  in  this  country,  8.000,000  of  whom  are 
voters. 

This  Christian  vote,  larger  than  the  "liquor  vote"  or  the  "labor  vote,"  has  had  less 
consideration  than  even  the  letter-carriers'  vote,  partly  because  it  has  not  been  organ- 
ized, and  so  could  give  little  account  of  itself,  except  in  the  landslides.  But  this  Chris- 
tian vote  is  now  organizing  on  two  lines.  One  of  the  societies  represented  in  the  con- 
vention named,  the  National  Anti-Saloon  League,  has  forty  eloquent  lecturers  organ- 
izing voters  all  over  the  country  for  nonpartisan  anti-saloon  work  at  the  ballot  box. 
And  only  a  week  ago  a  "voters'  league,"  which  had  started  in  Rochester,  reached  New 
York  City  in  full  vigor,  and  a  body  of  representative  men  of  all  parties,  presided  over 
by  Gen.  O.  O.  Howard,  vowed  together  as  voters,  "In  the  name  of  Christ,  the  King, 
the  saloon  must  die." 

184 


I  we  raise  today  a  much  more  modest  issue.  If  you  should  maintain  the  present 
prohibitory  law  m  Alaska,  you  would  not  declare  any  opinion  a-  to  the  relative  merits 
of  high  license  and  prohibition  as  a  general  policy.  The  present  liquor  law  of  Alaska 
wa<  not  enacted  by  prohibitionists. 

The  reasons  that  led  Congress  to  pass  this  law  remain.  Congress  acted  on  the  prin- 
ciple that  led  all  civilized  nations  to  unite  in  excluding  liquors  from  the  Congo  Free 
State— the  same  reason  that  has  recently  led  Genera]  Kitchener  to  enact  prohibition  in 
the  Soudan.  Those  who  think  communities  of  white  men  may  be  trusted  with  drink 
are  agreed  it  should  be  kept  from  the  native  races  who  fall  before  it  like  gra-s  b<  I 
a  prairie  fire.  To  repeal  prohibition  in  Alaska  would  be  to  put  ourselves  out  of  civili- 
zation. 

But  the  advocates  of  repeal  urge  that  liquor  is  sold  now  as  freely  as  it  could  be  in 
any  case.  Nay  :  it  was  declared  in  the  House  hearing  by  Dr.  Sheldon  Jackson,  thirty 
years  a  missionary  in  Alaska,  that  in  the  Indian  country  the  law  is  fairly  well  enforced. 
The  advocates  of  repeal  admitted  in  House  debates  that  while  white  offenders  escaped 
the  law  because  of  public  sentiment,  the  Indians  usually  get  the  full  penalty. 

It  is  thoughtless  to  urge  that  Indians  always  have  a  drink  of  their  own  quite  as  bad 
as  the  white  man  brings.  Why.  then,  doe-  the  Indian  fail  to  show  the  awful  effects  in 
demoralization  and  death  before  the  whisky  of  civilization  arriv 

It  is  idle.  also,  to  urge  that  the  new  high-license  law  forbids  sales  to  native  races. 
Three  considerations  show  the  worthlessness  of  the  provision: 

i.  When  lawlessness  has  been  rewarded  with  licenses  there  is  small  reason  to  ex- 
pect strict  obedience. 

2  The  license  law.  as  passed  by  the  House,  would  allow  the  local  judge  to  grant  a 
license  for  a  saloon  in  the  very  midst  of  Indian-,  if  a  majority  of  the  three  or  four 
white  traders  in  a  2-mile  radius  so  petitioned. 

3.  The  courts  have  decided  that  there  are  no  "Indians."  in  the  legal  sense,  in 
Alaska,  since  the  native  races  came  to  us  from  Russia,  not  as  tribes,  but  as  individual 
citizens.  It  is  unlikely  the  courts  would  deny  to  civilized  natives,  members  of  the 
k  Church,  any  so-called  privilege  allowed  the  Episcopalian  rector  who  has  asked 
for  licensed  liquors.  For  the  sake  of  the  native  races  let  the  Senate  refuse  to  con- 
summate this  ••act.'"  which  would  prolong  our  "century  of  dishonor." 

In  the  coasts  of  the  white  settlements  there  is  much  smuggling.  But  it  is  not  true 
that  there  i-  no  legal  check  upon  it  in  the  way  of  law  enforcement.  I  myself  received 
an  Alaska  paper  a  few  days  ago  containing  more  than  a  column  of  seizures  recently 
made  by  Collector  Ivey.  I  was  not  surprised  to  see  shortly  after  that  he  was  arrested 
on  some  charge  of  dander,  and  that  this  bill  wa-  pushed  here  with  extraordinary  activ- 
ity.    In  my  opinion,  it   is  because  the   smugglers,  at   least,  find  the  law  is   not   a 

r"  that  this  high-license  law  is  here.  I  have  the  threefold  testimony  of  President 
Jordan,  Dr.  Sheldon  Jackson,  and  Governor  Brady  that  if  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury would  send  one  or  two  steam  launches,  often  asked  for  in  vain  by  Government 
officers  in  Alaska,  the  smuggling  would  be  largely  suppressed  It  1-  sophistry  to  talk 
of  the  many  miles  of  coast.  The  approaches  to  the  chief  potts,  Dr.  McClelland,  of 
Sitka,  reminds  us.  are  few,  and  the  smuggling  is  done  chiefly,  not  by  -mall  pirates,  but 
by  the  employe-  of  the  -teamship  companies.  Mr.  Tongue,  Of  I  hregon,  in  his  speech  in 
the  House  on  January  4.  toll-  how  it  is  done. 

But   surely  it   is  an  amazing  proposition  that   a   nation  that   has  'ink   the  whole 

Spanish  navy  should  haul  down  its  flag  to  the  smuggler-  of  Alaska.     We  urge  rather 
that  General  Wood,  disturbed  in  his  g*>d  work  at  Santiago,  where  he  has  suppressed 

185 


bullfights,  lotteries,  duels,  and  Sunday  saloons,  shall  be  made  governor  of  Alaska,  and 
supported,  in  lieu  of  launches,  by  Commander  Wainwright  and  his  swift-firing  yacht. 
Then  you  will  hear  no  more  about  inability  to  enforce  law. 

To  my  mind  the  issue  here  today  is  not  so  much  a  question  of  law  as  of  law  and 
order.  To  condone  the  anarchy  of  perjured  officers  and  reward  the  defiant  rebellion  of 
habitual  lawbreakers  in  Alaska  would  be  a  strange  prelude  to  our  projected  campaigns 
of  law  and  order  in  our  new  islands. 

The  lawlessness  cited  by  the  opponents  of  the  present  law  in  Alaska,  instead  of  being 
an  argument  for  repeal,  is  an  argument  for  a  Senatorial  investigation,  not  alone  of 
drunken,  perjured  officers  in  Alaska.  Here  are  some  of  the  undisputed  records  of  un- 
punished official  anarchy  in  Alaska  that  challenge  inquiry. 

Mr.  Tongue,  in  introducing  the  high-license  amendment  to  this  bill,  said  (Record,  p. 
442,  January  4)  : 

In  every  little  port  there  are  indications  of  the  smuggling  of  liquors.  It  is  the  prin- 
cipal business,  the  most  paying  business,  and  one  of  the  most  respectable  businesses  in 
the  estimation  of  the  Alaskans  themselves  that  is  being  conducted  in  Alaska.  If  the 
collector  of  revenue  or  his  deputies  should  attempt  to  enforce  this  law,  as  some  of  them 
are  attempting  to  enforce  it,  they  are  ostracised  from  society.  The  present  collector 
of  customs  has  been  bullied,  threatened,  attempted  to  be  beaten,  and  finally  injured,  be- 
cause he  says  there  is  corruption  in  Alaska,  with  reference  to  the  importation  and  sale 
of  liquor,  involving  the  officers.  The  deputy  collectors  who  do  not  attempt  to  enforce 
the  law  are  lionized,  have  passports  to  the  best  society,  and  are  treated  like  gentlemen. 
The  people  who  enforce  the  law  are  ostracised  and  driven  out,  if  possible.  In  the  ves- 
sel in  which  I  went  the  carpenter  was  arrested  for  throwing  out  barrels  along  after 
we  left  Juneau.  Whenever  we  left  any  particular  port  you  could  see  ships  and  boat- 
men all  around,  and,  if  you  watched,  after  a  while  barrels  went  over. 

This,  I  would  have  you  notice,  was  one  of  the  great  lines  of  steamers. 

Senator  Seweu..  Is  that  an  insinuation  that  this  bill  is  got  up  by  the  steamboat 
people? 

Mr.  Crafts.  No.  I  formerly  so  thought,  but  I  have  had  a  conversation  with  Senator 
Perkins,  and  he  says  he  is  not  now  in  that  business. 

Rev.  J.  H.  Condit,  pastor  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  of  Juneau,  who  does  not  join 
his  brethren  in  protesting  against  repeal  only  because  he  believes  that  officials  will  con- 
tinue to  neglect  the  law  (Record,  January  11,  p  665),  says: 

The  government  does  not  enforce  the  law.  Spasmodic  and  pyrotechnical  seizures  do 
not  offset  the  fact  that  breweries  are  operated,  etc.  *  *  *  Past  experience  would 
lead  one  to  believe  that  the  attitude  of  the  Government  toward  Alaska  under  existing 
political  conditions  will  not  change. 

Rev.  H.  Beer,  rector  of  Trinity  Church,  Juneau,  the  only  other  preacher  quoted  on 
the  license  side,  shows  that  he  is  also  there  because  hopeless  of  official  fidelity.  He 
says  "the  present  laws,  or  their  administration,  are  an  utter  failure."  And  then  he 
brings  before  us  the  lawless  liquor  sellers  who  expect  to  be  rewarded  with  licenses : 

They  would  prefer  to  pay  license  and  keep  the  law  rather  than  break  the  law,  as 
they  now  do.     Licensed  places  will  perhaps  be  more  orderly. 

186 


Governor  Knapp  in  i Sc x >  said:  "'I  am  not  aware  of  any  attempl  to  secure  convic- 
rions."  Mr.  Warner,  of  Illinois,  in  the  same  debate,  January  n,  in  which  above  were 
quoted,  said  also,  bul  with  reference  to  the  present:  "There  ;-  no  attempl  to  obtain  a 
conviction  against  any  one  of  the  persons  engaged  in  the  illegal  manufacture  or  traffic." 
In  the  National  Christian  Citizenship  Convention,  recently  held  in  this  city,  Dr.  Shel- 
don Jackson  spoke  of  numerous  drunken  officers  and  of  judges  and  attorneys  when  en- 
gaged in  trying  saloon  cases  patronizing  those  very  places  in  the  recesses  of  the  court. 
There  is  time  only  for  a  quotation  from  the  article  in  the  Atlantic  Monthly  of  Novem- 
ber, 1898,  by  President  David  Starr  Jordan,  who  had  made  his  observations  when  in 
Alaska  as  a  special  Government  commissioner  iin  the  seal  question.     He  says   (p.  583)  : 

The  demands  of  the  spoils  system  have  often  sent  unfit  men  to  Alaska.  *  *  *  A 
few  i'i  these  men  have  been  utterly  unworthy,  intemperate,  and  immoral,  and  occa- 
sionally  one  in  his  stay  in  Alaska  earns  that  "perfect  right  to  be  hung"  which  John 
Brown  assigned  to  the  "border  ruffian." 

In  another  place  (p.  578)  President  Jordan  says: 

For  an  object  lesson  illustrating  methods  to  be  avoided  in  the  rule  of  our  future 
colonies  we  have  not  far  to  seek.  Most  forms  of  governmental  pathology  are  illus- 
trated in  the  history  of  Alaska. 

Shall  wc  climax  this  disgraceful  record  by  a  worse  act  than  any  before  it — the  repeal 
of  the  prohibitory  law  of  Alaska,  which  I  here  quote? 

The  importation,  manufacture,  and  sale  of  intoxicating  liquor  in  said  district,  except 
for  medicinal,  mechanical,  and  scientific  purposes,  is  hereby  prohibited,  under  the  pen- 
alties which  are  provided  in  section  1955  of  the  Revised  Statutes  for  the  wrongful  im- 
portation of  distilled  spirits.  And  the  President  of  the  United  States  shall  make  such 
regulations  as  are  necessary  to  carry  out  the  provisions  of  this  section. 

As  f'T  the  cities  of  Alaska,  Juneau  is  in  chronic  rebellion,  just  as  Bangor  is  in 
Maine:  but  Maine  finds  no  reason  in  that  for  repealing  a  law  that  is  beneficial  to  the 
State  as  a  whole.  Sitka  habitually  breaks  the  prohibitory  law,  just  as  New  York  City 
every  Sunday  breaks  its  license  law;  but  New  York  State  does  not  on  that  account  de- 
prive the  whole  State  of  the  benefits  of  the  law. 

for  the  talk  about  public  sentiment,  there  is  not  a  moral  law   in  the  Decalogue 
that  could  1  d  in  a  city  of  Alaska  by  popular  vote.     The  marriage  law  is  broken 

almosl  as  commonly  as  the  liquor  law. 

knok  BRADY.     I  deny  that  statement. 

Mr.  CRAFTS.  Better  elements  are  coming  in.  and  we  owe  it  to  them  to  hold  up  the 
standard.  Why  does  Congress  pass  this  code  if  the  test  is  to  be  present  local  senti- 
ment in  Alaska?  Why  not  turn  over  both  Alaska  bills  in  Congress  to  the  so-called 
business  association  of  Juneau,  whose  opinion  is  given  BO  much  weight  on  the  liquor 
problem?  Why  docs  Congress  make  laws  for  any  of  the  Territories,  and  even  C 
nant  with  Utah  as  a  State  on  the  question  of  polygamy,  if  local  sentiment  is  the  uni- 
versal arbiter  of  law? 

The  official  utterance  of  the  best  sentiment  of  Alaska,  as  expressed  in  the  official 
resolutions   <i    Presbytery,    i<    for   enforcement    rather   than   repeal    of   the   present    law. 


There  are  several  preachers  on  the  wrong  side,  who  have  taken  that  side  on  the  ground 
that  if  the  authorities  will  not  enforce  the  present  law  they  might  as  well  try  something 
else.  That  is  the  pivot  on  which  Governor  Brady  turned  a  year  ago.  Too  much 
weight  has  been  given  to  his  advocacy  of  high  license.  His  long  experience  in  Alaska, 
to  which  he  so  often  reverts  as  giving  weight  to  his  opinion,  is  not  an  experience  in 
the  workings  of  this  or  any  other  intricate  high-license  law  in  such  a  wild  country. 
He  knows  nothing,  as  he  has  often  admitted,  of  the  working  of  a  license  law  any- 
where. Even  if  it  worked  well  in  a  settled  country  it  would  prove  nothing  as  to  its 
workings  on  a  wild  frontier. 

Rev.  Dr.  McClelland,  of  Sitka,  says  that  outside  of  the  great  cities  it  could  mean 
nothing  but  free  rum  and  would  be  no  easier  to  enforce  in  the  country  at  large  than 
prohibition.  As  to  Governor  Brady's  "experience"  with  reference  to  prohibition,  all 
but  the  last  year  backs  up  the  statement  in  his  report  for  1897,  where  he  says : 

During  the  last  term  of  court  the  judge  made  a  strenuous  effort  to  enforce  the  law 
against  this  large  class  of  offenders,  and  a  number  of  convictions  were  secured.  It 
was  a  demonstration  that  the  law  could  be  upheld  if  the  officers  of  the  court  were  de- 
termined to  do  it. 

His  statements  that  the  law  can  not  be  enforced  are  met  at  every  point  with  specific 
disproof  in  the  following  recent  letter  of  ex-Governor  Knapp,  whose  four  years'  term 
began  in  1879 : 

All  the  statements  upon  which  they  (Secretaries  Gage  and  Bliss)  are  said  to  base 
their  recommendations  for  the  repeal  of  prohibition  indicate  a  belief  that  the  officers 
upon  whom  devolves  the  duty  of  enforcing  the  laws  have  used,  and  are  using,  their 
utmost  endeavors  to  prevent  the  smuggling  of  liquor  into  the  Territory  and  to  pre- 
vent the  illegal  sale  of  it,  as  they  are  in  duty  bound  to  do,  and  that  the  present  law  is 
necessarily  a  failure.  That  premise  must  be  most  emphatically  denied.  Anyone  who 
has  been  at  all  conversant  with  the  history  of  official  life  in  Alaska  since  the  inaugura- 
tion of  the  civil  government  in  1884  must  know  that  there  has  been  no  uniform,  per- 
sistent, and  unflinching  effort  to  enforce  the  law  according  to  its  true  spirit  and  pur- 
pose, in  which  all  the  officers  were  working  together  and  harmoniously  during  any  con- 
siderable portion  of  the  time,  so  as  to  make  a  fair  test  of  the  law  under  favorable  cir- 
cumstances. It  is  true  there  have  been  conscientious  officers  who  had  the  courage  of 
their  convictions,  but  they  were  handicapped  by  associates  who  were  indifferent,  or 
worse,  and  who  often  nullified  their  best  efforts  or  greatly  hindered  their  success. 

The  experiences  of  the  past  show  that  with  competent  and  faithful  officers  and  con- 
clusive proofs,  violations  of  the  law  in  Alaska,  as  elsewhere,  will  be  punished.  When 
the  sale  has  been  made  to  natives  the  offender  has  usually  received  the  punishment  due 
for  his  offense,  because  the  United  States  district  attorney  was  not  afraid  of  offending. 
On  the  other  hand,  when  made  to  white  men  the  offender  has  gone  free,  sometimes  with 
the  expressed  approval  of  the  attorney. 

The  allegations  made  by  those  who  demand  repeal  that  "grand  juries  will  not  in- 
dict" might  be  materially  modified  if  district  attorneys  of  ability  and  influence  were  in 
earnest  to  hold  them  to  their  duty.  And  if  grand  juries  refuse  to  do  their  duty  the 
attorney  has  the  power  and  ought  to  have  the  courage  to  report  their  delinquencies  to 
the  judge,  who  ought  to  know  how  to  deal  with  officers  of  his  court  who  are  unfaithful 
to  their  trust.     Besides,  the  practice  has  already  to  some  extent  obtained  in  Alaska  of 

188 


trying  1  itj in >r  cases  on  information,  without  the  action  of  grand  juries,  and  a  con- 
scientious  judge  and  a  determined  attorney  would  make  it  exceedingly  uncomfortable 
for  lawbreakers  without  the  aid  of  that  body. 

In  view  of  these  facts  it  may  be  safely  asserted  that  if  the  United  States  district 
judge,  attorney,  and  collector  of  customs,  unitedly  and  with  conscientious  determina- 
tion, were  to  make  persistent  and  judicious  efforts  to  prevent  the  smuggling  of  intoxi- 
cating liquors  into  the  Territory  under  its  present  laws,  and  were  properly  backed  by 
the  National  Government,  they  could  bring  the  supply  of  illegally  introduced  intoxi- 
cants to  a  minimum;  and  if  they  unitedly  endeavored  to  check  illegal  sales  by  prose- 
cutions against  the  venders  of  liquors  the  laws  would  be  more  thoroughly  enforced 
than  the  laws  against  larceny  in  any  State  L>f  the  Union. 

Rev.  M.  D.  McClelland,  of  Sitka,  in  a  letter,  says  of  the  prohibitory  law  : 

That  it  is  difficult  to  enforce  we  concede  but  that  it  would  be  leis  difficult  to  enforce 
a  license  law  we  deny.  There  would  be  no  attempt  to  enforce  the  license  law  outside 
the  large  towns.  In  these  it  would  lessen  the  number  of  places  at  which  liquor  would 
be  sold,  but  not  decrease  the  consumption.  Alaska  would  be  the  most  difficult  country 
in  the  world  to  enforce  a  high-license  law.  For  an  indefinite  period  large  towns  will 
be  limited  in  number,  while  comparatively  isolated  miners',  prospectors',  fishermen's, 
and  lumbermen's  camps  will  be  innumerable;  and  a  license  law  means  for  all  these  free 
whisky.  Xobody  will  pay  a  license  for  trafficing  in  it.  Some  one  asks.  Do  they  not 
already  secure  liquor  at  these  places?  Yes;  but  there  is  some  restraint,  and  there 
might  be  much  more.  The  waterways  traversable  by  vessels  of  any  size  in  approaching 
the  most  thickly  settled  portions  of  the  coast  are  at  present  comparatively  few.  Give 
us  an  executive,  judicious  customs  service,  and  police  force  united  in  their  efforts  to 
uphold  the  law,  and  in  addition  one  or  two  small  vessels  to  patrol  the  waters  as  a  guard 
against  smugglers,  and  for  the  present  we  will  have  not  a  perfect  but  a  wholesome 
enforcement  of  the  prohibitory  law. 

In  his  letter  Dr.  McClelland  inclosed  the  following  action  of  the  chief  religious 
body  of  Alaska,  the  Presbytery : 

Whereas  the  use  of  intoxicating  liquors  works  untold  injury  to  the  physical  and 
moral  welfare  of  any  community,  it  must  be  especially  calamitous  in  a  frontier  region 
like  Alaska,  where  at  the  various  towns,  mining  camps,  and  fishing  stations  are  con- 
gregated many  who  would  desire  to  habitually  and  excessively  indulge  in  the  use  of 
intoxicants,  and  among  them  a  greater  or  a  less  number  of  the  natives  of  Alaska,  whose 
inherited  weakness  makes  them  peculiarly  liable  to  gross  indulgence,  and  especially  in 
the  gold  regions  where  are  so  many  of  the  most  vicious  characters ;  and 

Whereas  such  strenuous  efforts  are  being  made  for  the  repeal  of  the  United  States 
prohibiting  liquor  law  for  the  district  of  Alaska, 

Therefore,  we.  as  a  presbytery,  desire  to  enter  our  most  emphatic  protest  against  the 
repeal  of  said  law.  and  beseech  rather  tha*  ?  u<wcd  effort  be  made  by  our  officials 
for  its  enforcement. 

What  I  urge  on  the  consideration  of  this  committee  is  that  any  radical  change  in 
Alaska's  liquor  law  ought  to  be  delayed  at  least  a  year. 

180 


First.  That  the  present  law  may  have  a  fair  trial  under  the  better  government  pro- 
vided for  in  the  a  "'*.  already  passed  by  the  Senate  and  pending  in  the  House. 

Second.  That  i.te  new  high-license  law,  hastily  drawn  after  this  code  was  introduced 
in  the  House,  made  by  outside  parties  and  never  considered  in  detail  by  the  good  citi- 
zens of  Alaska,  may  have  the  benefit  of  local  discussion  there  before  it  is  put  in  the 
place  of  a  law  that  has  stood  for  thirty-one  years,  and  accords  with  the  code  of  civili- 
zation. 

This  hasty  law  gives  kingly  powers,  so  far  as  the  liquor  traffic  is  concerned,  to  a 
judge  situated  far  from  the  nobler  influences  of  civilization.  As  I  have  said,  he  may 
put  a  saloon  anywhere,  if  two  whites  out  of  three  ask  for  it,  and  he  may  punish  illegal 
selling  with  a  one-cent  fine,  if  he  choose.  If  such  discretion  is  to  be  left  to  judges, 
why  have  legislators?     Let  him  be  king  and  waste  no  time  on  codes. 

Mr.  Warner.  You  speak  of  this  law  as  a  hasty  law.  It  has  been  the  law  of  Illi- 
nois for  many  years. 

Mr.  Crafts.     Is  it  exactly  like  this? 

Mr.  Warner.     Exactly.     It  includes  having  local  option. 

Mr.  Crafts.  And  I  would  remind  you  that  the  settled  country  of  Illinois  is  very 
different  from  the  wild  frontier  of  Alaska,  and  to  apply  a  law  of  the  former  to  the 
latter  without  adaptation  may  fairly  be  called  "hasty  legislation."  No  interest  will 
suffer  if  this  whole  botched  and  patched  codification  of  existing  laws  goes  over.  It  is 
a  question  whether  the  laws  of  Oregon,  that  hold  in  any  case  in  Alaska  so  far  as  ap- 
plicable, are  not  better  than  this  revised  code,  which  admits  ex-convicts  to  the  jury  and 
contains  other  marks  of  unseemly  haste.     Here  is  the  story  of  this  code : 

(i)  Congress  made  the  laws  of  Oregon  the  laws  of  .Alaska  so  far  as  applicable. 
(2)  Judges  and  lawyers  in  Alaska  or  somewhere  affirmed  there  was  difficulty  in  in- 
terpreting the  code.  Governor  Sheakley  has  repeatedly  said  in  my  hearing  that  the 
code  as  it  is  is  plain  enough.  It  looks  like  making  a  job  for  a  codifier.  At  any  rate, 
Alaska  would  not  be  without  abundant  law  if  this  hastily  revised  code  for  a  rich, 
vast  empire  should  go  over  for  proper  consideration.  (3)  I  stand  ready  to  prove, 
from  the  debates  in  the  House  and  hearings  in  committee,  that  it  has  as  yet  had  no 
proper  consideration,  whether  by  commission,  Cabinet,  committee,  or  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives. It  is  just  that  sort  of  hasty  legislation  that  it  is  the  constitutional  function 
of  the  Senate  to  prevent.  (4)  Congress  ordered  the  Attorney-General  to  codify  these 
laws.  He  did  not,  and  after  long  delays  a  high-priced  commission  took  the  matter  in 
hand.  After  a  long  period  of  drawing  rich  salary  they  submitted  their  work  to  the 
then  Attorney-General,  wh®  approved  it  and  sent  it  to  the  House  Committee  on  Codi- 
fication of  Laws,  with  the  intimation  that  they  need  not  go  over  it  in  detail,  but  might 
well  report  it  as  it  was.     This  bad  advice  was  followed. 

After  a  year's  delay  the  bill  at  last  got  an  assignment  for  January  4.  Debate  had 
not  proceeded  an  hour  (see  Record)  when  Mr.  Moody  made  it  apparent  that  the  whole 
job  had  been  turned  over  to  some  clerk  whose  work  had  been  approved  by  commis- 
sion, Attorney-General,  and  committee  without  reading.  That  this  was  probably  the 
case  was  stated,  after  further  exposures,  by  one  of  the  House  committee  at  one  of  the 
hearings,  with  general  consent.  The  bill,  for  one  stupidity,  as  it  came  to  the  House, 
abolished  the  present  liquor  law.  but  put  nothing  in  its  place  except  prohibition  for  In- 
dians, leaving  the  whites  under  "free  rum."  The  use  of  the  words  "sunrise"  and  "sun- 
set" in  the  Oregon  sense  showed  that  the  code  had  not  been  submitted  to  anybody  who 
was  ever  in  any  arctic  country. 

Senator  Carter.     There  is  no  objection  to  a  reasonable  amendment  there. 

Mr.  Warner.     There  is  no  objection  to  an  amendment  as  to  penalties. 

190 


Mr.  Crafts.  After  all  this  scandalous  neglect  in  the  preparation  of  a  code  that 
might  well  be  considered  a  practice  for  our  new  islands,  a  handful  of  members  in  the 
House  did  what  they  could  in  the  brief  time  the  bill  was  passing  through  committee 
to  amend  its  many  errors.  In  a  criminal  code  this  liquor-revenue  measure  (sec.  142) 
is  introduced]  including  civil  damage,  both  ruled  out  on  a  point  of  order,  but  crowded 
in  by  a  vote  of  95  to  75.  The  proposition  to  make  a  new  bill  out  of  the  two  bills  pend- 
ing will  increase  the  complications  when  there  is  scant  time  to  adjust  them. 

SENATOR  Cartkr.     Are  you  opposed  to  this  high-license  scheme? 

Mr.  Crafts.  We  think  the  matter  very  hasty.  Our  point  is  this:  That  the  present 
law  in  Alaska  has  never  had  a  fair  and  thorough  trial ;  the  Government  has  been  too 
haphazard  ;  there  has  been  a  lack  of  coordination  of  powers. 

The  very  purpose  of  the  Senate  is  to  prevent  such  hasty  legislation.  Let  this  code 
wait  and  ripen.  This  hearing  of  one  hour  on  two  days'  notice  does  not  seem  to  me 
to  accord  with  the  deliberate  character  of  the  Senate.  "Senators  are  busy  with  the 
treaty."  Ay,  if  too  busy  for  an  adequate  hearing,  too  busy  for  adequate  consideration 
of  this  great  matter  in  the  few  crowded  days  that  remain  of  this  Congress.  Nothing 
will  suffer  if  this  matter  goes  over  to  such  time  as  it  can  receive  the  attention  it  de- 
serves. 

This  bill  involves  the  temperance  question  and  the  Indian  question.  I  impeach  the 
bill  as  a  monstrosity  of  unequal  taxation.  President  Jordan  tells  us  in  the  Atlantic 
Monthly  for  November,  what  was  also  declared  without  contradiction  in  the  House 
debates  (Record,  January  4,  p.  442,  last  paragraph,  first  column),  that  the  great  com- 
panies which  have  gained  about  all  the  financial  advantage  of  the  Alaska  purchase 
have  never  paid  a  cent  of  taxes  toward  maintaining  the  Government  that  protects  them. 
And  now,  instead  of  getting  revenue  for  education  and  government  from  the  Tread- 
well  mine,  the  largest  in  the  world,  and  from  the  great  otter  trade,  and  the  salmon 
trade,  and  the  steamboat  companies,  and  other  rich  corporations,  the  two  bills  before 
the  Houses  of  Congress  (H.  R.  8571,  S.  3729),  which  it  is  proposed  to  combine,  pro- 
vide no  taxation  except  a  second  tax  on  a  traffic  which  is  to  corrupt  the  people  under 
the  sanction  of  the  United  States. 

This  issue  of  taxation  is  one  on  which  workingmen  and  tax  reformers  will  be  heard, 
if  not  by  this  committee,  by  the  country.  It  now  appears  that  all  the  elaborate  scheme 
of  taxation  in  the  Perkins  amendment  is  to  be  dropped,  except  the  liquor  licenses. 

The  Chairman.     The  committee  is  considering  that  matter  now. 

Mr.  Crafts.     But  it  is  not  in  either  of  the  bills. 

Tiif.  Chairman.     The  Senate  has  not  got  either  of  the  bills  yet. 

Mr.  Crafts.  Two  bills  have  been  reported,  and  there  is  nothing  of  the  kind  in  them. 
Let  it  not  be  forgotten  that  unjust  taxation  from  the  days  of  George  III  to  Weyler 
has  mule  governments  more  trouble  than  almost  anything  else.  And  unjust  taxation 
in  Boston  and  in  Cuba  is  no  worse  than  in  Alaska. 

nator  Cartkr.     Then,  I  understand,  you  arc  directing  attention  to  a  proper  system 
of  taxation  for  Alaska. 

Mr  Crafts.  \Yc  are  advocating  that  the  system  of  taxation  of  the  United  States 
shall  not  be,  cither  in  Alaska  or  anywhere  else,  laid  on  vices,  and  that  large  com- 
panies shall  pay  their  due  proportion  of  the  taxes.  I  am  not  simply  a  temperance  man, 
but  I  stand  up  for  just  legislation.  This  high  license  law  is  chiefly  to  get  revenue, 
which  might  and  should  be  obtained  by  proper  taxation  of  the  great  monopolies  in 
Alaska. 

SENATOR  Carter.  We  have  a  rule  in  the  Senate  that  the  work  of  a  subordinate 
branch  of  Congress  must  not  be  criticised. 

191 


Mr.  Crafts.  Not  criticised  by  Senators,  I  suppose,  but  in  hearings  before  com- 
mittees liberty  of  speech  is  generally  allowed. 

Indeed,  Senators,  there  is  more  likeness  in  misrule  between  Alaska  and  Cuba  than 
is  generally  known.  Alaska  has  its  reconcentrados,  once  thriving  villages  of  civilized 
natives  that  the  monarchs  of  the  otter  monopoly  have  driven  to  slow  starvation,  as 
described  in  President  Jordan's  Atlantic  Monthly  article.  And  if  you  could  have 
heard,  as  I  have  from  lady  missionaries,  descriptions  of  the  horrible  physical  condition 
of  hundreds  of  Indian  women,  victims  of  frontiersmen  crazed  by  whisky  illegally  sold, 
you  would  find  new  occasions  for  Senatorial  eloquence. 

Senator  Carter.  These  horrible  conditions  you  describe  in  Alaska  obtain  even  un- 
der existing  law  ? 

Mr.  Crafts.  They  have  obtained  because  officers  have  failed  to  do  their  duty. 
Alaska  belongs  with  our  new  islands,  equally  with  them  entitled  to  your  sympathy  and 
statesmanship.  I  charge  you  not  to  hastily  lower  its  moral  safeguards,  nor  hastily 
frame  a  government  for  this  great  empire.  It  may  well  remain  for  a  year  under  the 
ample  executive  control  now  provided,  while  the  nation  studies  the  new  problem  of 
governing  far-off  dependencies,  of  which  Alaska  is  one.  We  shall  dishonor  ourselves 
if  at  the  gates  of  this  new  era  we  give  Alaska  a  government  unjust  in  its  taxation  and 
retrogressive  in  its  morals.  Our  military  governors  are  repressing  lotteries,  bull  fights, 
duels,  and  Sunday  saloons  in  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippines.  Shall  Con- 
gress, by  an  opposite  course  in  Alaska,  fall  out  of  the  march  of  civilization?  Let  the 
liquor  law  have  at  least  further  and  fair  trial  under  the  improved  government  proposed. 

REMARKS  OF  REV.  JAMES  B.  DUNN. 

Rev  James  B.  Dunn,  D.  D.,  of  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.,  said: 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  want  to  thank  you  for  your  kind  and  prompt  response  to  my  letter 
asking  for  a  hearing  before  this  committee.  I  only  regret  that  the  telegram  which  you 
sent  me  yesterday  did  not  reach  me  until  I  went  home  in  the  evening;  otherwise  our 
president,  Joshua  L.  Baily,  would  have  been  here  today.  That  accounts  for  his  not 
being  present. 

I  represent  the  National  Temperance  Society,  an  organization  called  the 
Federation  of  National  Temperance  and  Religious  Organizations,  comprising  the 
Christian  Endeavorers  and  a  number  of  religious  bodies,  and  I  happen  to  be  president 
of  the  confederation. 

Reference  has  been  made  by  Dr.  Crafts  to  a  recent  meeting  of  this  body  in  New 
York.  It  was  a  most  remarkable  meeting.  Several  thousand  clergymen  and  laymen 
met  there  for  the  purpose  of  trying  to  do  something  to  check  the  progress  of  drunk- 
enness and  crime  in  the  city  of  New  York;  and  that  meeting  passed  resolutions  in 
regard  to  the  bill  pending  here  protesting  against  the  repeal  of  the  prohibition  law  in 
Alaska,  and  the  substitution  of  a  high-license  law,  and  authorizing  the  committee  to 
appoint  a  large  delegation  to  come  to  Washington  and  have  a  hearing  before  this 
committee. 

The  question  is  simply  this :  The  existing  law  prohibits  the  importation,  sale,  or 
giving  away  of  intoxicating  liquors  in  the  district  of  Alaska,  and  for  that  law  is  pro- 
posed to  be  substituted  that  which  is  called  a  high-license  law.  The  question  arises, 
Why  this  change?  I  am  not  going  into  the  details  of  the  pending  bill,  but  I  have  read 
very  carefully  in  the  Congressional  Record  the  debate  which  took  place  last  winter  in 
the  House  and  Senate  on  this  subject,  and  I  notice  there  that  the  claim  for  making  the 
change  was  that  the  present  law  is  not  enforced.  The  question  arises  whether  the  pro- 
hibitory law  in  Alaska  could  not  be  enforced.     I  hold  in  my  hand  a  little  printed  slip, 

192 


from  which  I  sec  that  Governor  Brady,  in  li is  report  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior 
for  the  year  ie'97,  says:  "During  the  last  term  of  court  the  judge  made  a  strenuous 
effort  to  enforce  the  law  against  this  large  class  of  offenders  (that  is,  the  class  of 
offenders  against  the  prohibitory  law  in  Alaska),  and  a  number  of  convictions  were 
secured.  It  was  a  demonstration  that  the  law  could  be  upheld  if  the  officers  of  the 
court  were  determined  to  do  it." 

When  I  read  that  the  thought  occurred  to  me.  Why  not,  instead  of  changing  the  law, 
change  the  men  appointed  there  to  execute  the  law?  If  I  have  in  my  employment  a 
clerk  who  can  not,  or  will  not,  do  his  duty  I  should  change  him  and  get  some  other 
man  to  do  it.  W'e  are  now  trying  to  subjugate  and  govern  outlying  territories.  Sup- 
pose you  sent  out  a  mandate  to  Havana,  and  Santiago,  and  Manila  to  say  that  the 
United  States  government,  which  was  able  to  overthrow  Spain,  to  defeat  her  armies,  to 
sink  her  ships,  is  being  defeated  by  some  lawbreakers  in  Alaska?  While  we  are  talking 
nding  fleets  to  Manila  to  subjugate  the  inhabitants,  why  can  we  not  send  a  few  of 
these  small  vessels  to  go  up  and  down  along  the  coast  of  Alaska  in  order  to  enforce  the 
law  ? 

I  could  have  brought  documents  here  showing  that  the  high-license  law  in  any  State 
of  the  Union  is  no  better  enforced  (not  to  say  equally  enforced)  than  is  the  prohibitory 
law  in  Alaska.  Take  Massachusetts  (my  own  State  before  I  came  to  New  York),  and 
there  are  45  cities  there  that  have  local  option  and  where  they  have  had  high  license  for 
six  months  and  local  option  for  six  months,  and  in  these  cities  where  prohibition  is  the 
rule  it  is  found  that  prohibition  has  a  much  better  effect  in  diminishing  drunkenness  and 
lessening  crime  than  hgh  license  has.  Documents  from  all  over  the  country  show  that 
a  high-license  law  is  no  better  enforced  in  any  of  the  States  of  the  Union  than  a  pro- 
hibitory law  or  a  local-option  law,  and  that  is  why  we  simply  ask  that  a  fair  trial  be 
1  to  the  prohibition  law  in  Alaska  before  that  law  is  changed.  I  recognize  the  fact 
that  the  law  has  not  been  properly  enforced ;  but  it  is  a  hard  thing  to  say  that  the  great 
United  States  Government  finds  that  in  this  outlying  district  of  Alaska  it  can  not  en- 
■  its  own  law. 

Is  it  not  time,  gentlemen,  that  the  American  Government  should  decide  that  a  law  on 
its  statute  books  can  be  enforced  and  must  be  enforc 

Senator  Skwki.i..  You  gentlemen  who  live  comfortably  in  New  York  and  Washing- 
ton expect  people  in  Alaska  to  carry  out  a  prohibitory  law  which  they  do  not  believe  in. 
expect  people  to  shiver  in  a  temperature  of  40  degrees  below  zero  and  not  drink 
whisky,  while  you  are  in  comfortable  houses.     In  my  opinion  you  make  a  mistake. 

Mr.  Crafts.  According  to  Nansen,  the  men  who  survived  in  the  arctic  expeditions 
were  the  very  men  who  abstained  from  the  use  of  liquor.     [High  license  enacted.] 


CON'TIXUED  PROHIBITION  IX  INDIAN  TERRITORY. 

Speech  of  Senator  J.  II.  Gallingcr.  U  nate,  Jan.  2~.  1005. 

There  can  be  no  reasonable  doubt  that  the  prohibition  of  the  sale  icants  was 

one  of  the  express  conditions  under  which,  and  one  of  the  valuable  considerations  by 
■n  of  which,  these  Indians  agreed  to  the  allotment  of  their  lands  in  severalty  and 
the  admission  of  the  white  man  to  their  country.     And  to  my  mind,  one  of  the  most 
pathetic  pictures  in  recent  history  was  the  conventu  or  principal  chiefs 

of  the  Five  Civilized  Tribes  assembled  at  Eufaula,  Ind.  T.,  May  21,  1003,  adopting  reso- 


Unions  praying  that  this  strong  Christian  Government  keep  faith  with  them  and  not 
thrust  upon  them  a  form  of  government  contrary  to  treaty  stipulations  and  in  which 
their  people  would  not  be  protected  from  the  ruinous  effects  of  intoxicating  liquors. 
One  paragraph  especially  of  these  resolutions  I  desire  to  quote : 

"We  further  recommend  that  the  general  council  of  each  nation  address  a  memorial 
to  the  various  religious  and  temperance  organizations  of  the  United  States  requesting 
them  to  assist  the  Indians  of  the  Five  Civilized  Tribes  in  their  efforts  to  prevent  the 
annexation  of  the  Indian  Territory  to  Oklahoma  and  to  secure  a  State  government  for 
Indian  Territory  under  a  constitution  which  will  protect  the  Indian  from  the  baleful 
influence  of  intoxicating  liquors."  (Hearings  before  House  Committee  on  Territories, 
58th  Cong.,  vol.  2,  p.  740.) 

Pathetic,  indeed,  is  this  plea,  signed  by  all  of  the  five  chiefs  of  the  Five  Civilized 
Tribes ;  but  more  pathetic  still — yes,  almost  tragic — are  the  words  of  one  of  them,  when 
he  said : 

"I  am  unable  to  believe  that  the  Government  will  lie  to  us  on  our  deathbed!" 

THE  DEMAND  OF  THE  FEDERATED  CHURCHES. 

It  may  be  well  for  us  to  consider  just  here  that  there  is  a  very  large  and  very  respect- 
able portion  of  the  population  of  Indian  Territory  and  of  these  entire  United  States 
who  are  now  dwelling  in  much  anxiety  lest  we  be  about  to  commit  a  great  national 
crime.  Partly  in  response  to  the  plea  of  the  five  Indian  chiefs  as  quoted  above,  and 
partly  in  protection  of  their  own  work  and  interests  outside  of  the  Indian  population, 
the  several  Christian  denominations  in  Indian  Territory  met  together  in  convention  at 
South  McAlester  on  September  27-28  last  and  organized  the  Indian  Territory  Church 
Federation  for  Prohibition  Statehood.  This  church  federation,  I  am  told,  represents 
the  cooperation  of  every  religious  denomination  in  Indian  Territory,  so  far  as  is  known, 
besides  the  temperance  societies  and  others  interested  in  its  purpose,  regardless  of  their 
religious  belief.  On  the  board  of  directors  are  Baptists,  Presbyterians,  Methodists,  a 
Catholic  priest,  Disciples,  and  other  churchmen,  both  white  and  Indian,  as  well  as  some 
not  members  of  any  church,  who  are  very  much  interested  in  seeing  the  faith  of  the 
Government  kept  with  these  Indians  and  prohibition  continued  in  the  Territory.  These 
people  have  been  sending  to  this  Congress  large  numbers  of  petitions  and  memorials 
praying  that  the  pending  statehood  bill  be  so  amended  as  to  effectively  continue  the 
prohibition  of  the  liquor  traffic  in  Indian  Territory,  according  to  the  treaty  pledges  with 
the  Indians,  or  else  to  eliminate  Indian  Territory  from  the  statehood  bill  altogether  and 
leave  that  Territory  as  she  is  rather  than  force  upon  her  a  condition  wherein  the  hands 
of  evil  would  be  made  stronger  in  that  new  country  than  the  hands  of  right. 

These  several  religious  denominations  throughout  the  States  have  been  for  many 
years  collecting  moneys  which  have  been  expended  in  missionary  and  educational  work 
among  these  Indians.  If  we  could  make  an  exhibit  here  of  the  total  moneys  that  have 
thus  been  raised  and  expended  by  the  churches  of  this  country,  not  to  mention  the  lives 
of  missionaries  and  teachers  that  have  been  given  to  Christianizing,  civilizing,  and  edu- 
cating these  Indians — fitting  them  for  the  responsibilities  of  statehood — it  would  be,  I 
am  persuaded,  food  for  wholesome  reflection  on  the  part  of  the  Senators  before  they 
vote  upon  this  bill. 

Was  it  ever  contemplated  by  the  Constitution — is  it  in  keeping  with  the  genius  of  this 
Government — that  out  of  virgin  soil  we  should  create  a  sovereign  State  without  its 
having  first  gone  through  a  probationary  period  of  Territorial  government?  It  is  not 
my  purpose,  however,  to  go  further  into  this  question,  only  to  say  this :  That  it  does 
not  seem  expedient,  to  say  the  least,  to  create  a  new  State  over  a  section  of  country 
containing,  say,  500,000  population,  nearly  100,000  of  whom  have  never  before  exercised 
the  right  of  suffrage,  and  in  the  same  breath  with  such  creation  throw  them  into  the 
vortex  of  this  most  extremely  vexed  question  of  self-government — namely,  to  determine 
whether  or  not  intoxicating  liquors  shall  or  shall  not  be  sold  therein — with  practically 
no  election  laws,  and  with  the  widest  opportunity  for  the  corruption  of  this  untried 
ballot.  Mr.  President,  if  we  create  this  new  State  without  the  intervention  of  the  pro- 
bationary period  of  Territorial  government  wherein  there  would  be  at  least  a  partial 
exercise  of  the  franchise,  and  at  the  same  time  a  partial   Federal  control — if  we  do 

104 


this,  it  seems  incumbent  upon  us  to  give  such  a  new  State  at  least  a  -. t .1  r t  upon  its 
career  under  such  conditions  that  men  who  want  to  do  right  shall  have  more  power 
than  men  who  want  to  do  wrong. 

Memorial  to  Congress  for  continued  prohibition  in  Indian  Territory  by  the  ninth  an- 
nual convention  of  the  American  Antisaloon  League. 
Whereas  for  seventy-two  years  the  United  States  Government  lias  prohibited  the  sale 
of  intoxicating  liquors  in  Indian  Territory;  and 

Whereas  in  the  agreements  recently  entered  into  with  the  Five  Civilized  Tribes 
looking  toward  the  allotment  of  lands  in  severalty,  one  of  the  conditions  upon  which 
.said  Indian^  consented  to  the  extinguishment  of  their  tribal  governments  and  to  the 
admission  of  the  white  man  to  equal  privileges  of  citizenship  was  expressly  stipu' 
as  follows;  "The  United  States  agrees  to  maintain  strict  laws  *  *  *  against  the 
introduction,  sale,  barter,  or  giving  away  of  liquors  and  intoxicants  Of  any  kind  or 
quality ;"  and 

Whereas  the  statehood  bill,  commonly  known  as  the  "Hamilton  bill,"  now  pending  be- 
fore the  Senate  of  the  United  State-,  after  passing  the  Mouse  of  Representatives,  makes 
no  provision  for  the  fulfillment  of  this  sacred  pledge:    Therefore  be  it 

Resolved  by  the  national  convention  of  the  American  Antisaloon  League,  assembled 
at  Columbus,  Ohio,  this  jStli  day  of  November,  1904,  That  we  do  hereby  respectfully 
invite  the  attention  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  to  the  said  omission,  and  we  do 
most  earnestly  urge  the  Congress  to  fulfill  our  solemn  treaty  obligation  to  these  tribes 
by  provision  for  the  prohibition  of  the  liquor  traffic  in  the  enabling  act  for  the  admis- 
sion of  the  new  States. 

L.  B.  Wilson, 

President. 
S.  E.  Nicholson, 

Secretary. 
E.  C.  PiNWinnn:. 
Legislative  Superintendent. 

I  have  here  a  letter  from  the  Board  of  Home  Missions  of  the  Presbyterian  Church, 
which   1   will  also  read  : 

NEW   York.  January  ji,  1905. 

To  Tin:  United  States  Senate, 

(Care  of  Senator  J.  H.  Gallinger), 

Washington,  I'.  C. 

Sirs:  On  behalf  of  the  Board  of  Home  Missions  of  the  Presbyterian  Church,  I 
desire  to  respectfully  petition  your  honorable  body  to  postpone  the  question  of 
statehood  for  Oklahoma  and  Indian  Territories  until  the  next  Congress  in  order  that 
such  an  amendment  as  proposed  by  Senator  Gallinger,  extending  prohibition  for 
twenty-one  years,  may  be  passed,  if  possible,  in  both  Houses,  and  so  be  safe  from 
the   peril   of   being   killed    in   conference   committee. 

This  is  a  wise  man;  he  knows  how  things  sometimes  happen  in  CongF 

I  beg  to  say  that  this  would  not  necessarily  postpone  the  date  of  statehood  going 
into  effect,  which  I  believe  would  not  be  under  the  present  bill  if  now  passed  before 
the  spring  of   1906. 

It  is  perhaps  needless  for  me  to  add  that  we  urge  this  postponement  only  that  the 
moral  interests  of  the  Indians,  among  whom  we  have  a  good  deal  of  missionary 
work,   may   be  safeguarded. 

Very    respectfully,   yours, 

Chas.  I..  Thompson,  Secretary. 
vend  telegrams  have  come  to  me  within  the  I  days,  asking  onement 

action   upon  this  bill    s, ,  far  as  it    relates  to   Indian   Territory,   as    folli 

.    York,  January  ji.    | 
Senator  J    II    •'.  \u  incer, 

United  States  Senate.  Washington,  /'.  < 

Secretaries  of  Congregational  Home  Missionary  Society  and  American  Missionary 
Association  concur  in  petition  of  Presbyterian  board,  that  action  on  Indian  Terri- 
tory  statehood   be  postponed    until   next  Congress. 

Washington  Choatb. 


New  York,  January  21,  1905. 

United  States  Senate  (care  Senator  J.  H.  Gallinger), 

Washington,  D.   C. 
Undersigned  secretary  of  Methodist   Episcopal   Missionary  Society   urges  postpone- 
ment of  action   on    Indian   Territory  statehood. 

S.  O.  Benton. 


New  York,  January  21,  1905. 
Hon.  J.  H.  Gallinger, 

Senate,  Washington,  D.  C. 
The  American    Baptist   Home   Mission   Society  concurs  with   other  organizations   in 
postponement   of  action   on    Indian   Territory   statehood    bill. 

H.  L.  Morehouse,  Secretary. 

I  have  also,  Mr.  President,  a  communication  signed  by  Joshua  L.  Bailey,  a  well- 
known  philanthropist  of  Philadelphia,  which  I  will  read : 

Washington,  D.  C,  January  25,  1905. 
Hon.  Jacob  H.  Gallinger, 

United  States  Senate,  Washington,  D.  C. 

My  Dear  Senator:  At  a  conference  held  this  morning  of  the  accredited  represen- 
tatives of  several  national  organizations,  viz,  the  National  Temperance  Society,  the 
National  Woman's  Christian  Temperance  Union,  the  International  Reform  Bureau, 
the  Indian  Rights  Association,  and  the  Indian  Territory  Woman's  Christian  Tem- 
perance Union,  the  following  was  unanimously  adopted:  Resolved,  That  in  view  of 
the  fact  that  the  amendment  proposed  by  you  to  the  statehood  bill,  providing  for 
twenty-one  years'  extension  of  the  prohibition  of  the  liquor  traffic  in  what  is  now 
the  Indian  Territorial  limits,  was  not  a  part  of  the  bill  as  it  passed  the  House  of 
Representatives,  and  in  view  of  the  probability  that  even  should  it  pass  the  Senate 
it  might  fail  in  conference  committee,  it  is  the  sense  of  this  conference  that  the  best 
interests  of  all  concerned  would  be  promoted  by  the  postponement  of  the  further 
consideration   of  this  statehood    bill   to  the  next  session   of  Congress. 

On  behalf  of  the  conference: 

Joshua  L.  Bailey,  Chairman. 
(Representing  the  National  Temperance  Society.) 

On  yesterday  I  was  handed  a  communication  which  expresses  the  views  of  the  United 
States  Board  of  Indian  Commissioners,  as  follows : 

Department  of  the  Interior, 
Board  oe  Indian  Commissioners, 
Washington,  D.  C,  January  25,  1905. 
Senator  Gallinger, 

United  States  Senate. 
Sir:  The  United  States  Board  of  Indian  Commissioners,  now  in  session  at  their 
annual  meeting,  have  considered  the  amendment  intended  to  be  proposed  by  you  to  H. 
R.  14749  and  on  January  9,  1905,  ordered  printed.  The  following  action  was  to-day 
unanimously  taken  by  the  United  States  Board  of  Indian  Commissioners,  and  is  here- 
with transmitted  to  you,  with  entire  freedom  to  make  any  use  of  it  which  you  may  wish, 
either  in  your  remarks  in  support  of  your  amendment  or  at  any  other  time  or  under 
any  other  circumstances : 

"Voted,  That  the  United  States  Board  of  Indian  Commissioners  emphatically  ap- 
proves the  amendment  to  H.  R.  14749  proposed  by  Senator  Gallinger  and  ordered 
printed  January  9,  1905,  to  carry  out  the  treaty  obligations  of  the  United  States  in  pro- 
tecting the  Indians  of  the  Territory  against  the  sale  of  liquor  and  the  evils  of  the  open 
saloon." 

A  true  copy. 

Yours,  very  truly,  Merrill  E.  Gates, 

Member  and  Secretary. 

Reverting  again  to  the  question  of  what  was  meant  by  our  agreements  with  these 
tribes,  I  will  read  a  clipping  taken  from  the  editorial  columns  of  the  Washington  Post 
of  December  18.  1904. 

No  one  can  seriously  question  the  desirability  of  protecting  those  Five  Civilized 
Tribes,  and  all  other  tribes  of  Indians,  against  the  traffic  in  intoxicants.     And  no  one 

196 


will  deny  that  the  pledge  of  protection  made  to  those  five  tribes  by  the  United  Si 
Government  ought  to  be  sacredly  kept.    The  humiliating  truth  thai  the  historj 

rernment's  dealing  with  the  red  men  shows  a  long  succession  of  violated  treatii 
violated  by  the  United  States — is  not  the  best  kind  of  reason  for  adding  to  thai  sad,  bad 
list.  A-  t.>  most,  if  not  all.  of  those  disrupted  compacts,  it  may  well  be  -aid  that  they 
should  not  have  been  entered  into,  hut  that  can  not  he  said  of  this  promise  of  protection 
against  the  Indians'  worst  enemy.  It  was  a  proper  promise — a  promise  prompted  by 
imperative  duty. 


GALLINGER    AMENDMENT    PROYIIMXC.   21    YEARS'    PROHIBITION    FOR 
NEW   STATE  of  OKLAHOMA,   INCLUDING   INDIAN  TERRITORY. 

SPEECH  OF  SENATOR  J.  C.  SPOOXER. 

There  i>  no  doubt   of  the  fitness  of  Oklahoma  to  come  into  the  Union  as  a   St 
there  is  n<>  doubt  about  the  fitness  of  the  great  mass  of  the  people  of  the  Indian  Terri- 
to  come  into  the  Union  as  a  State  with  Oklahoma:  hut  the  situation  i-  a  peculiar 
one.     It   seems  to  be  one  calling  for  a  condition  somewhat  unique,   and   which   w 
not  have  been  thought  of  hitherto  as  lo  any  State.     The  power  of  Con. 
conditions  has  been  many  times,  in  one  way  or  another,  exercised.     The   ConstitU 
of  the  United   States  recognized  slavery,  but.  in   some  instance-  were  adm 

n  condition  that  the  constitution  which  they  adopted  should  contain  a  provision 
against  slavery,  or  involuntary  servitude.  This  whole  trouble— not  all  of  it.  but  part 
0f  it— is.  a-  has  been  stated  by  the  Senator  from  T<  xas  [Mr.  Bailey],  due.  1  think,  to 
the  absolutely  improvident  policy  of  Congress  in  dealing  with  the  Indian-.  So  long  as 
the  tribal  relations  were  preserved,  so  long  as  the  Indian  remained  a  ward  of  the  G 
ernment.  it  needed  no  reservation  in  a  constitution  nor  in  an  organic  act  to  authorize 
the  Government  of  the  United  with  the  subject  of  the  barter  and 

intoxicating  liquors  to  Indians  within  a  State:  but  when  I  ted  the  pnli. 

making  every  Indian,  the  moment  he  received  an  allotment  of  land  in  severalty,  a  citi- 
zen of  the  Unit'    I  Si       S  and  a  citizen  of  the  State,  the  situation  changed,  and  the  n< 
shies  of  it.  so  far  as  this  legislation  is  concerned,  changed.     There  are.  I  am  told  by  my 
friend  from  Indiana   [Mr.  BevERIDGE],  80.000  Indians  in  the  Indian  Territory.     No  man 
need-  to  be  told  that  in  the  interesl  of  the  Indian-  and  in  the  int(  f  the  white  | 

pie  among  whom  the  Indian   is  found,  SO  far  a-  it   i-  possible,  intoxicating  drink  must 
be  kept  from  his  lips.    Tl  in  Indian  reservation,  I  think,  in  Oklahoma. 

Mr.    BEVERIDGE.     There  a: 

Mr.    SPOONER.     There    a-  rvations,    the    Senator  1    as    a' 

ments  are  made  to  those  Indian-,  if  any  are  to  be  made,  their  tribal   relation  probably 
•ul  they  become  citizens  of  the  United 

The  proviso  which  I  find  on  page  5  i-  a-  follows: 

Provided.   That   the   sale,   barter,   or   giving   away,   except    for   mechanical,    medicinal, 
or  scientific  pur]  of  intoxicating  liquors  within  that  part  of  .aid  Sta-- 

known  as  the   Indian  Territory  or  other  Indian  reservations  within 
hibited  for  a  period  of  ten  years  from  thi  I  admission  -  '"tc. 

The  line  between  the  two  parts  of  the  new  State  will  be  an  imaginary  line.     It  i-  an 

10: 


impossibility  to  protect  the  Indians  in  part  of  a  State  not  a  reservation  any  longer  and 
not  under  the  control  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  any  longer  from  this 
dangerous  and  inevitable  indulgence.  To  make  the  sale  of  liquor  free  in  one  part  of 
the  State  and  prohibit  it  in  another  part  of  the  State  is  a  vain  attempt  to  secure  the 
object  which  alone  can  justify  either  of  these  propositions. 

So  I  can  see  but  one  way  to  protect  the  Indians  and  to  protect  the  white  people  in 
the  State  of  Oklahoma  from  the  free  use  by  Indians  of  intoxicating  drink  and  the 
violence  and  outrages  which  often  follow,  and  that  is  for  a  time  to  prohibit  its  manu- 
facture, barter,  and  sale  among  the  whole  people  of  that  Commonwealth.  If  it  were 
forever  prohibited,  I  would  not  vote  for  it.  It  is  with  difficulty  that  one  can  tolerate 
the  notion  that  one  State  in  this  Union  shall  be  for  any  period  inferior  in  State  sover- 
eignty— I  mean  in  the  exercise  of  the  powers  confessedly  within  the  sovereignty  of  a 
State— to  all  the  other  States  in  the  Union  ;  but  at  the  expiration  of  this  period  this 
amendment  leaves  it  free  to  the  people  of  Oklahoma  to  change  their  constitution  and 
to  remove  this  restriction.  Under  the  circumstances,  yielding  only  to  a  situation 
which  seems  to  demand  it  if  these  people  are  to  be  admitted  into  the  Union  at  all,  I 
shall  vote  for  the  amendment. 


Gallinger  Amendment,  adopted  by  Senate,  52  to  17,  Feb.  7,  lost  in  conference: 

The  manufacture,  sale,  barter,  or  giving  away  of  intoxicating  liquors  within  that  part 
of  this  State  heretofore  known  as  the  Indian  Territory,  and  in  all  the  several  other 
parts  of  this  State  known  as  Indian  reservations  at  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  this  con- 
stitution, is  hereby  prohibited  for  a  period  of  twenty-one  years  after  the  date  of  the  ad- 
mission of  this  State  into  the  Union,  and  thereafter  until  the  people  of  this  State  shall 
otherwise  provide  by  amendment  of  this  constitution  in  the  manner  prescribed  therein ; 
and  the  legislature  shall  provide  suitable  laws  with  adequate  penalties  for  carrying  the 
provisions  of  this  section  into  full  force  and  effect,  said  laws  to  be  effective  from  and 
after  the  termination  of  the  Federal  jurisdiction  hereinafter  provided  for;  and  the  Fed- 
eral laws  relative  to  intoxicating  liquors  now  in  force  in  Indian  Territory  and  in  the 
said  Indian  reservations,  respectively,  shall  continue  in  force  for  a  period  of  twenty-one 
years  from  and  after  the  admission  of  this  State  into  the  Union,  said  subject-matter 
being  and  remaining  under  and  subject  to  the  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  the  United 
States  for  said  period:  and  this  State  and  the  people  of  this  State  do,  by  the  adoption 
of  this  provision  in  this  constitution,  hereby  expressly  consent  to  the  continuation  of 
such  exclusive  jurisdiction  by  the  United  States. 


LITTLEFIELD  BILL  TO  PROTECT  ALL  PACIFIC  ISLANDS. 

[No  action  taken  by  Congress.] 

A  bill  to  prohibit  the  sale  of  firearms,  opium,  and  intoxicants  to  aboriginal  tribes  and 
native  races  in  the  Pacific  Islands. 

Be  it  enacted,  etc..  That  if  any  American  citizen  sells,  gives,  or  otherwise  supplies  to 
any  aboriginal  native  of  any  island  in  the  Pacific  Ocean  any  wine,  spirits,  or  any  other 
intoxicating  liquor  he  shall,  on  conviction  thereof,  be  liable  to  a  penalty  not  exceeding 
fifty  dollars,  and,  in  default  of  payment,  shall  be  liable  to  imprisonment  for  a  period 
not  exceeding  one  month,  and  for  any  offense  subsequent  to  the  first  conviction  the 
offender  shall  be  liable  to  a  doubled  fine  of  one  hundred  dollars,  with  imprisonment  for 
not  less  than  one  month  nor  more  than  eleven  months.  Sec.  2.  That  commanders  of 
all  naval  vessels  and  revenue  cutters  are  hereby  appointed  justices  of  the  peace  for  the 
trial  of  such  cases  whenever  permanent  courts  can  not  conveniently  be  availed  of. 

SEC  3.  That  if  it  shall  appear  to  the  court  that  such  wine  or  spirits  have  been  given 
bona  fide  for  medical  purposes  it  shall  be  lawful  for  the  court  to  dismiss  the  charge. 

198 


[From  hearing  on  foregoing  bill,  Dec  6,  1900,  before  Committee  on  Insular  Affairs.] 
REMARKS  OF  REV.  WILBUR  F.  CRAFTS. 

The  Chairman,     How  is  the  geographical  field  over  which  that  law  operates  defined? 

Mr.  Crafts.    The  term  "Pacific  islands"  is  defined  thus: 

"Pacific  islands"  means  and  includes  any  islands  lying  within  the  twentieth  parallel 
of  north  latitude  and  the  fortieth  parallel  of  south  latitude  and  the  one  hundred  and 
twentieth  meridian  of  longitude  west  and  the  one  hundred  and  twentieth  meridian  of 
longitude  east  of  Greenwich,  and  not  being  in  the  possession  or  under  the  protection 
of  any  civilized  power. 

There  are  quite  a  numher  of  uncivilized  islands  that  have  no  government  that  can  be 
recognized  as  a  government.  Dr.  John  G.  Paton,  for  forty-two  years  a  missionary  in 
the  Xew  Hebrides,  has  made  a  tremendous  impression  on  this  country  in  regard  to 
what  he  has  said  about  liquor,  explosive-,  and  firearms  being  sold  by  American  traders 
to  those  cannibals.  They  are  under  no  protectorate,  and  I  suppose  the  American  there 
is  like  a  man  on  the  high  sea-.  When  he  is  not  under  any  other  government  he  is  un- 
der American  government  The  British  say  in  the  Xew  Hebrides,  "No  British  subject 
shall  sell  firearms,  explosives,  ammunition,  or  intoxicating  liquors  to  any  of  these 
aboriginal  natives." 

Mr.  Loin.     I  would  like  you  to  define  what  an  aboriginal  native  i-. 

Mr.  Crafts.  It  is  just  as  it  is  in  Alaska.  There  are  five  tribes  there.  They  are  not 
all  of  the  same  blood,  but  they  are  all  treated  the  same  in  the  bill  that  was  passed  last 
year. 

Mr.  Lorn.  Where  would  you  draw  the  line?  It  seems  to  me  that  you  are  drawing  a 
line  that  is  impossible  to  trace  when  you  use  the  words  "aboriginal  native." 

Mr.  Crafts.     This  has  been  traced. 

Mk.  Loud,     Where? 

Mr.  Crafts.  The  British  Government  has  been  enforcing  this  kind  of  a  law  since 
[867.  We  have  it  in  the  Indian  Territory.  The  cultivated  native  is  -till  only  a  culti- 
vated child.  There  is  not  an  island  to  which  this  refers  where  the  cultivated  native  is 
not  a  child,  although  he  is  cultivated,  like  the  colored  nun  of  the  South. 


GILLETT-LODGE  ACT  TO  PROTECT  PACIFIC  ISLANDS. 
Introduced  Dec.  6,  1900;  Approved  Feb.  15,  1902. 
Any  person   subject   to  the  authority  of  the   United   States  who  -hall   give,   sell  or 
otherwise   supply,   any  arm-,   ammunition,   explosive    substance,   intoxicating   liquor,   or 
opium  to  any  aboriginal   native   in  any  of  tin-    Pacific    1 -lands   lying  within   twenty  de- 
N'orth  latitude  and  forty  mth  latitude,  and  the  120th  meridian  of  longi- 

tude We-t  and  the  120th  meridian  of  longitude   Easl  of  Greenwich,  not  being  in  the 
ion  or  under  the  protection  of  any  civilized  :  hall  he  punishable  by  im- 

prisonment not  exceeding  three  month-,  with  or  without   hard  labor,  or  by  a  fine  not 
exceeding  fifty  dollar-  or  by  both.     And  in  addition  to  such  punishment  all  artich 
a  similar  nature  to  those  in  respect  t<>  which  an  has  been  committed   found  in 

the  possession  of  the  offender,  may  he  declared  forfeited. 

Sec.  2.  If  it  -hall  appear  to  the  Court  that  such  opium,  wine  -r  spirits  have  been 
given  ''.'»m  fide  for  medical  purposes  it  -hall  be  lawful  for  the  Court  to  di-niiss  the 
charpe. 

Six    .}.     All   offenses   apain-t    this   n  *i    any   of    -aid   i-1  the 

adjacent  thei  ommitted  on  the  high  sCas  on 

hoard  a  merchant  ship  the  United  and  the  c  ;'  the 

United  S  ''.all  have  jurisdiction  accordingly. 

[99 


PROTECTION  OF  UNCIVILIZED  RACES. 

From  Senate  Documents,  No.  73,  56th  Congress,  No.  200,  57th  Congress,  Introduced 

by  Senator  Money,  Feb.  27,  1901. 

INTERNATIONAL    TREATIES    NOW    IN    FORCE. 

Treatyof  Seventeen  Nations,  18  go,  for  Congo  Region:  Act.  XC. 

Being  justly  anxious  concerning  the  moral  and  material  consequences  to  which  the 
abuse  of  spirituous  liquors  subjects  the  native  population,  the  signatory  powers 
have  agreed  [that]  in  the  districts  of  this  zone  where  it  shall  be  ascertained  that 
either  on  account  of  religious  belief  or  from  some  other  causes,  the  use  of  distilled 
liquors  does  not  exist  or  has  not  been  developed,  the  powers  shall  prohibit  their 
importation.  The  manufacture  of  distilled  liquors  shall  also  be  prohibited  there. 
Article  XCII  provides  for  a  progressively  increasing  tax  on  distilled  liquors 
for  six  years  in  all  parts  of  the  zone  to  which  the  above  prohibition  does  not  apply 
as  an  experiment  on  which  to  determine  a  minimum  tax  that  will  be  prohibitory 
to  natives. 

The  list  of  nations  included  in  this  convention,  given  in  the  order  in  which  they 
ratified  the  treaty,  is  as  follows:  Germany,  Belgium,  Denmark,  Spain,  the  indepen- 
dent States  of  the  Congo,  Great  Britain,  Italy,  the  Netherlands,  Persia,  Sweden  and 
Norway,  Zanzibar,  Austria-Hungary,  the  Ottoman  Porte,  the  French  Republic, 
United  States,   Portugal. 

The  testimony  of  missionaries  is  that  the  treaty  was  to  a  good  degree  effective 
in  the  Congo  region,  and  that  the  work  of  civilization  within  the  "zone  de  prohibi- 
tion," as  it  was  called  on  official  maps,  went  on  more  rapidly  than  in  adjoining  terri- 
tory not   so  protected. 

Treatyof  1899,  ratified  by  United  States,  December  14.  1900. 

By  this  treaty,  in  which  the  same  nations  joined  (except  Zanzibar,  which  has 
been  absorbed,)  with  Russia  added,  the  tax  on  distilled  liquors  in  the  entire  zone 
described  in  Article  XC  of  the  treaty  of  1890  was  raised  from  10  to  52  cents  a  gallon, 
which,  by  experiment  provided  for  in  the  treaty  of  1890,  had  been  determined  to 
be  a  prohibitory  tax  for  the  native  races.  As  the  portions  of  Africa  north  of  this 
zone  are  Mohammedan  countries,  whose  native  races  are  abstainers  from  all  intoxi- 
cants by  the  requirement  of  their  religion,  and  as  the  portions  south  of  this  zone  are 
mostly  protected,  so  far  as  the  natives  are  concerned,  by  the  new  British  policy  of 
prohibitory  liquor  selling  among  native  tribes  in  protection  of  trade,  as  well  as^  for 
other  reasons,  this  second  treaty  aims  to  complete  the  protection  of  African  natives 
against  distilled  liquors  without  restricting  its  use  by  the  whites,  so  far  as  they  are 
able   to   pay  the  increased   price. 

Declaration  of  British  Colonial  Secretary. 

When  the  extra  heavy  tax  was  imposed  on  foreign  spirits  imported  into  West 
Africa,  the  region  recently  purchased  by  the  English  Government  from  the  Royal 
Niger  Company,  the  traders  complained  that  these  heavy  dues  interfered  with  the 
trade.  The  Colonial  Secretary,  the  Right  Hon.  Joseph  Chamberlain,  replied  that  it 
was  the  intention  of  the  Government  to  discourage  the  drink  traffic,  as  it  ultimately 
destroyed  all  trade  by  destroying  the  population. 

2CO 


Prohibition   for   Sudan    Natives. 

Foreign   Office,    December    10,    1900. 

Sir:  Lord  Cromer  states  that  Lord  Kitchener,  when  governor-general  of  the 
Sudan,  instructed  the  moodirs  to  see  that  no  liquor  was  sold  to  natives,  but  that  no 
written  orders  under  the  ordinance  have  been  published.  License  holders  are  under 
police  supervision  and  are  fully  aware  of  the  prohibition  of  sale  to  natives.  The 
question  does  not  really  arise  in  practice,  as  the  liquors  imported  are  too  expensive 
for  the  natives  to  purchase.  Recently  the  importation  in  small  quantities  of  mastic, 
a  cheaper  kind  of  liquor,  has  been  sanctioned  under  the  express  condition  that  it  is 
only  for  the  consumption  of  the  Greeks. 

I  am,  sir,  your  most  obedient,  humble  servant,  T.   H.   Sanderson. 

Rev.  Wilbur  F.  Crafts,   Washington,  D.  C. 

Gradual  Prohibition  of  Opium  in  Burma. 

India  Office,  Whitehall,  S.  W.,  September  13,  1900. 

Sir:  With  reference  to  your  letter  of  July  18,  1900,  to  the  secretary  of  state 
for  the  colonies,  which  has  been  forwarded  to  this  office,  I  am  directed  by  Lord  George 
Hamilton  to  forward  an  extract  containing  a  description  of  the  rules  regarding  culti- 
vation, manufacture  and  sale  of  opium  and  the  registration  system  applied  to  opium 
consumption  in  Burma. 

Owing  to  the  great  prevalence  of  opium  smuggling  in  the  province  some  modifica- 
tions of  this  system  are  in  contemplation,  but  the  particulars  have  not  yet  been  pub- 
lished  by   the  government   of   Burma. 

I   am,   sir,    your  obedient   servant,  Horace    Walpole 

Wilbur  F.   Crafts,  Esq.,  Reform  Bureau,   Washington,  D.   C. 

(Extract  from  Rules,  81.) 

The  system  of  registering  Burmans  was  introduced  in  the  beginning  of  1893. 
It  was  then  decided  to  extend  the  prohibition  of  the  use  of  opium  (except  for  medicinal 
purposes)  by  Burmans,  which  had  always  been  enforced  in  Upper  Burma,  to  Lower 
Burma.  In  order  to  avoid  inflicting  hardship  on  Burmans  who  had  become  habitu- 
ated to  the  use  of  the  drug,  notices  were  issued  on  March,  1893,  to  the  effect  that 
after  the  new  system  had  been  introduced  no  Burmans  except  such  as  had  registered 
themselves  would  be  permitted  so  possess  opium,  except  for  medicinal  purposes; 
that  all  Burmans  of  25  years  and  upward  who  desired  to  continue  the  use  of  opium 
must  register  themselves;  and  that  Burmans  under  25  years  of  age  were  not  permitted 
to  register  themselves. 

declarations    of    presidents    and    ex-presidents    of    the    united    states. 
[From  message  of  President  Grover  Cleveland,  December  4,  1893.] 

By  Aritcle  XII  of  the  general  act  of  Brussels,  signed  July  2,  1S90,  f..r  the  suppression 
of  the  slave  trade  and  the  restriction  of  certain  injurious  commerce  in  the  independent 
State  of  the  Kongo  and  in  the  adjacent  zone  of  Central  Africa,  the  United  States 
and  the  other  signatory  powers  agreed  to  adopt  the  appropriate  means  for  the  punish- 
ment of  persons  selling  arms  and  ammunition  to  the  natives  and  for  the  confiscation 
of  the  inhibited  articles.  It  being  the  plain  duty  of  this  government  to  aid  in  sup- 
pressing the  nefarious  traffic,  impairing  as  it  does  the  praiseworthy  and  civilizing 

201 


efforts  now  in  progress  in  that  region,  I  recommend  that  an  act  be  passed  prohibiting 
the  sale  of  arms  and  intoxicants  to  natives  in  the  regulated  zone  by  our  citizens. 

[From  message  of  President  William  McKinley,  December  3,  1900.] 

We  have  been  urgently  solicited  by  Belgium  to  ratify  the  International  Con- 
vention of  June,  1899,  amendatory  of  the  previous  Convention  of  1890,  in  relation 
to  the  regulation  of  the  liquor  trade  in  Africa.  Compliance  was  necessarily  with- 
held, in  the  absence  of  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate  thereto.  The  principle 
involved  has  the  cordial  sympathy  of  this  Government,  which  in  the  re  visionary 
negotiations  advocated  more  drastic  measures,  and  I  would  gladly  see  its  extension, 
by  international  argeement  to  the  restriction  of  the  liquor  traffic  with  all  uncivilized 
peoples,   especially  in  the  Western   Pacific. 

[Letter  from  Ex-President  Harrison.] 

In  response  to  a  request  from  the  Reform  Bureau  for  the  support  of  the  Lodge 
resolution  declaring  for  additional  treaties  and  laws  to  protect  uncivilized  races 
against  intoxicants,  opium,  firearms,  and  the  Gillett  New  Hebrides  bill,  which  pro- 
vides an  installment  of  such  protection  for  all  Pacific  islands  not  under  the  govern- 
ment of  any  civilized  power,  the  following  letter  has  been  received  from  ex-President 
Harrison : 

January    1,    1901. 

My  Dear  Sir:  I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  28th  ultimo,  and  in  reply  I 
beg  to  say  that  I  have  made  it  a  rule  not  to  sign  petitions  or  appeals  to  members  of 
Congress  for  legislation.  I  have  expressed  myself  upon  the  subject  in  a  public  ad- 
dress in  the  paragraph  to  which  your  letter  refers.  It  does  seem  to  me  as  if  the 
Christian  nations  of  the  world  ought  to  be  able  to  make  their  contact  with  the  weaker 
peoples  of  the  earth  beneficent  and  not  destructive,  and  I  give  to  your  efforts  to  secure 
helpful  legislation  my  warmest  sympathy.  Very  truly,  yours,  Benj.  Harrison. 
Rev.  Wilbur  F.  Crafts,  Washington,  D.  C. 

The  public  utterance  referred  to  in  the  letter  is  the  following  from  ex-President 
Harrison's  address  as  Honorary  President  of  the  Ecumenical  Missionary  Conference 
which  met   in   New   York  last   spring: 

"The  men  who,  like  Paul,  have  gone  to  heathen  lands  with  the  message,  'We  seek 
not  yours  but  you,'  have  been  hindered  by  those  who  coming  after  have  reversed 
the  message.  Rum  and  other  corrupting  agencies  come  in  with  our  boasted  civiliza- 
tion, and  the  feeble  races  wither  before  the  hot  breath  of  the  white  man's  vices." 

The  Reform  Bureau  also  presented  a  petition  in  support  of  Lodge  resolution  and 
Gillett  New  Hebrides  bill,  not  for  these  bills  specifically,  nor  for  the  United  States 
alone,  for  it  asks  all  the  governments  that  have  twice  united,  in  treaties  of  1890  and 
1899,  in  protecting  natives  of  Africa  against  intoxicants,  to  take  further  action 
separately  and  together  to  so  protect  all  uncivilized  races,  as  recommended  by  the 
President.  The  petition  is  to  be  withdrawn  and  carried  by  a  deputation  to  all  the 
prominent   governments  of  the   world. 

[From  message  of  President  Theodore  Roosevelt,  December  2,   1901.] 

In  dealing  with  the  aboriginal  races  few  things  are  more  important  than  to 
preserve  them  from  the  terrific  physical  and  moral  degradation  resulting  from  the 
liquor  traffic.     We  are  doing  all  we  can  to  save  our  own  Indian  tribes  from  this  evil. 

202 


Whenever  by  international  agreemenl  this  same  end  can  be  attained  as  regards  1 
where  we  do  not  possess  exclusive  control,    every  effort  should  be  made  to  bring  it 

atx  nit 

PROPOSED    UNIVERSAL    TREATY    INITIATED    BY    UNITED    STATES    GOVBRNME] 

[Senate  Resolution,  agreed  to  Jan.  4,  igoi.] 

Mr.    Lodge  submitted    the    following   restitution: 

Resolved,  That  in  the  opinion  of  this  body  the  time  has  come  when  the  principle, 

twice  affirmed  in  international  treaties  for  Central  Africa,  that  native  races  should  be 
protected  against  the  destructive  traffic  in  intoxicants  should  be  extended  to  all 
uncivilized  peoples  by  the  enactment  of  such  laws  and  the  making  of  such  treaties 
as  will  effectually  prohibit  the  sale  by  the  signatory  powers  to  aboriginal  tribes  and 
uncivilized   races  of  opium   and   intoxicating  beverages. 

Passed    January    4,    1901. 

Attest:  — Charles  G.  Bennett,  Secretary. 

Secretary  John  Hay,   U.  S.  State  Department,  (in  letter  of  Dec.   11,   1901,  replying 
to  Chairman  of  Native  Races  Deputation):    Your  suggestion  that  I  call  the  attentit  ■ 
the  nations  concerned  to  the  Resolution  of  the  Senate,  adopted  Jan.  4,  igoi,  as  likely  to 
have  influen<  e  by  indicating  the  concurrent  opinion  of  the  two  branches  of  the  treaty 
milking  power,   the  Senate  and  the  Executive,   has   my  cordial  acquiescence,      hi 
of  the  circumstance  that  the  former  representations  to  the  other  powers  were  made  by  the 
British  Government  as  well  as  byour  own,  I  shall  initiate  renewed  overtures  i>i  the  proposed 
sense  by  communicating  the  Senate  Resolution  to  the  British  Government,  with  the  sugges- 
tion that  it  be  made  the  basis  of  concurrently  reopening  the  question  with  the  po 
ing  infltt  in  the  Western  Pa  ifu  .  or  in  any  other  uncivilized  quarter 

tlutary  principle  of  liquor  restriction  could  be  practically  applied  through  the 
ral  enactment  of  similar  laws  by  the  several  countries  or  through  a  conventional 
agreement  between  them. 

THE    PEOPLE'S    VON 

<  >n  Dec.  6,  1 00 1.  461  petitions  from  36  States  were  presented  to  the  State  Depart- 
ment, all  in  sub  tance  as  follows:  /  I,  That  this  meeting  earnestly  petitions 
all  civilized  governments  for  laws  and  treaties  to  protect  native  races  against  in1 

cants  and  opium,  and  the  presiding  officer  is  hereby  authorized  to  so  attest. 

Additional  petitions  are  coming  in,  and  philanthropic  citizens  are  beginning 
to  write  Secretary   Hay  in  support   of  his  greal   proposal,  previously  quoted;  and 

in  other  Ian  and  philanthropists  are  writing  each  to  his  own  go\  em- 

inent, urging  co-operation  with  this  gr<  humane  movements. 


MIVI 


203 


THREE  RELATED  CRUSADES 

FOR  PROTECTION  OF  NATIVE  RACES  AGAINST  THE  WHITE  MAN'S  RUM   AND  OPIUM. 

From  Senate  Document,  No.  135,  58th  Congress,  3d  Session,  Feb.  3,  1905. 

The  International  Reform  Bureau  is  promoting  three  distinct  crusades  against  the 
sale  of  intoxicants  and  opium  among  native  races:  First,  to  protect  uncivilized  races 
outside  our  own  country  by  laws  and  treaties ;  second,  to  protect  the  natives  of  the 
Philippines  and  other  islands  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States;  third,  to 
emancipate  China  from  opium.  In  these  the  following  victories  and  encouragements 
are  reported  up  to  February  1,  1905 : 

1.  A  treaty  of  17  nations,  begun  in  1890,  by  which  "zone  de  prohibition"  was  written 
across  the  Kongo  Free  State.  This  was  for  distilled  liquors,  and  partly  in  the  interest 
of  trade,  since  the  liquor  traffic  among  child  races  "kills  buying  power  and  then  the 
buyers  themselves." 

2.  In  1899  the  natives  of  practically  the  whole  of  Africa  were  protected  by  an 
increase  of  tax  and  price  intended  to  be  prohibitive  for  all  but  whites. 

3.  The  United  States  having  ratified  these  treaties  last  of  the  first-class  powers,  has 
taken  the  lead  since  the  International  Reform  Bureau  aroused  American  public  senti- 
ment, and  January  4,  1901,  invited  all  nations  to  prohibit  by  treaty  the  sale  of  all  intox- 
icants and  opium  to  all  uncivilized  races. 

4.  At  the  opening  of  the  same  year  our  Philippine  government  forbade  the  saloons 
there  to  sell  to  natives. 

5.  Our  Navy  Department  that  same  year  suppressed  liquor  selling  in  Tutuila. 

6.  In  1902  Congress  forbade  American  traders  to  sell  liquors  in  Pacific  islands  hav- 
ing no  civilized  government. 

7.  At  the  same  time  there  was  before  the  British  Government  a  request  (not  yet 
accepted)  to  join  us  in  submitting  treaty  above  proposed  to  other  nations. 

8.  This  proposal  was  in  1904  seconded  by  Australia's  premier  and  lieutenant- 
governor. 

9.  The  treaty  proposal  had  been  previously  approved  by  King  Oscar  of  Sweden. 

10.  The  Japanese  minister  at  Washington  has  twice  forwarded  documents  to  his 
Government,  first  with  reference  to  child  races  and  also  with  reference  to  China. 

11.  The  first  proposal  of  a  private  monopoly  of  opium  in  the  Philippines  was  de- 
feated after  second  reading  by  an  appeal  to  public  sentiment  in  the  United  States ;  and 
a  bill  for  gradual  prohibition  of  opium,  satisfactory  to  the  missionaries,  was  in  1904 
drafted  by  an  opium  commission  and  was  expected  to  become  a  law  in  1905. 

12.  Secretary  Hay  gave  favorable  hearing  November  10,  1904,  to  petition  that  our 
Government  should  use  its  good  offices  to  get  China  released  from  British  opium. 

13.  Japan's  minister  to  the  United  States  about  same  time  forwarded  like  proposal 
to  his  Government. 


INTOXICATING   LIQUORS    IN   THE   PHILIPPINE   ISLANDS. 

Hearing  Mar.  30,  1900,  56th  Congress,  1st  Session,  Before  House  Com- 
mittee on  Insular  Affairs. 

The  Chairman  (Hon.  Henry  A.  Cooper).  Gentlemen  of  the  committee,  we  have 
up  for  our  consideration  this  morning  House  bill  No.  9151,  introduced  by  Mr.  Gillett, 
of.  Massachusetts — a  bill  to  regulate  the  sale  of  intoxicating  liquors  in  the  Philippine 
Islands.     It  is  as  follows: 

204 


A    BILL   TO   REGULATE    THE    SALE    0*    INTOXICATING    I.IOUORS    IN    THE    PHILIPPINE    ISLANDS. 

Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States  of 
America  in  Congress  assembled,  That  no  person  shall,  in  the  Philippine  Islands,  sell, 
except  for  medicinal  purposes,  on  the  prescription  of  a  regularly  practicing  physician, 
any  distilled  and  intoxicating  liquor  in  quantity  less  than  twenty  gallons. 

SEC.  2.  That  whoever,  by  himself,  his  clerk,  servant,  or  agent,  commits  any  viola- 
tion of  this  act.  shall  be  punished  for  the  first  offense  by  a  fine  of  ten  dollars,  or  im- 
prisonment for  not  more  than  ten  days,  or  by  both;  for  any  subsequent  offense,  by  a 
fine  of  not  less  than  fifty  or  more  than  a  thousand  dollars,  or  by  imprisonment  for  not 
more  than  six  months,  or  by  both. 

C,  3.  That  whoever  owns  or  keeps  any  distilled  and  intoxicating  liquor,  with 
intent  to  sell  the  same  contrary  to  the  provisions  of  this  act,  shall  be  punished  by 
fine  not  exceeding  a  thousand  dollars,  or  by  imprisonment  not  exceeding  six  months, 
or  both,  and  such  liquor  shall  be  confiscated  to  the  United  States. 

The  Chairman  (continuing).  ^Ir-  Crafts,  I  think  we  will  leave  to  you  the  division 
of  time  and  the  order  in  which  the  speakers  shall  be  heard. 


STATEMENT  OF  REV.  WILBUR  F.  CRAFTS,  PH.  D. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  MEMBERS  of  the  Committee:  The  societies  appearing  here 
are  The  Reform  Bureau.  The  National  Women's  Christian  Temperance  Union,  and 
the  National  Antisaloon  League.  I  think  we  may  fairly  claim  to  represent  the  senti- 
ments not  only  of  temperance  societies,  but  also  of  27.000,000  of  church  members,  with 
9.000.000  voters — that  is,  the  predominant  sentiment;  not  that  everybody  agrees  with 
us — and  we  think  we  shall  represent  this  great  constituency  in  asking  two  amendments 
to  this  bill.  In  the  first  place,  that  it  shall  apply  to  all  the  islands,  not  to  the  Philip- 
pines alone ;  and  that  it  shall  apply  to  all  intoxicating  liquors,  and  not  to  distilled 
liquors  alone. 

Practically,  it  was  established  in  1892,  by  the  concurrence  of  sixteen  nations,  that  it 
is  against  civilization  to  bring  liquors  to  the  frontiers,  where  the  white  savages  of 
civilization  come  in  contact  with  the  native  races,  childlike,  simple-hearted  people. 
The  difficulties  are  great  enough  in  the  contact  of  a  trained  race  with  a  native  race ; 
but  when  liquors  come  in,  quarrels  multiply,  and  the  native  race  is  swept  off  as  before 
a  whirlwind.  We  claim  that  the  spirit  of  that  treaty  would  lead  us  to  shut  liquor  out 
of  Hawaii  and  the  Philippines  especially,  because  they  are  chiefly  populated  by  native 
races. 

Mr.   SlBLEY.     Now.  why  do  you  not   propose  the   same  lav  to  Rico,  where 

we  do  contr  '  the  Philippine  Archipelago,   forbidding  not  only  the  sale  of  intoxi- 

cating liquors  but   also  giving  them   away,   as   in   the   law   that   appl  OUT    North 

American  Indian-?  You  do  not  provide  against  the  gift  of  liquor  in  this  proposed 
bill. 

Mr.  Crafts.     I  think  you  might  improve  it  that  way. 

Mr.  Maddox.  Why  do  you  not  apply  to  the  President  and  have  him  issue  an  order 
suppressing  immediately  this  sale  of  liquor  in  the  islands  we  obtained  from  Spain  ? 

Mr.  Crafts.  We  are  asking  both  the  President  and  Congress;  we  have  two  strings 
to  our  bow. 

Mr.  Maddox.     The  President  has  it  in  his  hands  to  do  it. 

205 


Mr.  Crafts.  But  since  this  Committee  on  Insular  Affairs  has  been  established  it  is 
evident  that  Congress  also  has  power  to  deal  with  these  islands.  We  have  asked  the 
President  to  take  action  and  he  has  not  done  so:  and  as  Congress  is  in  session  and  is 
legislating  for  these  islands,  we  think  it  is  only  proper  to  turn  to  Congress. 

Mr.  Maddox.  You  do  not  suppose  we  can  teach  the  people  in  the  Philippine  Islands 
anything  about  drinking  intoxicating  liquors;  they  have  been  at  it  a  good  deal  longer 
than  we  have. 

Mr.  Crafts.  I  will  tell  you  about  that  later ;  I  have  some  figures  here  in  reference 
to  that.  This  committee  has  the  power  to  draw  a  bill  that  would  apply  to  all  the 
islands  that  have  recently  come  into  our  possession.  There  is  no  question  about  that. 
The  President  could  act,  or  the  Secretary  of  War  could  act  under  his  direction;  but 
this  committee  can  also  act.  We  still  hope  the  President  will  act,  but  when  Congress 
is  in  session  we  think,  perhaps,  he  may  look  to  Congress  to  take  up  this  matter. 

I  want  to  call  your  attention,  now,  to  another  document  showing  that  when  our 
first  military  occupation  occurred  in  the  Spanish  war,  that  of  Santiago,  General 
Shafter,  who  was  the  military  governor,  adopted  the  very  policy  we  are  speaking  of, 
even  in  the  West  Indies.    He  said,  in  a  letter  dated  Santiago  de  Cuba,  July  30,  1898: 

I  have  always  been  strongly  opposed  to  the  canteen  system  or  the  sale  of  intoxi- 
cating drinks  of  any  kind  on  military  reservations,  and  have  opposed  it  until  abso- 
lutely overruled  and  required  to  establish  a  canteen  at  my  post.  *  *  *  I  have 
absolutely  prohibited  the  sale  of  liquor  or  the  opening  of  saloons  in  the  city  of  San- 
tiago, and  have  refused  permission  for  cargoes  of  beer  to  come  from  the  States  here. 

We  would  like  very  much  to  have  this  committee  ascertain  how  that  policy,  which 
we  are  informed  General  Wood  also  endeavored  to  carry  out,  was  overruled ;  by  what 
influence  the  policy  of  those  two  wise  generals,  who  were  on  the  spot — General  Shafter 
not  a  "temperance  fanatic,"  and  General  Wood  certainly  not  being  unbalanced  on  the 
question  of  temperance — was  set  aside. 

Here  is  our  whole  case  stated  in  resolutions  that  were  unanimously  voted  by  the 
Methodist  and  United  Presbyterian  preachers'  meetings  of  Pittsburg,  and  have  since 
been  adopted  by  other  bodies. 

Whereas,  civilized  nations  generally  united  in  1892  in  a  treaty  to  ex- 
clude liquors  from  a  large  part  of  Africa  in  protection  of  native  races,  a 
policy  our  own  country  and  Canada  had  previously  adopted  in  Indian 
territories,  and  which  Great  Britain  has  recently  followed  in  the  Soudan ; 
Therefore, 

RESOLVED,  That  we  condemn,  as  backward  steps  and  crimes 
against  civilization,  our  Government's  permission  of  the  sale  of  liquors 
in  Alaska,  through  the  repeal  of  prohibition;  and  in  Hawaii,  for  pro- 
hibition, in  which  its  leading  citizens  have  petitioned;  and  in  the  Phil- 
ippines, Puerto  Rico,  and  Cuba,  whose  people,  before  we  came  into  pos- 
session, commonly  used  only  very  light  wines,  and  those  very  sparingly ; 
and  we  call  the  attention  of  our  Government  to  the  fact,  of  which  we  are 
assured  by  such  unimpeachable  witnesses  as  President  Schurman,  that 
the  people  we  essayed  to  civilize  are  being  brutalized,  and  especially  our 
young  soldiers  at  the  very  time  when  the  men  at  the  head  of  the  British 
army,  Generals  Wolseley,  Roberts,  and  Kitchener,  instead  of  assuming 
that  soldiers  must  drink,  have  demonstrated  by  successful  total  absti- 

206 


nence  campaigns  and  other  experiments  and  statistics,  that  the  regimen 
of  the  regiment  in  this  respect  should  be  that  of  the  athlete,  in  the  in- 
terest of  health,  order,  and  efficiency. 

RESOLVED,  FURTHER,  That  in  view  of  the  foregoing  facts  we 
hereby  authorize  the  officers  of  this  meeting  to  join  in  the  Presbyterian 
Assembly's  petition  to  the  President,  as  the  present  military  ruler  of  all 
our  islands,  to  "right  this  great  wrong,"  and  we  also  petition  Congress 
to  forbid  the  importation  into  these  islands,  and  the  sale  in  them,  of  all 
intoxicating  drinks,  and  to  reenact  the  nullified  anticanteen  law. 

Mi;.   PAYNE.     Are  you  the  author  of  that? 

Mk.  Crafts.    Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Payns.  Where  did  you  get  that  statement  that  those  islands  are  using  only 
very  light  wines  and  those  very  sparingly? 

Mk.  Crafts,     I  am  going  to  give  you  some  facts  as  to  that. 

Mr.  Hitt.  I  desire  information  as  to  what  authority  you  have  for  saying  that  before 
annexation  Hawaii  was  practically  under  prohibition,  and  that  since  annexation  there 
has  been  a  change  in  that  respect.  I  wish  to  call  your  attention  to  the  fact  that  not  a 
line  of  the  laws  of  Hawaii  have  been  changed  by  the  United  States,  nor  has  the  ad- 
ministration of  those  laws  been  changed. 

Mk.  CRAFTS.  They  have  not  been  changed,  but  whisky  shops  have  multiplied  in 
Hawaii  since  our  occupation.  After  Hawaii  was  Christianized  its  native  population, 
which  was  being  killed  off  rapidly  by  the  white  man's  drink,  and  vices  that  go  with  it, 
was  protected  for  many  years  by  prohibition.  This  had  been  relaxed  in  recent  years, 
but  when  we  took  possession  the  traffic  was  small.  Saloons  in  Hawaii  sold  chiefly 
light  drink-,  under  great  restriction,  but  immediately  on  our  occupation  whisky  was 
increasingly  introduced.  Over  the  door  of  one  whisky  shop  there  was  placed  a  picture 
of  Uncle  Sam.  in  his  usual  costume,  pointing  to  a  whisky  bottle  anil  saying,  *'It  is 
pure,  for  it  was  bottled  in  my  warehou  There  was  a  change  of  policy  immediately 

on  our  occupation. 

Mk.  Hitt.     A  change  of  policy  how? 

Mk.  Crafts.  I  mean  permissibly;  not  necessarily  that  any  orders  were  given  to 
anybody;  but  the  American  whisky  dealer-  at  once  rushed  in,  and  no  one  prevented 
them  from  doing  -<>.  They  went  into  Manila  witli  a  whisky  drummer  at  the  head  of 
the  army. 

Mk  Hitt.  I  am  speaking  of  Hawaii.  There  has  been  no  change  in  the  laws  or  the 
admini-tration  of  the  la 

Mk.  Crafts.  There  may  have  been  no  change  in  the  law-,  but  there  i-  a  change  in 
the  admission  "f  whisky,  both  in  quality  and  quantity. 

Mk.  Hitt.     There  is  a  change  in  the  trade,  the  commer 

Mk.  Crafts.     I  do  not  mean  that  any  official  has  ordered  these  changes,  but  that 
the    whisky    distillers  and   the   beer    brewers    have    been    permitted    to    pour    inl 
islands  a  greatly  increased  quantity  of  alcoholic  liqu 

The  Chairman.     Permit  me  right  there.     I  have  been  informed,  or  at  least  I  i 
always  understood,  that  there  has  been  no  change  of  th<  eminent 

or  the  laws  in  Hawaii. 

Mr.    CRAFTS.     The   statement   has   come    fr>>m    there   that   the   |  nment 

since  annexation,   pending  the   adoption   of  the    Hawaiian   bill.   1  finite 

and  uncertain  that  the  authorit  il  with  the  plag 


Mr.  Payne.  Have  you  some  record  of  the  importation  of  alcoholic  liquors  into 
those  islands? 

Mr.  Crafts.  We  have;  statistics  I  obtained  directly  from  the  Treasury  Bureau  of 
Statistics,  and  they  show  our  whisky  exports  are  rapidly  increasing.  Again  I  wish 
to  say  that  it  is  easy  to  make  figures  lie,  but  the  positive  testimony  of  President 
Schurman  and  others  we  shall  quote,  that  saloons  and  drunkenness  have  greatly  in- 
creased, can  not  be  juggled  away.  President  Schurman  says  that  when  we  took 
Manila  there  were  three  or  four  cafes,  selling  light  wines  mostly,  and  that  now  there 
are  500  American  saloons  there.  The  President  of  this  Philippine  Commission  goes 
there  and  examines  the  situation  and  makes  that  report.  President  Schurman  is  not 
our  only  authority  for  declaring  that  the  liquor  traffic  has  increased  in  the  Philippines 
since  our  flag  was  raised.  Bishop  Thoburn  gives  testimony  to  the  same  effect,  as  do 
also  Bishop  Doane's  agent,  Mr.  Peyton,  and  Mr.  Irving  Hancock,  the  correspondent 
of  Leslie's  Weekly,  all  of  them  declaring  that  the  traffic  in  alcoholic  liquors  has  in- 
creased immensely. 

Mr.  Maddox.     We  have  sent  about  100,000  soldiers  down  there  to  help  drink  it. 

Mr.  Crafts.  No  doubt  more  of  our  soldiers  are  killed  by  intoxicating  drinks  than 
by  the  Filipinos.  Now,  I  desire  to  give  you  the  statement  of  Mr.  O.  E.  Edwards,  who 
lived  in  Manila  for  twenty-four  years,  first  as  consul,  then  as  merchant,  and  has  been 
consulted  by  both  Philippine  commissions,  and  also  by  Cabinet  officers  and  the  Presi- 
dent. There  is  hardly  a  man  in  this  country  who  knows  more  than  he  about  the 
Philippines. 

Mr.  Payne.  Do  you  make  the  same  statement  in  regard  to  Puerto  Rico,  as  to  the 
change  since  American  occupation? 

Mr.  Crafts.  There  has  been  a  recent  slight  falling  off  in  the  exports  of  liquors 
since  we  began  to  call  our  soldiers  home. 

Mr.  Payne.  No;  but  since  the  occupation.  Do  you  make  the  same  assertion  about 
the  difference  in  the  number  of  saloons  and  the  increased  consumption  in  the  case  of 
Puerto  Rico? 

Mr.  Crafts.  I  have  statements  here  in  regard  to  the  drinking  habits  of  the  Cubans 
and  the  Puerto  Ricans,  and  also  the  statement  of  Mr.  Edwards  in  regard  to  the 
Philippines.  First,  about  the  Philippines.  I  had  a  long  interview  with  Mr.  Edwards, 
once  United  States  consul. 

Mr.  Hitt.     Where  was  he  consul  ? 

Mr.  Crafts.  At  Manila.  This  is  what  he  tells  me  about  the  drinking  habits  of 
the  Filipinos:  He  says  that  Spaniards  and  Filipinos  were  almost  never  intoxicated; 
that  they  had  their  little  cafes,  where  a  little  wine  was  drunk,  more  as  punctuation 
to  conversation  than  anything  else.  He  said  that  he  had  almost  never  seen  a  drunken 
Filipino  in  the  islands ;  that  a  Spaniard  is  more  offended  or  insulted  to  be  called  a 
drunkard  than  to  be  called  a  liar,  and  that  the  use  of  distilled  liquors  there  was  very 
exceptional.  President  Schurman,  from  a  shorter  observation,  gives  the  same  testi- 
mony. 

The  Chairman.     Where  did  President  Schurman  say  that? 

Mr.  Crafts.     In  a  speech  at  Buffalo,  to  the  Liberal  Club,  he  said: 

"Even  what  you  gentlemen  are  taking  tonight  would  be  considered  excessive  there." 

The  statement  would  be  true  in  a  general  way  of  the  Cubans  and  the  Puerto  Ricans 
also.  Here  is  what  is  said  by  Mary  C.  Francis,  a  reliable  correspondent,  in  regard  to 
Cuba: 

208 


"During  my  stay  in  Cuba  I  found  the  Cubans  extremely  temperate  in  their  habits 
with  regard  to  both  food  and  drink.  Distilled  liquors,  whisky,  brandy,  nun.  and  gin 
arc  but  little  used." 

We  could  bring  a  great  deal  of  testimony  to  the  same  effect.    One  of  our  soldi 
told  me  that  in  one  of  the  most  popular  simps  of  Puerto   Rico  the  favorite  refresh- 
ments  before   we  came   were   pretzels   and   milk   until   our   soldiers   came   in.   but    On   our 
arrival  all  these  gave  place  to  American  beer. 

Mr.  Hut.  Do  you  -ay  that  the  American-  coming  in  have  made  a  change  in  the 
habits  and  tastes  of  the  native-? 

Mr.   CRAFTS.     That  change  is  coming  gradually.     Most   of  the  drinking  in  all   thi 
place-   l-   at   first   done  by  our   soldiers;    hut    the   native-  are   influenced   by    American 
•in-,    iu-t   as   the    Indian-   have  been   and   the   negroes;   JUSl    as   the  people   of   Africa 

have  been  influenced  by  the  habits  of  civilized  people-.  The  natives  have  changed 
•heir  habits  hut  little  as  yet,  and  prompt  action  will  save  them  from  the  fate  that  has 
so  often  come  to  native  races  who  have  been  "civilized"  off  the  face  of  the  earth  by 
the  white  man's  drink. 

Mr.  Payne.  The  statistics  show  that  in  Puerto  Rico  they  consumed  1.500,000  gal- 
lons of  rum  a  year  on  the  islands,  and  that  the  importation  of  liquor  was  greater  tinder 
Spanish  rule  than  it  has  been  under  American  rule. 

Mr.  CRAFTS.  I  do  not  question  that  such  a  statement  has  come  to  your  notice,  but 
I  do  question  its  accuracy.  We  should  get  into  a  great  controversy  if  we  went  into 
statistics 

Mr.  Payne.  I  know  that  is  a  fact,  and  I  do  not  think  statements  ought  to  lie  made 
unless  they  are  founded  on  facts  well  authenticated.  Not  that  1  am  opposed  to  a  re- 
striction of  the  sale  of  liquors;  but  I  think  any  law  that  will  stand  on  its  own  merit 
ought  to. 

Mr.  CRAFTS.  That  is  certainly  true.  The  testimony  of  President  Schurman,  of 
Bishop  Thoburn.  of  Irving  Hancock,  of  Mr.  McCutcheon,  of  the  Chicago  Record;  of 
Peter  McQueen,  of  Mr.  Peyton,  of  Chaplain  Well-,  all  declaring  as  eyewitnesses  that 
there  has  been  a  very  great  increase  in  the  number  of  places  where  liquor  is  sold  in 
the  Philippine-  <ince  our  occupation,  is  certainly  the  best  of  testimony.  The  same 
imony  comes  to  us  in  regard  to  Cuba  and  Puerto  Rico  and  Hawaii.  The  liquor 
sellers  themselves  are  boasting  in  their  own  official  organs  of  the  great  increase  in  the 
traffic  since  these  islands  were  opened  up. 

I  want  to  say  one  thing,  namely,  that  Mr.  Edwards  is  firmly  of  the  opinion  that 
introducing  whisky  into  the  tropics 

The  Chairman.  Would  you  make  any  distinction  between  whisky  and  brandy 
and  the  importation  of  beer? 

Mr.  Crafts.  I  do  not  make  any  distinction;  some  men  do.  Mr.  Edwards  i-  per- 
haps  one  of  those  who  think  there  i-  a  difference.  lb-  says  the  insanity  that  has 
occurred  to  such  a  large  extent  among  our  soldiers  is  due  to  the  introduction  in  those 
islands  of  whisky  and  other  distilled  liquors.  Other  liquors  are  equally  intoxicating — 
it  is  only  a  question  of  the  number  of  glasses — but  it  may  be  that  in  producing  insan- 
ity the  more  concentrated  intoxicants  are  more  deadly. 

Tin:  Chairman.  I  have  received  some  letters  from  advocates  of  a  restriction  in  the 
liquor  traffic  who  make  a  pronounced  distinction  between  the  importation  of  brandy, 
whisky,  and  strong  liquor  and  the  importation  of  C 

Mr.   Crakts.     Congres.   p  law   within   two  or  three   years    for  the    District 

Columbia   in   which   it    say-   that    beer   i-   an    intoxicating  drnk.   and    we     -ay     whatever 

2Q<) 


"makes  the  drunk  come"  brings  all  other  evils  with  it— poverty  and  vice  and  crime. 
One  man  will  get  drunk  on  two  or  three  drinks  of  one  liquor,  and  another  man  on 
eight  or  ten  drinks  of  another;  it  is  simply  a  difference  in  the  number  of  glasses  to 
bring  on  the  intoxication.  We  are  opposed,  therefore,  to  any  distinction  between 
whisky  and  beer.  It  was  decided  in  1836  by  the  "moderation"  temperance  experts  of 
this  country,  after  they  had  tried  the  substitution  of  wine  and  beer  thoroughly  and 
found  it  did  not  reduce  intemperance  or  its  consequences,  that  the  only  effective  plan 
was  to  avoid  all  intoxicants  of  whatever  name. 

Mr.  Moody.  How  does  that  conform  to  the  facts  you  have  stated  in  regard  to  the 
Filipinos,  namely,  that  while  they  were  using  beer  and  light  wines,  such  as  you  have 
described,  there  was  practically  no  intoxication  there,  and  that  since  the  introduction 
of  distilled  spirits  there  has  been  a  great  difference? 

Mr.  Crafts.  The  introduction  not  alone  of  distilled  spirits,  but  of  American  beer 
and  American  enterprise  in  promoting  the  trade  and  American  methods  of  drinking, 
have  brought  about  the  change.  It  was  not  alone  the  kind  of  drink,  but  the  way  they 
drank  it,  that  previously  kept  the  Spaniards  and  Filipinos  from  intoxication.  Before 
Americans  went  in  there  it  was  their  habit  to  sip  a  glass  or  two  of  wine  through  an 
hour's  conversation,  sometimes  a  stronger  drink,  but  taking  very  little  and  very  slowly. 
Even  this  was  harmful,  but  seldom  produced  drunkenness.  The  same  can  not  be  said 
of  the  drinking  of  beer  in  an  American  saloon,  where  they  stand  up  to  the  bar  and 
treat  again  and  again. 

I  will  now  introduce  Rev.  J.  B.  Dunn.  D.  D..  secretary  of  the  National 
Temperance  Society.  He  speaks  also  by  request  for  the  Presbyterian  Assem- 
bly's temperance  committee,  which  has  protested  to  the  President  against  the 
increased  liquor  selling  in  our  new  islands  since  we  took  possession,  which  they  say 
has  "doubled  in  six  months." 

Mr.  Crafts.  I  have  now  the  pleasure  to  introduce  an  ex-member  of  the  Indiana 
legislature,  author  of  the  Nicholson  law,  the  best  of  local-option  laws. 


STATEMENT  OF  HON.   S.  E.  NICHOLSON.    SECRETARY    OF    NATIONAL 

ANTISALOON  LEAGUE. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Committee:  Our  whole  contention  is  based 
on  the  fact  that  the  sale  of  intoxicating  liquors  is  a  public  evil ;  that  the  indiscriminate 
sale  of  alcoholic  liquors  is  yet  more  a  public  evil.  The  testimony  of  experts  in  almost 
every  land  substantiates  these  claims.  I  call  special  attention  to  what  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States  said  in  the  case  of  Crawley  V.  Chrisenden   (137  U.   b.,  90, 

91): 

"The  statistics  of  every  state  show  a  greater  amount  of  crime  and  misery  attribut- 
able to  the  use  of  ardent  spirits  obtained  at  these  retail  liquor  saloons  than  to  any 
other  source." 

If  this  be  true  in  the  United  States,  a  civilized  country,  it  would  be  much  more  true 
in  a  semicivilized  country  or  where  the  civilization  was  not  up  to  our  standard  of 
civilization. 

I  wish  to  call  your  attention,  also,  to  the  fact  that  the  sale  of  intoxicating  liquors  is 
being  carried  on  in  these  islands  without  any  authority,  except  military  authority ;  and 
we  believe  it  is  entirely  proper  for  Congress  to  take  cognizance  of  the  fact. 

The  Chairman.     I  have  received  recently  some  letters  from  people  who  are  strong 

210 


advocates  of  the  restriction  of  the  liquor  traffic,  who  think  there  ought  to  be  made  a 
distinction  or  discrimination  between  the  sale  of  whisky  and  brandy  and  strong  cor- 
dials, the  drinking  of  a  small  amount  of  which  intoxh  ites,  and  beer,   for  example. 

What  do  you  think  of  that? 

Mr.  Nicholson.    There  is  no  doubl  but  what  the  whisky  and  the  strong  liquors  will 

intoxicate  more  quickly,  but  the  beer  docs  intoxicate,  and  thai   is  the  trouble  about  it. 

1  have  in  my  possession  a  pamphlet  issued  by  the  Antialcoholic  League  of  Germany, 

id  by  many  of  the  leading  physicians,  in  which  they  call  attention  to  the  increase 
in  the  use  of  alcoholic  liquors  in  Germany,  and  speak  of  it  being  a  detriment  to  national 
life.  All  there  is  in  it.  Mr.  Chairman,  is  that  it  takes  a  little  more  of  the  beer  to 
intoxicate  than  it  does  of  whisky  or  of  other  stronger  drinks;  but  it  seems  to  me  if 
we  present  to  these  people  in  the  islands  that  have  lately  come  into  our  possession  beer 

as  a  f 1  product,  as  the  liquor  people  pretend,  and  those  people  get  drunk  on  it,  and 

just  as  drunk  as  the  people  who  drink  whiskies,  we  shall  deceive  them  and  produce 
great  harm. 

Mr.  SiBtEY.  Would  the  hygienic  effects  be  as  bad  in  the  case  of  beer  in  that  hot 
climate  ? 

Mr.  DlNWIDDIE.  May  I  answer  that  question?  The  Emperor  of  Germany,  as  is 
well  known  to  us,  has  made  some  study  of  this  question  and  has  found  it  necessary 
within  the  last  year  or  two  to  take  official  cognizance  of  the  increasing  drunkenness  in 
Germany,  brought  about  by  the  habit  of  drinking  beer  in  the  beer  garden-  there.  He 
has  brought  this  increasing  evil  to  the  attention  of  the  Reichstag,  and  has  asked  legis- 
lation upon  the  subject  of  "excessive  drinking."  and  I  think  that  legislation  has  re- 
cently gone  into  operation  as  the  result  of  the  Empen  forts  in  this  matter. 

Mr.  CRAFTS.  Mr.  Oinwiddie's  protest  against  beer  i-  that  of  a  Lutheran  of  German 
stock. 


STATEMENT  OF  MRS.  MARGARET  DYE  ELUS,  TIM-  NATIONAL  WO- 
MAN'S CHRISTIAN  TEMPERANCE  UNION'S  SUPERINTENDENT  OF 
LEGISLATION. 

I  represent  the  National  Woman's  Christian  Temperance  Union,  comprising  a  mem- 
bership of  nver  200,000  in  this  country,  with  organizations  in  50  countries  in  the 
world,  among  them  Hawaii  and  Puerto  Rico,  and  we  have  now  a  missionary  en  route 
to  Manila. 

I  will  add  the  testimony  of  a  Woman's  Christian  Temperance  Union  round  the 
world  missionary  as  to  Manila  saloons: 

jkssie  ac ki:r man's  TESTIMONY. 

The  main  street  of  Manila,  which,  under  the  much  denounced  rule  of  the  Spaniai 
was  quite  a  busy  thoroughfare  for  all  kinds  of  trade,   is  now   dubbed   "Saloon   all 
Almost  every  other  store  is  a  drinking  hell.     One  United   Si  jiment   spent  $1,700 

for  drink  in  one  day.     An  agent  for  an  American  liquor  house  !  that  in  one  day 

he  had  secured  orders  for  a  thousand  barrels  of  whisky. 

21  1 


STATEMENT   OF  REV.   DR.   A.   S.   FISKE,   OF   WASHINGTON, 

D.  C. 

I  am  not  a  temperance  fanatic,  but  I  am  a  fanatical  American.  I  have  rejoiced  very 
greatly  in  the  incoming  of  American  power  to  the  archipelago  of  the  Philippines,  and 
I  have  expected  the  grounding  there  of  a  beautiful  tropical  and  oriental  civilization 
under  the  auspices  of  this  Republic,  which  I  believe  to  be  the  best  Government  on  the 
face  of  the  earth ;  and  I  stand  appalled  when  I  see  the  very  first  of  our  American  insti- 
tutions to  get  itself  implanted  in  those  islands  is  the  American  saloon,  which  is  the 
most  accursed  of  all  the  instruments  of  vice  among  the  American  people. 

I  say  to  you  for  myself  that,  expansionist  as  I  am,  with  enthusiasm  for  the  future  of 
these  islands  in  their  wise  administration,  I  would  rather  today  see  the  old  flag  pulled 
down  in  the  Philippines  than  to  see  it  stay  there  protecting  the  liquor  traffic. 

WHAT   THE   UNFURLING   OF   OUR   FLAG    SHOULD    MEAN. 

I  will  close  with  an  appeal  to  the  President,  which  we  repeat  also  to  you : 

This  communication  is  sent  in  pursuance  of  the  following  action  of  the  general  as- 
sembly of  the  Presbyterian  Church  in  the  United  States  of  America : 

Resolved,  That  this  General  Assembly,  having  heard  with  pain  and  indignation  of 
the  unholy  activity  of  brewers  and  distillers  in  introducing  alcoholic  liquors  into  the 
territory  newly  acquired  by  this  nation,  instruct  its  permanent  committee  on  temper- 
ance to  investigate  existing  conditions,  and,  if  it  be  deemed  wise,  to  address,  in  the 
name  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  in  the  United  States  of  America,  the  President  of 
our  Republic,  asking  the  exercise  of  his  power  for  the  prevention  of  the  great  wrong. 

The  unfurling  of  our  national  flag  should  be  to  those  peoples  the  pledge  of  the  start- 
ing of  influences  that  shall  be  elevating  and  in  every  way  beneficent.  And  surely  the 
hope  of  such  results  seems  justified  in  view  of  our  avowal  of  purely  disinterested  and 
philanthropic  motives  in  entering  on  the  recent  conflict  with  Spain. 

Sore  disappointment,  therefore,  has  come  from  the  discovery  that  a  vast  stream  of 
intoxicating  drink  from  American  distilleries  and  breweries  is  being  poured  into  our 
newly  acquired  possessions.  The  official  records  at  Washington  show  that  the  amount 
of  alcoholic  liquors  exported  to  those  countries  has  doubled  in  six  months. 

The  American  saloon — that  foul  blot  on  our  civilization — has  already  gone  to  curse 
those  lands.  In  the  single  city  of  Manila  are  to  be  found  more  than  400  of  those 
breeders  of  poverty,  vice,  and  crime. 

Whatever  blessings  of  a  higher  Christian  civilization  we  may  have  hoped  to  bring  to 
those  distant  communities,  it  is  to  be  feared  that  the  benefits  conferred  will  be  counter- 
balanced by  the  demoralization  and  ruin  inflicted  by  the  American  liquor  traffic. 

Deprecating  the  coming  of  such  sad  calamities  on  those  hapless  races,  and  with 
trembling  apprehension  of  God's  righteous  judgment  on  our  beloved  country,  we  come 
in  the  name  of  the  million  communicant  members  and  of  the  other  millions  of  adher- 
ents of  the  Presbyterian  Church  in  the  United  States  of  America  to  address  you,  the 
President  of  our  Republic,  earnestly  asking  that  your  power  be  exercised  for  the  pre- 
vention of  this  great  wrong. 

212 


SECRETARY  TAFT  ON  OPIUM   IX  THE  PHILIPPINES. 

(Extracts  from  Hearing  before  House  Ways    and    Mian-    Committee    on    Philippine 
Tariff  Bill,  and  House  report,  No.  4'**'.  on  same,  58th  Congress,  3d  Sessioi 

Remarks  of  Hon.  W.  II.  Tut.  Secretary  of  War:  "One  of  the  amendments  pro- 
posed 1-  a  substantial  increase  in  the  duty  on  opium,  1>.  »t h  crude  and  prepared,  with  a 
proviso  authorizing  the  Philippine  Commission  to  prohibit  the  importation  of  the  drug 

altogether  or  to  make  such  restrictions  as  may  seem  wise.  Under  the  Spanish  regime 
the  opium  traffic  was  licensed  so  far  as  Chinamen  were  concerned,  but  with  respect  to 
the  Filipinos  it  was  absolutely  prohibited,  and  the  Filipino  quit  using  the  drug,  and  any- 
one furnishing  him  the  drug  f- <r  his  use  was  punished. 

There  i<  no  prohibition  of  the  use  of  opium  at  all.  The  use  of  opium  by  the  natives 
in  the  Philippine  islands  is  growing;  which  would  he.  if  allowed  to  go  on,  very  disas- 
trous, because  the  use  of  opium  among  the  Malays  has  been  exceedingly  deleterious  to 
them.  The  Philippine  Commission,  because  of  the  great  importance  of  preventing  the 
spread  of  the  use  of  the  drug  among  the  Filipinos  appointed  a  Committee  in  1003  to 
visit  the  various  countries  of  the  Orient  and  study  the  methods  adopted  for  suppressing 
the  evils  growing  out  of  smoking  and  eating  opium.  The  Committee  made  probably  the 
most  satisfactory  report  ever  made  on  the  suppression  of  opium,  which  recommends 
that  the  Government  assume  an  exclusive  monopoly  of  the  drug  for  three  y.-.irs.  selling 
only  to  continued  opium  users,  and  at  the  end  of  three  years  forbid  the  importation  of 
the  drug  altogether,  except  for  medicinal  purposes.  This  is  the  Japanese  Formosan 
method. 

The  customs  revenue  for  opium  is  about  $340,000  gold  a  year,  and  as  so<.n  as  the  plan 
of  the  Committee  is  adopted  this  substantial  amount  will  be  taken  from  tin-  total  reve- 
nue of  the  Central  government  but  the  policy  of  the  United  States  in  the  Orient,  often 
and  consistently  declared,  against  the  spread  of  the  use  of  the  drug,  requires  that  some 
other  method  of  raising  revenue  must  be  secured  in  order  to  make  up  for  the  deficit 
caused  by  the  adoption  of  the  report  of  the  opium  committi 

Governor  Wright  has  cabled  me  that  they  are  content  if  they  have  the  power  to  put 
the  recommendations  into  force,  EXCEPT  THAT  THEY  THINK  THAT  THEY 
GHT  TO  HAVE  A  HIGH  LICENSE  FOR  THREE  YEARS  RATHER  Til  \N 
A  GOVERNMENT  MONOPOLY." 

FNTRACTS    FROM    REPORT    OF    OPIUM    COMMITTEE    OF    PHILIPPINE 

COMMISSION. 
Appointed  1903,  Reported  1004. 

The  committee  found  that  five  months  was  too  brief  a  time  in  which  to  cover  the  ter- 
ritory required  and  to  secure  anything  like  full  evidence.  If  conditions  in  Japan  and 
Formosa    secm   to   have   been   more   thoroughly    investigated   than    those   elsewhere, 

nearly  two  months  of  the  entire  period   were   given  to    the    work    there 
months  for  the  remainder  of  the  itinerary  would  have  been  none  too  long.     Much  time 
was  consumed  in  going  from  place  to  place,  and  on  several  occasions  there  was  delay 
in  getting  a  passage  from  one  port  to  another.     It  was  not  always  possible  t<>  begin  work 
upon  arrival:  official  relations  bad  to  be  established  with  due   formality,  interv 
ranged   for  and  various  preliminaries  attended  to.      The  difficulties  of  language   wei 

tacle,  especially  in  Japan  and  China.  Though  records  and  other  official  documents 
in  the  former  country  were  at  once  thrown  open  to  the  committee  and  translations 
made   with  expedition',   the   amount   of  literature   was  great    that    five   months   elapsed 

re  the  completion  of  the  translator's  work  Again,  in  other  places  laws  were  un- 
dergoing a  change,  as.  e.  g.  in  the  Straits  Settlements  and  Burma,  and  the  committee 
v  ere  unable  to  secure  Copies  until  their  return  to  Manila. 

But  whatever  impediments  were  nut  with  grew  out  of  the  nature  of  things.     In  e 
instance  foreign  officials  and  representatives  of  American  Government  extended  11 

':.  prompt,  and  efficient  aid  It  is  largely  due  to  them  that  this  report  has  that 
measure  of  value  which  it  has  attained.  The  same  may  be  said  ,,f  all  the  Filipino  offi- 
cials in  the  different  provinces,  whose  response  to  the  re.pu-st  of  the  committee  for  in- 
formation and  statistical  aid  was  uniformly  serviceable  and  court  We  regret  that 
this  was  not  SO  of  the  Chinese  in  Manila.  Only  two.  one  a  professional  man  and  the 
Other  a  merchant.  |  1  thenis.lv  mmittee  to  give  testimony,  though 
the  opportunity   was  given   others   to   represent    their   views   of   tin'   case.      The   Chinese 

21  3 


Chamber  of  Commerce,  which  was  asked  to  give  aid  by  expressing  its  mind,  declined  to 
do  so  except  under  conditions  such  as  no  Government  committee  could  accept. 

In  arranging  interviews  the  utmost  impartiality  was  observed.  Of  course  there  were 
conditions  in  which  the  committee  had  but  little  choice;  in  the  limited  time  at  their  dis- 
posal they  were  compelled  to  secure  the  testimony  at  hand.  Otherwise  such  persons 
were  interviewed  as  seemed  to  be  best  equipped  by  reason  of  length  of  residence,  of  oc- 
cupation, or  of  force  of  character  to  give  accurate  and  useful  information.  No  evidence 
has  been  suppressed;  even  that  which  is  obviously  of  little  or  no  scientific  value  stands 
in  the  report  as  it  was  given.  In  one  instance  it  seemed  to  the  committee  that  the  tes- 
timony given  was  contributed  in  such  a  way  as  to  make  any  effort  to  reproduce  it  for 
publication  a  breach  of  manners. 

As  far  as  the  committee  has  knowledge  this  is  the  first  time  in  which  any  attempt  has 
been  made  to  collate  the  opium  legislation  of  a  number  of  countries  where  the  use  of 
the  drug  is  dealt  with  as  a  matter  of  large  concern ;  though  it  ought  to  be  added  that 
time  and  means  are  lacking  to  digest  and  arrange  in  an  orderly  manner  the  information 
and  facts  obtained  so  as  to  be  easily  available  to  an  individual. 

The  report  of  the  royal  commission  to  Her  British  Majesty  in  1895  was  chiefly  a 
study  of  the  Indian  problem  in  response  to  the  following  resolution  of  the  House  of 
Commons: 

Having  regard  to  the  strong  objections  urged  on  moral  grounds  to  the  system  by 
which  the  Indian  opium  revenue  is  raised,  this  House  presses  on  the  government  of 
India  to  continue  their  policy  of  greatly  diminishing  the  cultivation  of  the  poppy  and 
the  production  and  sale  of  opium,  and  desires  that  an  humble  address  be  presented  to 
Her  Majesty,  praying  Her  Majesty  to  appoint  a  royal  commission  to  report  as  to: 

I.  Whether  the  growth  of  the  poppy  and  the  manufacture  and  sale  of  opium  in 
British  India  should  be  prohibited  except  for  medical  purposes,  and  whether  this  pro- 
hibition could  be  extended  to  the  native  States. 

II.  The  nature  of  the  existing  arrangements  with  the  native  States  in  respect  of  the 
transit  of  opium  through  British  territory,  and  on  what  terms,  if  any,  these  arrange- 
ments could  be  with  justice  terminated. 

III.  The  effect  on  the  finances  of  India  of  the  prohibition  of  the  sale  and  export  of 
opium,  taking  into  consideration  (a)  the  compensation  payable,  (b)  the  cost  of  the 
necessary  preventive  measures,   (c)  the  loss  of  revenue. 

IV.  Whether  any  change  short  of  total  prohibition  should  be  made  in  the  system  at 
present  followed  for  regulating  and  restricting  the  opium  traffic,  and  for  raising  a  rev- 
enue therefrom. 

V.  The  consumption  of  opium  by  the  different  races  and  in  the  different  districts  in 
India,  and  the  effect  of  such  consumption  on  the  moral  and  physical  condition  of  the 
people. 

V  1.  The  disposition  of  the  people  of  India  in  regard  to  (a)  the  use  of  opium  for 
nonmedicinal  purposes,  and  their  willingness  to  bear,  in  whole  or  in  part,  the  cost  of 
prohibitive  measures. 

Furthermore,  the  British  report  did  not  close,  on  the  contrary,  it  only  opened,  in- 
vestigation regarding  a  subject  in  which  history,  observation,  and  the  progress  of 
scientific  methods  and  knowledge  all  have  a  part  to  play. 

The  Philippine  Committee  feel  that  in  however  small  a  degree,  yet  at  least  in  some 
measure,  they  have  made  a  contribution  to  what  is  one  of  the  gravest,  if  not  the  grav- 
est, moral  problem  of  the  Orient.  While  the  instructions  of  the  governor  to  the  com- 
mittee were  to  conduct  an  investigation  for  a  local  purpose,  the  committee  could  not 
help  being  conscious  of  the  wider  aspect  of  the  question,  and  they  hope  that  this  work 
may  be  the  starting  point  of  a  new  investigation  in  other  countries,  especially  an  in- 
vestigation along  approved  scientific  lines  relative  to  the  effects  of  opium  on  man  when 
taken  as  it  is  in  oriental  countries.  The  committee  found  that  wherever  they  went, 
though  there  had  been  much  desultory  observation  and  most  men  had  an  opinion 
formed  by  everyday  experience  or  by  personal  prepossessions,  facts  established  by 
scientific  methods  were  few  and  far  between. 

The  committee,  according  to  instructions,  confined  their  efforts  to  securing  infor- 
mation useful  in  framing  regulations  "for  reducing  and  restraining  the  use  of  opium 
by  the"  Filipinos.  Indeed  it  is  too  well  known  that  opium  is  a  prolific  source  of  revenue 
to  require  any  demonstration,  and  any  one  of  several  methods  could  be  adopted  ex 
anime  to  the  financial  benefit  of  the  government  exchequer.     Consequently  the  moral 

214 


and  social  problem  was  left   free  of  any  parallel  or   side  issues.     It  perhaps, 

generally  known  that   in  the  only   instance   where    America   has  mack-  official   uttei 
ances  relative  to  the  use  of  opium  in  the  Bast,  she  has  spoken  with  no  uncertain  voice. 
Bj  treaty  with  China  in  t88o,  and  again  in  1903,  no  American  bottoms  are  allowed  to 
carry  opium  in  Chinese  waters. 

It  may  be  said  that  this  is  partly  due  to  the  fact  that  the  American  Government  is 
in  this  u.iv  showing  respect  to  an  Imperial  edict  of  nearly  three-quartei     of  a  century 
an  edict  long  since  dishonored,  though  not  officially  revoked,  by  China  herself — 
but  it  is  also  duo  tip  a  recognition  that  the  use  of  opium  is  an  evil  for  which  no  finan- 
cial  gain  can   compensate  and   which   America   will   not    allow    her  citizens  to  eiicom 

even  passively.  The  official  attitude  of  the  Government  at  Washington,  while  not 
determining  the  conclusions  and  recommendations  of  the  committee,   has  had   some 

weight  in  their  deliberations  and  is  a  support  to  them  now  thai  they  have  reached  their 
ision.     The  conclusions  of  the  committee    are    unanimous,    though    the    members 
started  from  varying  view  points,  and  in  the  course  of  the  investigation  almost  the 
whole  gamut  of  opinion  was  run. 

In  the  end  the  conclusions  may  be  said  to  have  shaped  themselves  slowly  and  natur- 
ally out  of  the  data  in  the  hands  of  the  committee,  so  that  the  recommendations  here- 
with offered  are  made  with  conviction.  Though  cumulative  testimony  and  longer  ob- 
servation  would  have  made  this  report  of  more  value  to  the  public,  the  committee  are 
of  the  opinion  that  in  the  main  their  conclusions  would  have  fieen  unaltered.  Their  re- 
commendations,  if  carried  out.  are.  in  their  judgment,  the  most  likely  to  "reduce  and 
restrain  the  use  of  opium"  in  the  Philippine  Islands,  the  most  in  accord  with  the  of- 
ficial attitude  of  the  American  ( '.overnment  to  the  opium  question  in  the  Orient,  and 
the  most  humane  of  any  that  could  be  adopted. 

JAPAN. 

The  opium  law  of  Japan  is.  in  the  words  of  a  Government  official  of  Tokyo,  "pi 
bibitive  and  effective."  This  is  not  an  ex  parte  assertion.  Among  the  foreigners  resi- 
dent in  Japan,  as  well  as  among  the  Japanese  themselves,  there  is  hut  the  one  verdict, 
thus  admirably  expressed  in  Mr.  Kumagai's  terse  phrase.  Neither  in  formal  inter- 
views nor  in  any  of  the  frequent  conversations  on  the  subject  which  the  various  mem- 
of  the  committee  held  with  people  of  all  classes  was  a  dissenting  opinion  heard. 
The  opium  law  of  Japan  forbids  the  importation,  the  possession,  and  the  use  of  the 
drug  except  as  a  medicine:  and  it  is  kept  to,  the  letter  in  a  population  of  47.OOO.OOO.  of 
whom  S.ooo  are  Chinese. 

So    rigid    are    the    provisions    of    the    law    that    it    is    sometimes,  dly    in    interior 

ns,  almost    impossible  to  secure  opium  or  its  alkaloids  in  cases  of  medical  necessity. 

Not  that  the  Japanese  are  ignorant  of  the  medicinal  qualities  of  the  drug,  for  they  are 

abreast    with  the   foremost   in  their   scientific   knowledge,   and   the   medical   profession   of 

Japan  is  as  worthy  of  admiration  as  is  that  of  America  or  England,  hut  the  Govern- 
ment is  determined  to  keep  the  opium  hal.it  strictly  confined  to  what  they  deem  to  be 
its  legitimate  use,  which  use  even  they  seem  to  think  is  dangerous  enough  to  require 
special  safeguarding. 

first   the  committee  was  inclined  to  1m-    somewhat   skeptical   of  the  efficiency   of  the 

law  so  far  as  it  touches  the  Chinese,  especially  as  ti;,  tied  chiefly  in  the  coast 

towns  where  their  well-known  ingenuity  in  smuggling  and  the  ease  with  which  the 
Commodity    can    be    conveyed    secretly    into    the    country,    afford    facilities    for    evasion. 

But  apparently  the  vigilance  of  the  police  1-  3tich  that  even  when  opium  is  successfully 

smuggled  in  it  can  not  !»■  smoked  without  detection. 
The  pungent  fumes  of  cooked  opium  are  unmistakable  ami  betray  the  user  aim 
itably.     In  the  judgment  of  the  committer  ould  secure  no  information  to  the 

rary — the   Chinese   residents   in  Japan   are    for   the   most    part   non-smokers.     Oo 
lly  a  culprit  is  discovered  and  visited  with  severe  punishment;  hut  when  we 

sider  that  the  last  Chinese  conviction  was  three  years  nd  that  during  that  period 

we    have    no    record    of    a    Japanese    having    been    brought    into    the    court    for 
against  the  opium  law.   it    i-    safe   to  conclude  that    we  are   in  the  preset  tive 

station.      Even    in    Formosa,    where    the    Japanese     are     surrounded     by     an     Opium- 
smoking  population,   no  tendency   has  been   observed  among  them   to  yield   to   the  evil 

them.     There  is  an  instance  on   record  where  a  couple  of  Japanese  lads 
in    north    Formosa   experimented   with   opium    just    for  a   lark;    and    though   they   were 

:  1  ; 


guilty  only  on  this  occasion,  they  were  detected,  arrested,  and  punished.  Mr.  Ande, 
who  was  in  Hawaii  for  three  and  one-half  years,  considered  the  Japanese  practically 
proof  against  the  vice. 

An  instance  was  brought  to  our  attention  of  a  Chinese  compradore  who,  because  he 
was  unable  to  secure  opium  in  Kobe,  resigned  his  lucrative  and  responsible  position 
and  returned  to  China.  Our  experience  leads  us  to  consider  that  legislation  which 
minimizes  offenses  is  entirely  satisfactory ;  it  is  seldom  our  good  fortune  to  meet  with 
a  law  that  practically  shuts  the  door  completely  against  transgression.  But  such  is  the 
case  with  the  opium  law  of  Japan.  It  would  be  easy  to  jump  to  conclusions  and  to 
commit  the  folly  of  generalizing  from  a  single  instance,  but  in  order  to  estimate  the 
intrinsic  value  of  this  chapter  of  Japanese  legislation  it  is  necessary  to  make  a  careful 
study  of  the  national  conditions  which  prevail. 

d)  In  the  first  place  the  Japanese  to  a  man  fear  opium  as  we  fear  the  cobra  or  the 
rattlesnake,  and  they  despise  its  victims.  There  has  been  no  moment  in  the  nation's 
history  when  the  people  have  wavered  in  their  uncompromising  attitude  toward  the 
drug  and  its  use,  so  that  an  instinctive  hatred  of  it  possesses  them.  China's  curse  has 
been  Japan's  warning,  and  a  warning  heeded.  No  surer  testimony  to  the  reality  of  the 
evil  effects  of  opium  can  be  found  than  the  horror  with  which  China's  next-door 
neighbor  views  it.  In  the  days  of  the  Tekugawa  dynasty,  when  the  gates  of  Japan 
were  barred  to  the  world,  there  was  small  opportunity  for  good,  let  alone  bad,  com- 
modities to  gain  entrance  into  the  land.  But  when  the  bars  were  let  down  and  for- 
eign products  flowed  in  with  a  rush,  the  spear  point  was  lowered  against  opium  and 
its  alkaloids. 

Added  to  the  fear  of  the  effects  of  opium  there  is  that  powerful  moral  lever  which 
society  holds  in  its  hands  of  ostracizing  those  who  disregard  its  conception  of  pro- 
pi  iety.  An  opium  user  in  Japan  would  be  socially  as  a  leper.  A  Japanese  may  get 
drunk  every  night  in  the  week  on  sake  without  losing  caste,  but  woe  betide  him  if  he 
resort  to  the  seductions  of  opium. 

(2)  The  law,  then,  is  not  an  injunction  superimposed  on  the  people  by  the  will  of 
despotic  authorities,  nor  is  it  the  fruits  of  a  victory  of  the  majority  over  the  minority, 
as  in  the  case  of  some  of  our  American  States  where  a  prohibition  liquor  law  is  found 
on  the  statute  books;  but  it  is  crystalized  public  opinion.  The  people  not  merely  obey 
the  law.  but  they  are  proud  of  it.  They  would  not  have  it  altered  if  they  could.  It 
is  the  law  of  the  Government,  but  it  is  the  law  of  the  people  also.  This  being  the  case, 
one  of  the  main  difficulties  which  would  confront  any  other  nation  that  pursued  the 
same  course,  especially  a  nation  with  as  extended  a  coast  line  as  that  of  Japan,  does 
not  enter  into  their  reckoning  to  any  appreciable  degree — that  is  to  say,  smuggling  and 
illicit  traffic  in  the  commodity.  There  being  no  demand  for  opium  beyond  what  comes 
from  a  very  limited  number  of  Chinese,  there  is  no  inducement  to  import  it  secretly ; 
in  short,  the  game  is  not  worth  the  candle. 

Though  it  can  not  be  determined  with  certainty,  it  is  a  fair  inference  to  conclude 
that  the  Chinese  in  Japan  are  chiefly  men  who  have  not  acquired  the  opium  habit. 
Knowing  the  impossibility  of  getting  a  supply  of  the  drug  in  Japan,  persons  under  the 
control  of  the  vice  would  naturally  hesitate  before  going  there  to  live.  The  official 
opinion  is  that  Chinese  immigration  is  unaffected  by  the  prohibitive  opium  law,  except 
so  far  as  it  tends  to  exclude  an  undesirable  class  of  immigrants. 

(3)  Prohibition  was  applied  not  as  a  cure,  but  as  a  preventive.  Neither  the  desire 
for  opium  nor  its  vicious  use  has  ever  existed  in  Japan.  But  with  a  nation  notorious 
for  its  abandonment  to  the  habit  but  a  few  miles  away,  guided  by  wise  foresight  the 
Japanese  took  every  precaution  possible  to  avoid  contamination.  The  value  of  prohi- 
bition rises  and  falls  according  to  the  degree  of  culpability  among  those  whom  the 
legislation  affects.  Whatever  it  may  do  in  a  community  dominated  by  the  vice,  it  can 
not  rise  to  the  height  of  effectiveness  which  it  is  capable  of  in  conditions  where  its 
function  is  to  act  as  a  prophylactic  against  possible  disease  in  a  sound  community. 

(4)  The  conspicuous  loyalty  of  the. Japanese  makes  them  in  a  peculiar  way  a  law- 
abiding  people.     They  have  a  reverence  for  law  which  insures  a  high  measure  of  suc- 

'cess  in  its  enforcement.  As  illustrative  of  this,  it  is  worth  mentioning  that  observing 
citizens  noted  that  cigarette  smoking  was  spreading  with  alarming  rapidity  among  boys, 
and  a  law  was  forthwith  passed  forbidding  the  practice  to  lads  under  19.  To  quote 
again  the  phrase  of  Mr.  Kumagai.  the  law  thus  enacted  was  "'prohibitive  and  effective," 
and  that  among  those  who  were  at  the  reckless,  restless,  experimental  age  of  life. 

216 


I  The  police  force  are  a  superior  sel  of  men.  They  belong  to  the  ancient  samurai 
or  knight  rank,  and  inherit  .1  standing  and  a  code  "f  honor  winch  put  them  above  the 
temptations  that  ordinarily  beset  the  guardians  of  the  law.  Their  military  lineagi 
.1  source  of  efficiency— a  noblesse  oblige.  Their  intelligence,  their  training,  their  pride 
of  profession,  and  their  integrity  make  them  formidable  to  the  would  I"-  transgressor. 
The  Government  has  confidence  in  them,  a  confidence  which  appears  to  be  wisely  be- 
•  ed. 
I  The  Chinese,  the  only  people  in  Japan  who  might  l>e  suspected  of  leaning  to- 
ward the  use  of  Opium,  are  a  very  small  portion  of  the  population,  SO  that  they  have 
the  deterrent  that  comes  from  the  overwhelming  pressure  of  public  opinion.  Not  only 
are  they  under  surveillance  of  an  efficient  police,  hut.  one  might  say,  under  that  of  the 
whole  Japanese  nation,  who  in  their  strenuous  efforts  toward  self-preservation  would 
ii. »t  spare  an  unfortunate  Chinese  who  was  discovered  to  be  an  offender.  Mr.  Kumagai 
was  asked  whether,  in  his  judgment,  the  law  would  work  if  the  proportion  of  Chinese 
to  Japanese  were  that  of  Chinese  to  Filipinos  in  the  Philippine  Islands.  His  answer 
was  given  with  promptness  and  confidence:  "It  would  make  no  difference  how< 
many  there  were."  In  the  circumstances  doubtless  this  would  he  true,  provided  that 
they  remained  in  the  minority.  The  fact  that  they  are  chiefly  in  three  cities— Yoko- 
hama. Kobe,  and  Nagasaki— makes  it  easier  for  the  authorities  to  observe  special  vigi- 
lance regarding  their  habits. 

17)  The  opium  question  in  Japan  is  viewed  solely  as  a  moral  problem,  and  legisla- 
tion is  enacted  without  the  distraction  of  commercial  motives  and  interests.  The 
single-mindedness  of  this  view  point  carries  with  it  the  force  of  concentration,  a  force 
that  is  lacking  in  countries  where  opium  is  reckoned  with  as  a  source  of  revenue.  It 
is  worthy  of  more  than  passing  attention  that  Japan,  which  is  a  non-Christian  country, 
is  the  only  country  visited  by  the  committee  where  the  opium  question  is  dealt  with  in 
it*  purely  moral  and  social  aspect.  The  conditions  are  unique  and  favor  this  attitude, 
it  is  true:  hut  the  forceful  and  wise  way  in  which  the  matter  is  handled  indicates  unex- 
ploited  possibilities  even  in  fields  less  suited  to  drastic  legislative  measures. 

Trior  to  the  enactment  in  1S97  of  the  laws  and  regulations  pertaining  to  opium  the 
penal  code,  together  with  an  ordinance  governing  the  sa]c-  and  manufacture  of  Opium 
foi  medical  purposes  held  the  ground.  The  present  law  is  not  only  a  more  specific 
application  of  the  principles  which  have  always  prevailed,  it  is  drawn  with  exactitude 
and  thoroughness.  Punishment  for  negligence  is  not  overlooked  in  the  provision  of 
heavy  penalties  for  flagrant  offenses.  Unlike  our  own  law.  an  unconsummated  offense 
is  liable  to  penalty.  Also,  a  person  may  he  punished  not  merely  for  smuggling  opium, 
but    for   smoking  <>r  eating  it. 

Certain  persons  are  authorized  hy  the  head  official  of  each  district  to  manufacture 
and  prepare  opium  for  medicinal  purposes.  All  that  is  thus  manufactured  and  pre- 
pared is  submitted  to  a  legal  test  that  determines  its  quality.  That  which  is  up  to  the 
required  standard  is  sold  to  the  Government,  and  that  which  falls  short  is  destroyed. 
The  accepted  opium  is  sealed  in  proper  receptacles  and  sold  to  a  selected  number  of 

wholesale  dealers  (apothecaries),  who  in  turn  provide  physicians  and  retail  dealers 
with  the  drug  for  medicinal  uses  only.  It  can  reach  the  patient  for  whose  relief  it  is 
desired  only  through  the  prescription  of  the  attending  physician.  The  records  of  those 
who  thus  use  opium  in  any  of  its  various  forms  must  In-  preserved  for  ten  y<  This 

the  "prohibitive  and  effective"  law  of  Japan. 

FOI  ' 

The  island  of  Taiwan    (Formosa)    «  '1  hy  China  to  Japan  on  June  3,    1895,   in 

to  the  inflexible  demand  of  the  conquering  nation.     I'm   it  was  not   until  the 
summer   of    |S</  1    a    hard    Struggle    with    insurgents,    that    Japan    could    be    Said    to 

command  the  situation  sufficiently  to  initiate  her  schemes  for  the  development  of  the 
3.000.000  people  over  whom  she  held  -  1  rights.     What  has  been  done  during  the 

past  eight  years  by  this  quick-witted,  enterprising  nation  for  tin-  benefit  of  the  For- 
mosans  in  the  way  of  hospital  ami  sanitary  improvements,  education,  administration  of 
justice,   roads,   and   railways   has   resulted   in   a   State  •  i  p  ich  as   probably  the   his- 

tory >~i  the  island  has  never  before  known,  even  temporarily.      Not   hast    in  the  Japanese 

campaign  ^i  progress  has  been  tie  attemot  to  grapple  with  the  opium  problem 
sob.  fir  a-  it  touches  Formosan  life.     In  or.'  ppreciate  the  magnitud 

the    task    undertaken,    it    will    be    necessary    to    state    certain    fa.  .     rding    the    I 

-•7 


mosans  and  their  conditions,  as  well  as  to  say  something  of  the  form  of  government 
which  now  obtains. 

The  bulk  of  the  population  is  Chinese,  consisting  chiefly  of  the  Hakles,  who  origin- 
ally came  from  the  province  of  Fukien,  and  who  number  more  than  2,000,000,  and  the 
Hakkas,  who  came  from  the  province  of  Kwantung,  and  who  number  about  half  a  mil- 
lion. Both  the  Hakles  and  the  Hakkas  inhabit  the  coast  chiefly,  though  the  latter  are 
more  courageous  than  the  former,  laboring  fearlessly  in  the  camphor  camps  and  carry- 
ing on  trade  with  the  intractable  savages  who  live  in  the  interior.  In  addition  to  the 
above-mentioned,  there  are  40,000  Japanese  residents  of  Formosa ;  the  head-hunting 
aborigines,  who  number  about  113,569,  infest  the  mountain  districts  inland,  and  the 
Pepeheans,  who  represent  a  group  of  savages  living  in  the  lowlands  and  who  have  be- 
come more  or  less  domesticated  and  speak  the  Chinese  language. 

The  Hakles  and  the  Hakkas  alone  are  consumers  of  opium.  Prior  to  the  Japanese 
occupation,  the  Formosans  (this  term  applies  to  the  islanders  living  in  Formosa  when 
it  became  Japanese  territory  in  1895)  were  not  restricted  in  their  importation  and  use 
of  the  drug.  It  was  a  commercial  matter  only.  "The  nearness  of  Formosa  to  the  main- 
land of  China,  the  constant  moving  to  and  fro  of  the  Chinese,  and  the  fact  that  the 
mass  of  the  population  had  their  home  affiliations  in  Fukien,  where  the  opium  vice  is 
rampant,  tended  to  create  a  population  addicted  to  the  habit  in  the  "beautiful  island." 
When  the  Japanese  appeared  on  the  scene  it  was  estimated  that  7  per  cent  of  the  entire 
population  were  smokers  of  opium. 

The  present  government  of  Formosa  has  at  its  head  a  governor-general,  who  must 
be  of  high  military  or  naval  rank,  over  whom  the  home  Diet  has  no  authority,  as  he  is 
directly  responsible  to  the  Emperor.  He  is  aided  by  a  council  consisting  of  the  chief 
of  the  civil  administration,  the  chief  of  the  financial  department,  the  chief  of  the  mili- 
tary staff,  and  the  chief  of  the  naval  staff.  The  governor-general  is  given  a  free  hand 
in  his  administration  and  in  the  appointment  of  subordinates.  The  Japanese  consti- 
tution is  supposed  to  have  followed  the  flag,  at  any  rate  as  far  as  it  can  be  applied  to 
the  peculiar  conditions  which  there  exist. 

Upon  the  inauguration  of  the  new  Formosan  government  little  time  was  lost  in 
grappling  with  the  opium  question.  There  is  every  evidence  to  indicate  that  from 
the  first  it  was  viewed  from  the  same  standpoint  as  in  Japan.  A  prohibitive  law_  was 
never  enacted,  but  the  wisdom  of  extending  the  Japanese  law  to  Formosa  was  serious- 
ly considered.  When  action  was  eventually  taken  in  1897,  the  law  that  was  put  into 
effect  took  the  shape  of  a  regulative  system,  looking  toward  the  gradual  suppression  of 
the  use  of  opium.  It  might  be  termed  progressive  prohibition,  and  stands  unique 
among  all  the  laws  that  came  under  the  observation  of  the  committee. 

The  system  is  one  of  Government  monopoly.  The  drug  is  handled  and  the  traffic 
and  sale  controlled  solely  by  the  Government.  A  large  plant  in  '1  aiheku  prepares  all 
the  opium  consumed  in  the  island,  it  being  imported  in  the  raw  state.  The  cultivation 
of  the  poppy  in  Formosa  is  forbidden,  though  the  Government  has  made  some  experi- 
ments in  growing  it.  The  opium  paste  for  smoking  is  in  three  grades,  and  goes  into 
the  hands  of  the  wholesale  dealers  in  sealed  cans  through  a  Government  agent.  The 
possession  of  the  instruments  used  in  opium  smoking  is  forbidden  any  but  physicians, 
apothecaries,  druggists,  pharmacists,  persons  licensed  to  open  shops  for  the  consump- 
tion of  opium,  and  licensed  smokers.  It  is  necessary  to  get  a  license  from  the  district 
authority  in  order  to  open  a  shop. 

Excepting  in  cases  where  a  physician  prescribes  opium  in  some  form  as  a  medicine, 
no  one  is  allowed  to  purchase  or  use  opium,  unless  he  is  licensed  to  do  so  as  a  chronic 
morphemanian  on  the  certificate  of  a  physician  designated  by  the  district  authority,  for 
which  he  pays  a  small  fee,  and  which  is  good  for  the  Calendar  year  only  and  must  be 
renewed  annually.  Graduated  penalties  are  visited  upon  transgressors  of  the  law. 
After  November,  1900,  the  notice  having  been  given  as  early  as  1898,  no  licenses  were 
issued  to  new  applicants,  although  those  who  had  licenses  prior  to  this  date  had  the 
privilege  of  renewal  each  year  as  long  as  they  desired.  No  Japanese  under  any  con- 
dition, except  upon  medical  order  in  sickness,  is  allowed  the  use  of  opium;  and  as  far 
as  we  could  ascertain  the  savages  had  not  learnt  the  habit. 

Tt  was  partly  considerateness  and  partly  policy  that  determined  the  course  of  the 
Formosan  government  relating  to  opium.  The  suffering  caused  by  immediate  prohibi- 
tion would  have  been  great,  and,  moreover,  such  action  would  have  been  unintelligible 
to  Chinese  consumers,  among  whom  the  use  of  opium  has  become  a  traditional  cus- 
tom.    In  view  of  the  sensitive  condition  of  the  islanders,  who  loved  their  conquerors 

218 


as  little  as  any  otiu-r  subjugated  people,  especially  as  in  their  case  the  conquerors   ■ 
hereditary  enemies,  and  who  had  only  just  been  chastised  into  submission,  the  Govern- 
ment felt  that  a  prohibitive  measure  would  be  construed  as  oppressive  and  would  tend 
xcite  disturbance.    Added  to  this,  the  smuggling  problem  made  drastic  measures 
seem  impracticable. 

(2)  The  Japanese  Government  did  not  abandon  the  prohibitive  principle  in  adopt- 
ing the  Formosan  system  in  their  newly  acquired  possessions.    They  attempted  to  m 

it  progressive  instead  of  categorical  in  its  application.  Their  purpose  was  and  is  the 
complete  extirpation  of  the  vice  at  the  earliest  moment  possible — in,  perhaps,  thirty 
years — with  a  minimum  of  suffering  and  friction.  At  fir-t  sight  6  or  7  per  cent  does 
not  seem  to  he  a  very  large  proportion  to  be  victims  of  the  habit,  or  to  make  it  neces- 
sary to  conciliate.  Rut  when  we  take  into  consideration  the  fact  that  smokers  are 
almost  altogether  confined  to  male  adults  and  that  women  and  children  have  to  be  left 
out  of  tile  consideration,  as  well  as  the  savage  tribes,  the  situation  is  revealed  in  its 
true  proportions.  Some  doubt  has  been  cast  on  the  motives  of  the  Government  in  the 
establishment  of  the  opium  monopoly. 

\  man  of  judicial  mind  and  eminent  in  public  affairs  in  Japan  hinted  at  this  fear. 
though  he  had  no  evidence  to  adduce  on  the  subject,  and  said  he  was  loath  to  impute 
sordid  motives.  The  committee,  however,  discovered  no  grounds  for  believing  that 
financial  interests  play  any  part  but  a  subsidiary  and  momentary  one  in  the  opium  laws 
and  regulati  »ns  of  Formosa,  (a)  The  Japanese  hold  that  the  nonmedicinal  use  of 
opium  is  always  and  everywhere  a  vice,  (b)  The  original  desire  of  the  Government 
to  enforce  a  prohibitive  law.  (c)  Their  ultimate  purpose  now  is  to  achieve  this 
end.  and  all  the  methods  adopted  have  it  in  view.  The  revenue  from  opium,  which  is 
now  considerable  (3.000.000  yen  in  1902),  is  bound  to  decrease  under  the  provisions 
of  the  system  until  it  fails  to  meet  the  running  expenses  of  the  monopoly. 

(3)  Side  by   side   with   the  equipment   wherewith   to   satisfy   the   craving  of  opium 
smokers  is  a  department   which  uses  every  means  practicable  to  cure  victim-.     By  re- 

ig  to  give  new  licenses  to  the  rising  generation  the  increase  of  habitues  is  checked 
-  source  and  the  company  of  smokers  confined  to  those  who  were  addicted  to  the 
use  of  the  drug  prior  to  1900.  Death,  removal,  and  reform  will  gradually  do  away 
with  these.  But  the  Japanese  are  not  hopeless  of  working  a  moral  cure  among  a  class 
of  men  who  are,  perhaps,  more  nearly  hopeless  than  the  victims  of  any  other  habits. 
Tlie  law  does  not  leave  the  morphomaniac  to  his  fate,  but  puts  in  his  way  encourage- 
ments to  break  ofi  the  habit.  Any  victim  can  receive  treatment  in  om-  of  the  ten  Gov- 
ernment hospital-  of  Formosa;  medical  care  is  provided  for  those  outside  of  the 
pitals,  and  pamphlets  indicating  home  treatment  are  placed  in  their  hand-. 

14*      In  the  public  schools  instruction  is  given  the  children  on  the  evils  of  opium 
and  its  effects  on  the  human  body.     Specimens  of  literature  used   for  this  purpose  are 
appended  to  this  report.    The  example  set  by  the  Japanese  in  their  hatred  of  the  vice  is 
■  we  r  ful  educative  factor.    They  follow  out  their  own  teaching,  and  as  Japanese  and 
tnosan  children  by  side  in  the  same  school-,  it  is  easy  to  see  how  the  virtue 

of  the  former  would  impress  it-elf  upon  the  latti  jtimony  received  in  Singapore 

indicated  that  the  use  of  opium  among  "Babas,"  or  Straits-born  Chinese,  who  are  edu- 
cated under  British  influence  and  imbibe  British  idea-,  i-  there  reduced  to  a  minimum. 
In  tlie  case  of  the  Fori-  similar  results  may  be  looked  for 

It  is  always  difficult  to  measure  accurately  th<  vess  achieved  by  a 

tly  effective  law  illy  if  the  law  is  still  young  and  at  an  experimental   -tage  in 

it-  history.    That  the  Formosan  system  i-  not  an  unqualified  is  obvious.     But 

the  testimony  seems  to  prove  that  it  i<  more  effective  in  sing    the  •'   opium 

than  any  other  system  which  the  committee  has  of  among  a  people   where 

morphomania  is  a  common  vice. 

( (i »      Smupplinp  still  continues.     Propinquity  t  >  China  and  the  joy  that  c  the 

Chinese  heart   when   opportunity   is  offered  to  make  the  narrow  margin   of 

profit  aggravate  the  illegal  practice.     With  commendable  shrewdness  the  Formosan 
tern  puts  the  Government  opium  at  a  minimum  price,  SO  that  there  will  be  a-  little  in- 
centive as  may  be  to  the  smmrtrler.     SomrtinK  nun 

Id  be  -old  for,  on  aa  levied  in  China:  although  at  othi 

it   may  be  slightly  in  advance  of  the  mar!  5l  would  seem  to 

;t  to  a  in  smuggling.     More  than  this  can  n  id. 


(b)  Decrease  in  registered  smokers,  decrease  in  imports,  decrease  in  revenue,  all 
indicate  progress.  While  not  leaning  too  havily  on  statistics,  it  is  well  to  bear  two 
things  in  mind:  (i)  The  Japanese  are  remarkable  for  the  minute  information  they 
acquire  and  for  the  pains  at  which  they  are  to  give  accurate  statistical  tables.  (2)  The 
bulk  of  testimony  gathered  from  independent  sources  bore  witness  to  satisfactory  pro- 
gress. One  of  the  leading  Christian  ministers  in  Formosa  declined  to  give  an  opinion 
on  the  results  of  the  system,  on  the  ground  that  if  he  were  in  search  of  information  on 
the  subject  he  would  apply  himself  to  the  Government  records,  which  he  considered  to 
be  accurate. 

The  criticisms  against  laxity  in  the  enforcement  of  the  law  exceed  those  against  the 
law  itself  Almost  all  who  were  interrogated  agreed  in  commending  the  system  as  hu- 
mane and  apt. 

CHINA. 

Tt  may  be  well  to  recall  a  few  general  facts  bearing  on  Chinese  character  and  life 
before  passing  to  the  consideration  and  the  weighing  of  the  testimony  secured  by  the 
committee  in  Shanghai,  Hongkong,  and  other  places  in  China. 

(1)  The  Chinese  on  the  whole  are  a  moral,  law-abiding,  industrious,  and  frugal 
people.  How  comes  it,  then,  that  they  are  addicted,  more,  perhaps,  than  any  other  race, 
to  opium  and  gambling,  whose  effects  lead  certainly  to  wastefulness  and  laziness,  and 
generally  to  law  breaking  and  immorality?  If  this  question  may  be  answered — in  other 
words,  if  the  cause  producing  these  deleterious  effects  may  be  found — we  shall  have 
solved  one  problem  connected  with  the  use  of  opium  in  China. 

(2)  Why  is  it  that,  in  spite  of  the  well-worded  edicts,  letters,  petitions,  and  liter- 
ature condemnatory  of  opium  we  find  no  governmental  action  taken  to  prohibit  or  limit 
its  use?  It  may  be  safely  held  that  the  Chinese  government  officials  understand  the 
members  of  their  race  and  the  denizens  of  their  country  better  than  foreigners  do  or 
can.  and  it  is  not  condeivable  that  all  or  even  a  majority  of  the  ruling  class  in  China 
willfully  and  deliberately  encourage  a  custom  which  they  all  agree  is  condemning.  And 
yet  we  find  the  opium  vice,  fulminated  against  by  priest  and  illuminatus,  condemned 
and  villified  by  merchant  and  laborer,  steadily  increasing  and  spreading  more  and  more 
widely. 

Perhaps  the  answering  of  these  two  questions  is  too  difficult,  too  complicated  with 
incomprehensibles  and  imponderables  for  any  non-Chineses  mind  to  deal  with ;  and  yet 
a  comprehension  of  these  conditions  would  certainly  be  most  useful  in  deriding  on 
what  course  to  pursue  in  regard  to  opium  in  the  Philippines,  and  is  doubtless  neces- 
sary in  arranging  and  digesting  the  testimony  of  Chinese  bearing  on  opium. 

There  seems  to  be  in  China  neither  a  public  opinion  which  controls  nor  a  national 
life  which  welds  and  consolidates  a  people.  There  is  no  Chinese  individual  of  impor- 
tance only  as  an  aliquot  part  of  that  unit.  Hence  arise  many  virtues,  filial  piety  es- 
pecially, and  respect  for  the  past  of  the  family,  for  ancestors  as  representing  all  that 
is  noblest  and  best.  Hence  also  arise  iron-bound  conservatism,  opposition  to  change 
of  all  kind,  and  particularly  a  kind  of  family  selfishness,  so  to  speak,  a  desire  to  benefit 
and  aggrandize  the  family  regardless  of  the  injury  done  to  others  or  other  families. 
This  selfishness,  which  embraces  not  only  the  self — the  ego,  but  the  family — the  alter- 
ego,  acts  as  a  positive  force  in  urging  men  to  sell  opium  to  others  of  a  different  family 
or  clan,  for  it  is  no  matter  how  many  persons  are  debauched,  provided  only  those  of 
the  debaucher's  family  are  not  harmed,  but  benefited. 

When  any  person,  or  his  own  conscience,  accuses  a  Chinese  of  wrongdoing  in  traf- 
ficking in  opium,  he  has  not  only  the  stock  answers  that  our  liquor  dealer  has,  but  he 
adds  to  them  this  one,  that  his  duty  is  first  and  only  to  his  family;  that  not  only  is  he 
not  his  brother's  keeper,  but  it  is  also  his  highest  and  paramount  duty  to  benefit  his 
family,  even  though  it  be  by  destroying  morally  and  physically  others  not  connected 
with  his  family.  To  him  the  injury  of  the  many  for  the  benefit  of  the  few  may  be  a 
righteous  duty,  provided  the  few  are  his  family  and  the  many  not.  This  peculiar  al- 
truistic selfishness  is  not  confined  to  the  Chinese,  but  as  a  general  effective  cause  it 
pervades  their  life,  their  thought,  and  their  action.  In  it  are  found  the  roots  of  their 
frugality,  patience,  laboriousness,  and  well-recognized  commercial  honesty  ;  and  it  may 
not  be  denied  that  this  characteristic  is  often,  if  not  generally,  a  great  power  for  good. 
It  is  well  known  that  there  are  many  able,  conscientious.  Chinese  rulers,  and  many 
Chinese  whom  broad  charity  and  uprightness  make  worthy  of  profound  respect  and 
admiration. 

220 


It  may  be  said  that  all  peoples  crave  a  stimulant  the  American  Indian  hia  tiswain, 
tlu  Caucasian  his  alcohol,  the  Arab  his  coffee,  and  the  Chinese  his  opium.  But  is 
there  no  other  craving  common  to  mankind?    Are  there  not  cravings  for  amusements, 

cravings  for  food?      And  what  people  on  earth  are  so  poorly  provided  with  1 1  as 

the  indigent  Chinese,  or  so  destitute  of  amusement  as  all  Chinese,  both  rich  and  p 
There  arc  no  outdoor  games  in  China,  <>r,  indeed,  any  games  except   in  a  gambling 
Absolute  dullness  and  dreariness  seem  to  prevail  everywhere.      A-  these  two 
(lemons  drive  the  Caucasian  to  drink,  so  they  drive  the  Chinese  t<>  opium.      As  an  in- 
dividual may  by  habitual  toil  and  attention  to  business  become  incapable  of  amusement, 
so  a  race  of  almost  incredible  antiquity,  which  has  toiled  for  milleniums,  may  likew 
reach  a  pomt  in  its  development  where  the  faculty  of  being  amused  may  have  atropl 
and  disappeared,  so  that  all  that  remains  of  that  desire  is  to  spend  leisure  in  placidity. 
And  nothing  contributes  to  tins  so  much  as  opium. 

In  Formosa  the  merry  Japanese  hoys  are  teaching  the  phuid  Chinese  lads  to  play 
tennis,  football,  polo,  vaulting,  etc.,  with  a  view — the  Japanese  teachers  say- -of  im- 
proving them  physically  and  also  of  developing  in  them  a  love  of  s]>,>rts  which  will 
prevent  them  from  wishing  to  spend  their  leisure  indoors  smoking  opium.  And  the 
poor  who  have  no  leisure?  They  often  have  no  food  or  so  little  that  any  drug  which 
removes  first  the  pangs  of  hunger  and  later  the  healthy  cravings  of  appetite  seeim  a 
to  them.  Add  to  this  the  feeling  of  peace  and  well-being  that  often  accompanies 
the  smoking  of  opium,  and  it  is  not  difficult  to  see  why  the  indigent  Chinese  use  it 
We  administer  morphine  to  relieve  pain.  The  life  of  the  indigent  Chinese  cooly  is 
pain,  caused  by  privation. 

The  opium  sot  is  an  object  of  pity  rather  than  of  contempt.       If  the  Chit  :em 

more  easily  to  contract  habits  than  other  nations,  and  more  the  slaves  of  them,  is  not 
that  due  to  the  dullness  of  the  lives  of  the  well-to-do  and  to  the  painful  squalor  of  the 
indigent?  Chinese  are  said  to  be  victims  of  the  opium  habit,  of  the  morphia,  the  co- 
caine, and  even  the  cigarette  habit;  and  in  Shanghai  the  question  has  been  gravely 
raised  as  to  whether  a  certain  brand  of  cheap  and  exceedingly  poor  American  cigar- 
ettes contain  opium,  as  the  coolies  spend  their  last  penny  to  secure  a  few  of  them,  just 
as  others  do  to  procure  opium.  As  opium  is  far  more  expensive,  weight  for  weight, 
than  tobacco,  there  would  hardly  seem  to  be  any  possibility  of  such  sophistication  as 
above  indicated  in  these  very  cheap  cigarettes,  nevertheless  the  habit  is  acquired,  for 
the  cigarette  employs  the  leisure,  relieves  the  pangs  of  hunger,  and  destroys  the  appe- 
tite. This  habit  is  hardly  more  senseless  than  the  eating  "•  common  candies  or  the 
devouring  of  cheap  pickles  to  take  away  an  insistent  and  expensive  appetite. 

Are  the  Chinese  in  earnest  in  denouncing  the  use  of  opium?  Are  their  statements 
regarding  its  injurious  effects  and  debasing  tendencies  to  be  accepted  at  their  I 
value?  On  the  whole,  perhaps  the  benefit  of  the  doubt  should  be  given  them,  and 
unquestionably  all  are  in  earnest  when  members  of  their  own  clan  or  family  are  con- 
cerned. Yet  we  should  remember  that  like  the  rest  of  mankind  the  Chinese  are  likely 
ly  one  thing  and  do  another,  to  "save  their  face"  by  tine  speeches.  Their  mental 
and  ethical  training  teaches  them  not  only  to  appreciate  high  moral  standards,  but  also 
how  to  express  those  standards  in  the  most  beautiful   and  elegant   words. 

The  attitude  of  the  government  in  China  may  be  under  I |  from  the  following  de- 
scription of  the  examination  of  the  government  godowns  for  opium  and  of  the  meth- 
ods  used  by  the  government  in  handling  opium  at   Shanghai: 

Most  of  the  opium  imported  comes  from  India-  -Benares,  Malwa,  and  Fatna  consti- 
tuting the  larger  part  of  that  imported.  A  small  quantity  of  Persian  opium  is  also 
imported,  but    practically   none    from   any  other   country. 

When  a   shipment   of  opium  arrives   m   the   harbor   the   consignee   places    it    in   certain 

hulks  or  floating  warehouses  under  bond.       From  there  it   is  taken  to  the  government 

■wn.  where  it  is  weighed  and  labeled,  and  permits  for  its  transfer  issued  on  the 

payment  of  a  duty  of  IIO  Haikwan  taels  per  too  caddies.  This  sum  includes  both  duty 
and  liken  tax;  and  after  its  payment  the  opium  may  be  transferred  at  will.       Tin;  native 

opium  pays  a  departure  duty  of  40  Haikwan  taels  per  100  caddies  at  its  destination. 
Leaving  China  from  the  port  of  Lungchow,  native  opium  pays  an  export  dutj  of  20 
Haikwan  taels,  and  should  it  be  returned  to  China  it  pays  an  import  duty  of  no  Haik- 
wan taels 

It  will  be  seen,  then-fore,  that  the  Chinese  government,  at  Shanghai  at  any  rate,  does 
nothing  more  than  place  a  somewhat  heavy  duty  and  tax  on  opium  So  far  as  the 
committee  was  able  to  determine,  110  special  measure  to  discourage  or  limit  the  use  of 
opium  exists  at  Shanghai. 

22  I 


In  connection  with  the  attitude  of  the  government  of  China  towards  opium,  we 
should  consider  the  attitude  of  the  American  government  toward  the  trade  in  that  drug 
in  China  and  in  Chinese  waters. 

The  following  is  an  excerpt  from  A  Century  of  American  Diplomacy,  by  John  W. 
Foster : 

"From  the  beginning  of  our  political  intercourse  with  that  country  (China)  we  have 
discouraged  all  efforts  on  the  part  of  Americans  to  engage  in  the  opium  trade,  so 
injurious  to  its  people  and  forbidden  by  its  laws.  As  early  as  1843  participation  in 
that  trade  by  an  American  consul  was  made  a  cause  for  his  dismissal.  Our  ministers 
were  instructed  to  inform  the  Chinese  government  that  citizens  of  the  United  States 
would  not  be  sustained  by  their  government  in  any  attempts  to  violate  the  laws  of 
China  respecting  the  trade  ;  and  by  the  treaty  of  1880  our  citizens  are  prohibited  to  buy 
or  sell  opium  in  China,  or  to  import  it  into  that  country. 

"It  is  gratifying  to  record  that  the  United  States  government  from  the  beginning 
has  sought  to  discountenance  the  traffic.  In  the  first  treaty  with  China,  that  of  1844, 
it  was  provided  that  'citizens  of  the  United  States  *  *  *  who  shall  trade  in  opium 
or  any  other  contraband  article  of  commerce  shall  be  subject  to  be  dealt  with  by  the 
Chinese  government  without  being  entitled  to  any  countenance  or  protection  from  that 
of  the  United  States.' 

"When  Mr.  Reed  was  sent  out  to  negotiate  the  treaty  of  1858,  he  was  instructed  to 
say  to  the  Chinese  government  that  its  'effort  to  prevent  the  importation  and  consump- 
tion of  opium  was  a  praiseworthy  measure,'  and  that  'the  United  States  would  not  seek 
for  its  citizens  the  legal  establishment  of  the  opium  trade,  nor  would  it  uphold  them  in 
any  attempts  to  violate  the  laws  of  China  by  the  introduction  of  that  article  into  the 
country.'  " 

The  same  points  are  again  insisted  on  in  the  treaty  of  1903  between  the  United  States 
and  China,  and  restrictions  against  morphia  are  also  added. 

There  are  unquestionably  diverse  views  in  China  in  regard  to  the  methods  of  legis- 
lation to  be  recommended  for  opium,  but  the  common  concensus  of  opinion,  as  the  com- 
mittee obtained  it,  was  condemnatory  of  its  use  in  any  quantity  whatsoever,  for  it  was 
asserted  by  all  persons  who  were  questioned  that  a  man  who  uses  habitually  even  a 
small  quantity  of  opium  becomes  as  thoroughly  dependent  on  the  drug  as  if  he  used  it 
to  excess,  and  that  he  is  as  miserable,  useless,  and  hopeless  when  deprived  of  his  usual 
dose  of  opium  as  he  would  be  in  such  cases  were  he  a  user  of  considerable  quantities 
of  the  drug.  It  is  true,  however,  that  the  habit  is  more  easily  overcome  when  small 
quantities  are  used,  as  the  period  of  suffering  is  shorter.  While  it  may  not  be  neces- 
sary to  demonstrate  the  injurious  effects  which  opium  may  exert  on  the  prosperity  of 
a  community,  the  following  extract  from  the  North  China  Daily  News  of  April  25, 
1900,  may  be  worth  considering: 

"Messrs.  Rochet  and  Hippisley  have  both,  in  the  Shanghai  Trade  Reports,  given  itas 
their  opinion  that  the  s^le  of  morphia  ought  to  be  especially  restricted.  During  nine 
years  the  use  of  this  preparation  from  opium  by  the  Chinese  has  spread  with  remark- 
able rapidity.  For  the  first  time  morphia  appeared  in  the  Trade  Reports  as  a  separate 
item  among  foreign  sundries  in  the  year  1891.  Before  this  it  was  only  covered  up  under 
the  general  title  of  medicines  in  the  Annual  Returns  of  Trade,  which  are  published  by 
the  imperial  customs.  The  annual  import  amounts  now  to  about  150,000  ounces,  while 
in  1891  the  value  stated  by  the  Amoy  Trade  Report  is  1,079  taels.  This  represents  from 
400  to  750  ounces.  Two  years  later  the  Amoy  import  reached  2,632  ounces.  In  1898 
the  amount  stated  is  11,810  ounces. 

"The  commissioner  remarks  that  the  morphia  habit  is  making  continual  and  rapid 
progress.  An  increasing  number  of  shops,  both  at  Amoy  and  in  the  interior,  advertise 
morphia  pills  as  a  cure  for  the  opium  habit ;  generally  it  is  taken  in  the  form  of  pills, 
but  subcutaneous  injection  is  rapidly  coming  into  favor.  He  adds  that  the  use  of 
morphia  is  more  injurious  than  the  opium  habit,  as  it  is  the  most  harmful  of  the  nar- 
cotic alkaloids  contained  in  opium  and  cheaper,  and,  being  more  convenient  for  use,  a 
greater  number  of  persons  are  able  to  indulge  in  the  habit ;  the  retail  price  of  an  ounce 
bottle  is  $3  to  $3.20.  The  rapid  increase  in  the  use  of  morphia  at  Amoy  is  accompanied 
by  a  diminution  of  the  opium  habit.  In  1897  Amoy  purchased  4*3°6  piculs  of  foreign 
opium,  and  in  1898  the  quantity  was  3,790  piculs,  which  was  less  by  13  per  cent.  At 
the  same  time  poppy  crops  go  on  increasing  in  area  every  year. 

"The  total  production  of  native  opium  was,  in  1897,  valued  at  $2,400,000  for  the  dis- 
trict in  which  Amoy  is  situated ;  native  opium  bought  at  Amoy  amounted  to  1,000  piculs 

222 


in  1898.  This  was  brought  from  Yunan  and  Szechuan.  It'  we  compare  these  figures 
with  those  of  1882,  wh<  ntire  import  of  opium  at  Amoy  was  8,000  piculs,  thei 

a  probability  that  the  disastrous  opium  habit  is  still  increasing  in  a  part  of  China  where 
it  has  existed  for  about  oik-  hundred  and  seventy  years.  This  is,  unhappily,  a  picture 
of  all  China.  The  people  will,  against  all  remonstrances,  injure  themselves  by  this 
habit.  They  expend  the  capital  made  by  their  labors  in  the  purchase  "t'  a  distinctly 
injurious  article.  This  prevents  the  use  of  the  same  capital  in  productive  indust 
This  very  pernicious  etlect  of  the  opium  habit  is  very  clearly  seen  in  the  trade  in 

rts  at  Amoy. 

"In  1898  the  Amoy  exports  of  tobacco,  tea,  paper,  sugar,  boots,  shoes,  Chinaware, 
brie'  shu,    umbrellas,    fishing   net-,    garlic,    and    vermicelli     amounted    to    2,550,000 

In   [882  they  amounted  to  4.805.000  taels.     The  opium  habit,  through  the  misem- 
l  capital,  has  caused  the  exports  to  decline  one-half  in  sixteen  years.     From 
an  economical  point  of  view  it  i  that  the  opium  habit  is  far  and  away  the  greatest 

hindrance  existing  to  the  industrial  productiveness  of  Chinese  labor;  the  falling  off  oc- 
curs in  sugar,  tea.  and  paper.  The  sugar  export  fell  from  the  value  of  937,000  taels  to 
716,000  taels.  The  export  of  paper  fell  during  the  same  sixteen  years  from  the  value 
316,000  taels  to  the  value  286,000  taels.  The  tea  export  ha-  fallen  from  a  value  of  2,- 
000.000  taels  to  147,000  taels.  Opium  i-  the  bane  of  Amoy,  and  it  cost  the  people  2,- 
300.000  taels  in   1882  and  2.370.000  taels  in  1898. 

"At  Swatow,  the  next-door  neighbor  of  Amoy.  the  sugar  export  has  risen  during  the 
same  interval  of  sixteen  years  from  a  value  of  5,000,000  taels  to  6,000,000  taels.  The 
entire  expoi  .vatow  amounted  to  7.000.000  taels  in  1882  and  to  13.000.000  taels  in 

1898.  Morphia  is  not  mentioned  in  the  imports,  and  it  is  probably  still  unknown  there. 
The  foreign  opium  imported  had  dropped  from  10.000  piculs  in  1879  to  4.500  piculs  in 
1898.  Native  opium  paid  duty  on  489  piculs  in  1898.  It  may  be  concluded,  therefore, 
that  because  there  is  less  devotion  to  the  opium  habit  in  is  a  greater  de- 

velopment of  the  industries  which  produce  wealth.     As    additional    evidence    on    this 
I  it  may  be  mentioned  that  in  the  trade  reports  for  1S95   Mr.  Simpson   stated  that 
the  small  area  devoted  to  the  cultivation  of  the  poppy  ne  -  not  increase. 

"The  demand  for  opium  must  be  less  than  it  was  to  account  for  this  fact.     The  ex- 
ts  become,  in  this  view,  of  special  interest.     The  nio-t  valuable  are:  Sugar,  (1.000.000 
taels;   tobacco,  914.000  taels;   paper.  900.000  taels;   native  cotton  cloth.    ojX.000    taels; 
-  cloth.  580.000  taels;  indigo.  196,000  taels.     The  superiority  of  Swatow  to  Amoy  in 
industries  is  very  remarkable.     The  industries  are  much  the  same,  but  the  quantil 
exp'  five  or  six  times  greater  a'  w  than  at  Amoy.     Industry  at    Amoy    is 

paralyzed  by  the  opium  habit.  At  Swatow  there  is  less  opium  and  no  morphia,  and  a 
diminution  in  opium  smoking  leads  to  a  great  increase  in  the  products  of  native  in- 
dustry. 

"Morphia  follows  closely  in  the  footsteps  of  opium.  Wherever  the  paralyzing  effect 
of  the  opium  habit  is  felt  morphia  receives  an  invitation  to  enter.  In  1892  it  appeared 
only  in  two  trade  reports — those  of  Amoy  and  Shanghai.  In  [895  it  occurs  in  that  of 
Canton  for  the  first  time,  and  also  in  that  of  Fuchau.  In  [896  morphia  went  up  the 
Yangtse   River  to  Kiukiang.     In    1897   it  reached  Chiukiang,   and   in    [898   Hatikau.     It 

in  that  year  in  seven  trade  report-  only.     We  may  predict  that  it  will  follow  c-. 
where  the  opium  scourge.     Recourse  is  had  to  morphia  when  the  tyranny  of  the  opium 
habr  verely  felt.     Morphia  in  the  form  of  pills  i-  a  ch<  r    >pium 

inc.  and  this  accounts   for   its  rapid  extension.     The   subcutaneous   injection     will 
not  be  preferred  by  many  to  pills.     The  disfigurement  of  the  skin  by  ugly  -cars  is  too 
inconvenient  to  become  a  widespread  custom.     I  low  is  it  in  Kiangsi?     If  Kiukiang  ex- 
pended 856,000  taels  in  Inlying  opium  in   [882  and  1.500.000  ta  he  injurious  article 
in   1898,  the  people  have  now  less  capital   to  extend  their  Industrie!  rdingly 
find  that  the  value  of  the  tea  export  has  fallen  from  6.700,000  taels  in   ;  1. 496.000 
taels  in  1898.     There  ha-  hern  a  large  ina                                             paper,  porcelain,  gl 
cloth  and  vegetable  tallow.     Notwithstanding  this   fact,   the                       f  morphia 
forewarning  of  evil  to  come  in  the  province  of  Kiang 

The  opinion  prevails  among  some  Europeans  that  the  moderate  me 

persons  who  are  robust  and  well  fed  does  little  or  no  injury;  and  the  insurance  com- 
panies do  not  seem  to  regard  the  moderate  use  of  the  drug — say,  not  more  than  2  mace. 
or   two-tenths  ounce  apothecar  :ght,   per  diem — as   harmful.     Special    blanks   are 

prepared  for  applicants  for  insurance  wh<  mm.  and  if  an;.  evil  effects  are 

evident  the  applicant  is  either  reje>  •  remium  is  charged.     Here,  as  clse- 


where,  no  statistics  exist,  and  none  will  ever  exist  so  long  as  Chinese  life  proceeds 
along  its  present  lines.  Perhaps  the  Chinese  Government  may  itself  collect  statistics 
from  its  army  and  navy  in  regard  to  the  effects  of  opium,  be  they  good  or  bad,  on  its 
subjects.  In  the  dearth  of  trustworthy  statistics  the  opinions,  views,  and  experiences 
of  persons  living  among  the  Chinese  and  familiar  with  their  lives  and  habits,  and  par- 
ticularly of  the  Chinese  themselves,  must  be  considered.  It  should  be  stated  that  con- 
clusions based  on  such  testimony  may  be  logical  and  satisfactory,  but  statistics  are 
necessary  to  make  them  mathematically  accurate  and  exhaustive. 

It  is  generally  conceded  (i)  that  the  user  of  opium  commonly  increases  his  dose; 
(2)  that  he  is  worthless  and  unfit  for  work  when  deprived  of  his  customary  dose, 
whether  it  be  large  or  small ;  (3)  that  the  effects  of  the  drug  are  practically  the  same 
in  kind  on  Chinese  and  Europeans,  and  (4)  that  the  excessive  use  of  opium  is  in  all 
ways  deleterious,  leading  to  unthrift,  theft,  and  occasionally  to  arson  and  other  crimes, 
but  generally  to  crimes  against  self  or  those  dependent  on  the  criminal  rather  than 
against  the  public.  Nevertheless  the  sales  of  wives  and  children  are  frequently  made 
in  order  to  secure  opium.  On  the  whole,  this  vice  seems  to  be  more  insidious  and  more 
difficult  to  overcome  than  the  alcohol  vice,  even  though  not  so  productive  of  crimes  of 
violence. 

No  evidence  was  gathered  proving  that  the  Chinese  Government  is  making  or  ever 
has  made  in  modern  times  any  earnest  effort  to  diminish  the  use  of  opium.  Certain  of 
the  high  officials  who  wrote  the  most  eloquent  letters  condemnatory  of  the  opium  traffic 
and  appealing  to  foreign  nations  to  prevent  its  introduction  into  China,  are  believed  to 
have  steadily  increased  the  areas  under  opium  cultivation  in  their  own  domains.  It  is 
alleged  that  the  purpose  was  to  grow  opium  to  such  an  extent  as  to  supply  the  demand, 
undersell  the  foreigner,  drive  him  out  of  business,  and  afterwards  by  edict  prohibit  the 
use  of  opium.  Very  little  testimony  bearing  on  this  point  was  secured,  and  the  matter, 
to  say  the  least,  rests  on  very  slender  foundations.  In  the  meantime,  opium  culture 
occupies  more  and  more  land.  The  use  of  the  drug  is  spreading.  The  old  edicts 
against  its  use  have  fallen  into  desuetude,  and  the  home  and  the  foreign  supply  together 
are  not  now  equal  to  the  demand.  Information  was  secured  indicating  that  in  certain 
provinces  opium  is  used  as  a  medium  of  exchange,  being  more  valuable,  weight  for 
weight,  than  silver,  and  far  more  so  than  ordinary  copper  or  brass  subsidiary  coin — 
the  cash. 

The  weight  of  testimony  seems  to  be  to  the  effect  that  Chinese  firms  prefer  not  to 
employ  opium  users  in  positions  of  trust.  There  is,  however,  testimony  to  the  con- 
trary. The  demoralization  of  the  Chinese  army  and  navy  is  attributed  by  more  than 
one  witness  to  the  use  of  opium  by  the  officers. 

One  witness  asserted  that  the  police  courts  of  Shanghai  showed  that  the  use  of 
opium  and  crime  are  intimately  associated  in  that  city.  He  also  stated  that  it  is  cus- 
tomary to  advise  the  destruction  of  opium-smoking  apparatus  when  its  owner  dies,  in 
order  to  prevent  his  children  or  members  of  his  family  from  smoking.  The  physiolog- 
ical effects  of  the  drug  were  described  as  being  mainly  on  the  nervous  system,  though 
loss  of  appetite,  constipation,  etc.,  were  also  mentioned.  Physicians  in  China,  as  well 
as  elsewhere,  do  not  observe  any  marked  diminution  in  the  power  of  resistance  to  dis- 
ease or  to  surgical  operations  in  those  who  use  opium  moderately ;  on  the  other  hand, 
the  sudden  stopping  of  opium,  when  a  patient  who  is  an  habitue  of  it  comes  into  the 
hospital,  may  induce  a  condition  resembling  delirium  tremens. 

It  is  found  that  there  is  a  demand  for  opium  cures  throughout  China.  As  opium  and 
morphia  are  generally  ingredients  of  these  cures  little  is  to  be  hoped  from  them. 

A  well-known  business  man  of  high  position  in  Shanghai  talked  very  freely  with 
members  of  the  committee,  but  in  such  circumstances  that  it  might  be  a  breach  of  con- 
fidence to  go  into  detail,  and  stated  that  he  believed  that  opium  in  moderation  does  no 
harm  to  Chinese,  but  that  on  the  whole  its  influence,  when  not  used  to  excess,  seems 
to  benefit  the  user. 

Doctor  Macleod  did  not  believe  that  the  fact  that  a  man  uses  opium  moderately  mili- 
tates against  his  obtaining  work.  He  also  stated  that  the  Chinese  may  use  opium  in 
moderation  for  a  lifetime  without  any  bad  results. 

From  an  interview  with  certain  Chinese  merchants  and  taotais  the  views  of  the 
natives  of  the  better  class  may  be  had.  There  is  discontent  with  the  present  system, 
and  there  is  also  a  tendency  to  hold  the  Imperial  Government  accountable  for  the 
present  unsatisfactory  conditions.  The  gentlemen  favored  a  Government  monopoly  as 
being  the  only  way  in  which  the  use  of  opium  may  be  controlled.     They  also  recom- 

224 


mended  a  gradual  reduction  of  the  dose  as  the  best  method  of  diminishing  and  finally 
of  eradicating  the  habit.  Mention  was  made  of  the  edict  of  the  Emperor  Tao  Kwang 
(1836-1840)  imposing  a  heavy  penalty  on  the  use  of  opium.  This  edict  lias  not  been 
repealed,  but  is  not  obeyed.  The  views  of  these  gentlemen  shown  in  their  testimony 
and  in  their  written  statement  are  worthy  of  the  closest  and  most  respectful  considera- 
tion. 

They  state  clearly  that  no  man  can  smoke  opium  for  a  long  time  without  harm  to 
himself.  On  the  whole,  they  do  not  seem  sanguine,  and  assert  that  the  producing  of 
opium  is  more  profitable  than  the  producing  of  cereals,  and  that  while  this  is  true 
farmers  and  others  will  continue  to  produce  opium  in  spite  of  laws  to  the  contrary, 
even  if  effort  were  made  to  enforce  such  laws.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  a  system  of 
rewards  and  social  distinctions,  as  suggested  by  them,  can  not  be  devised  to  reward 
nonconsumers ;  for  if  it  were  practicable  to  reward  the  law-abiding  as  well  as  to  pun- 
ish the  lawbreakers,  our  system  of  jurisprudence  would  be  more  efficacious. 

One  witness,  entitled  to  great  respect,  stated  that  a  large  number  of  Chinese  use 
opium  as  moderately  as  we  use  tea  or  coffee.  He  stated  also  that  as  a  rule  inquiries 
are  not  made  as  to  whether  a  man  is  or  is  not  a  moderate  user  of  opium  when  he  seeks 
employment.  The  difficulty  and  even  danger  of  leaving  off  the  opium  habit  suddenly, 
when  one  has  become  an  habitue,  is  generally  acknowdedged,  as  is  also  the  tendency  to 
increase  the  quantity  used. 

The  custom  of  smoking  opium  on  market  days  alone  in  certain  districts  of  the  inter- 
ibr  was  also  brought  to  the  notice  of  the  committee.  The  statement  was  made  that  in 
the  western  provinces  of  China  from  80  to  90  per  cent  of  the  people  use  opium.  The 
fact  that  the  withdrawal  and  export  of  silver  is  the  main  reason  why  the  Chinese  of- 
ficials now  object  to  the  import  of  opium  was  also  mentioned.  Reasons  were  given 
why  the  provincial  authorities  could  do  nothing,  unless  by  the  central  Government. 
One  provincial  official  who  endeavored  to  forbid  the  use  of  opium  in  his  province  was 
removed  by  the  Imperial  Government.  The  possibility  of  carrying  out  prohibitive 
measures  in  China  does  not  seem  likely. 

There  appears  to  be  little  reason  to  believe  that  the  Chinese  would  resort  to  alaohol 
her  stimulant  in  case  they  should  abandon  opium.  The  point  has  no  more 
than  an  academic  interest,  however,  as  the  abandonment  of  opium  by  the  Chinese  is 
hardly  to  be  expected  so  shortly. 

It  is  to  be  observed  that  there  are  certain  towns  and  communities  in  China  where 
opium  is  not  used,  and  the  inhabitants  seem  rather  proud  of  the  fact. 

Doctor  Pearon,  the  first  secretary  of  the  Anti-Opium  League.  Soochow,  believes 
'ute  prohibition  would  entail  extreme  suffering  among  the  victims  of  the  opium 
habit.     She  recommended  gradual  abandonment  of  the  practice. 

Another  witness,  Rev.  J.  X.  Hayes,  present  secretary  of  the  Anti-Opium  League  at 
Soochow.  favor>  prohibition  and  has  no  faith  in  a  gradual  stopping  of  the  habit. 

D  .-  of  Honolulu,   stated  that   an   act   for    its    prohibition     (except    for 

medical  purposes)  was  passed  in  Honolulu,  but  that  it  was  not  then  and  never  had 
-  it  simply  encouraged  smuggling  and  was  made  a  source  of  blackmail. 
This  was  *aid  to  have  been  true  also  in  Java. 

One  witness  strongly  condemnatory  of  the  opium  habit  concludes  his  testimony  with 
the  statement  that  "prevention  is  the  only  cur 

[For  Hongkong,   Straits  Sett'  and  Java,  see  full   rep 

tiik  PHILIPPINES. 

In   trying   to   present   the  recommendati  t    suitable   to  combatting   the   use   of 

opium,  as  based  upon  the  practice  observed  in  the  colonies  visited  by  the  committee, 
the  question  naturally  arises  whether  absolute  prohibition  is  practicable  in  the  Philip- 
pine Island  answer  thi  tion  it  will  l>e  sufficient  to  give  a  general 
analysis  of  the  conditions  affecting  t!.  m  in  the  Philippit 

In  a  general  way  we  may  say  that  t:  ditions  are  somewhat  similar  to  those  of 

Java.     In  the  Philippine  Islands  the  practice  -ic  one.  im- 

ported by  the  Chinese  since  time  immemorial.  The  number  of  Chinese  inhabitants  in 
the  Philippine  Islands  is  about  70.000.  distributed  in  varying  numbers  throughout  all 
the  provinces  of  the  archipelago,  the  g  'art  beincc  found  in  the  larpe  '  -uch 

a-  Manila,  where  there  are  about  40.000. 

From  1S43  to  1898  the  farming  system  was  in  vogue  in  the  Philippines,  its  purpose 
being  to  raise  revenue  and  to  check  the  opium  vice  among  the   Filipinos,  prohibition 


being  considered  an  impossible  Utopia.  Although  this  system  prohibited  the  sale  of 
opium  to  Filipinos  and  forbade  their  entering  public  smoking  shops,  they  were  con- 
taminated by  the  vice  in  all  the  provinces,  though  only  to  a  small  degree.  From  the 
statistics  which  we  have  secured  and  which  accompany  this  report  it  is  clearly  seen 
that  the  provinces  in  which  the  vice  is  the  most  widely  spread  are  Negros  Oriental, 
Negros  Occidental,  Capiz,  Surigao,  Cagayan,  and  Isabela,  there  being  many  pueblos  in 
which  the  vice  is  unknown  among  the  natives,  owing  to  the  lack  of  social  contact  with 
the  Chinese.  The  swallowing  of  pills  is  exceptional  among  those  who  abandon  them- 
selves to  the  vice  and  hypodermic  injections  are  unknown.     The  average  number  of 

smokers  in  the  pueblos  varies  between  and  .     Filipino  women  rarely 

use  opium  and  the  drug  is  never  administered  to  children. 

As  an  exception  to  this  rule  may  be  mentioned  the  pueblo  of  Tayasan,  in  Negros 
Oriental,  where  the  vice  has  taken  hold  of  entire  families.  We  may  place  the  number 
of  Filipinos  addicted  to  this  vice  at  approximately  . 

From  this  analysis  of  the  conditions  affecting  the  use  of  opium  in  the  Philippines  it 
is  easy  to  see  that  absolute  and  immediate  prohibition  would  not  prohibit,  an  opinion 
confirmed  by  its  failure  to  do  so  in  certain  districts  of  Java,  where  it  is  in  effect. 

The  medical  criterion,  the  supreme  tribunal  to  which  we  must  appeal  in  this  prob- 
lem, explains  to  us  why  the  prohibitive  system  is  a  failure  in  the  places  where  the  vice 
exists.  A  superficial  analysis  of  the  physiological  processes  entering  into  the  opium 
habit  shows  us  that  in  all  inveterate  habitues  three  phenomena  are  present:  (i)  The 
irrepressible  craving  for  opium ;  (2)  the  gradual  increase  of  the  dosage,  and  (3)  in- 
toxication. These  three  phenomena  constitute  the  physiologic  picture  of  the  opium 
habitue — they  pursue  him  as  the  shadow  does  his  body.  The  external  evidence  of  in- 
toxication appears  after  a  longer  or  shorter  period,  varying  according  to  the  suscepti- 
bility of  the  individual. 

( 1 )  The  irrepressible  craving  for  opium. — This  phenomena  forms  one  of  the  most 
noticeable  characteristics  of  the  opium  habitue.  At  regular  hours  of  the  day  he  is 
seized  in  a  manner  well-nigh  fatal  by  an  indefinable  sensation  as  imperious  as  the  sense 
of  hunger.  This  craving,  which  constitutes  a  passion,  is  a  veritable  mania  (the 
morphiumsucht  of  the  Germans).  A  phenomenon  often  observed  is  the  necessity  of 
causing  infants  newly  born  of  opium-smoking  mothers  to  inhale  the  smoke  of  opium  in 
order  to  revive  them.  This  craving,  therefore,  is  not  a  fitful  phenomenon  subject  to 
the  caprice  of  the  will,  but  is  one  of  vital  permanency. 

What  we  have  just  said  is  not  a  mere  theory.  Medico-legal  statutes  admit  as  an  in- 
disputable fact  the  irresponsibility  of  the  habitue  during  periods  of  abstinence.  In 
the  Philippines  this  vital  demand  forced  upon  the  smoker  is  known  as  "guian,"  a  word 
which  has  but  one  meaning  wherever  used,  whether  in  Vidayas  or  in  Luzon,  and  which 
describes  that  irresistible  craving  which  seizes  the  opium  smoker  at  regular  hours, 
forcing  him  to  yield  to  the  vice,  and  when  unable  to  do  so,  seeming  to  place  his  life  in 
suspense.  It  may  therefore  be  said  to  be  a  fact  generally  admitted  that  the  opium 
habitue,  when  seized  by  this  maniacal  craving,  is  irresponsible,  a  fact  confirmed  by  the 
many  instances  in  which  such  habitues  have  committed  criminal  acts  as  a  result  of 
being  deprived  of  the  drug. 

(2)  The  gradual  increase  of  the  dosage. — The  story  is  told  that  in  ancient  times 
King  Mithridates,  fearful  of  being  poisoned,  was  so  cautious  that  he  used  regularly  to 
take  certain  poisons  in  small  doses,  in  order  to  inure  himself  to  them,  so  that  when 
maliciously  administered  to  him  by  an  enemy  their  effects  might  not  prove  mortal. 
This  is  how  the  practice  has  originated  of  giving  the  name  "a  law  of  habit"  or  "mith- 
ridatism"  to  the  properties  which  certain  poisonous  drugs,  such  as  morphine  and 
arsenic,  have  of  inducing  an  attenuation  of  their  effects  when  regularly  administered  to 
persons.  In  order  to  obtain  the  desired  effects  the  smoker  finds  himself  obliged  period- 
ically to  increase  his  dose  of  opium,  the  amount  of  increase  depending  upon  the  eco- 
nomic resources  which  the  habitue  has  for  continuing  the  practice,  and  also  to  a  greater 
or  less  degree  upon  his  will  power.  This  explains  the  statement  that  the  consumption 
of  opium  increases  or  decreases  according  to  the  fall  or  rise  of  commercial  prosperity, 
and  that  the  Malays,  who  as  a  rule  possess  less  self-control  than  the  Chinese,  are  more 
harmed  by  the  effects  of  opium  than  the  latter. 

(3)  Intoxication. — Daily  observation  shows  that  the  phenomenon  of  intoxication  is 
not  apparent  at  the  beginning;  on  the  contrary,  for  some  time  the  smoker  enjoys  excel- 
lent health,  the  ailments  which  led  him  to  contract  the  vice  disappear,  and  even  his 
mental   and   reproductive   functions   seem   improved.     But   after   a    longer    or    shorter 

2  26 


period,  varying  according  to  the  susceptibility  of  the  individual,  the  phenomena 
poisoning  arc  not  slow  to  appear;  the  brief  period  of  good  health  is  followed  by  that 
of  intoxication  with  all  its  digestive  disorders  and  emaciation;  the  moral  and  mental 
audition  becomes  clouded,  the  sexual  desires  arc  dulled,  and  the  end  is  reached  in  a 
physical,  mental,  and  moral   degeneration. 

As  corollary  to  what  we  have  said  on  the  physiology  of  the  inveterate  habitue,  the 
following  may  be  added  as  general  principle-.: 

i  i  )     The  impossibility  of  obtaining  a  spontaneous  cure  of  the  inveterate  habitue.  hi- 

en-lavement  to  the  vice  being  the  rule. 

(2)    The  fatal  tendency  of  passing  from  the  use  to  the  al  I  opium.      Recalling  the 

Is  of  an  eminent  physiologist  regarding  the  alcohol   vice,  it  must  he   said  that  men 
must  become  angel S  before  the  opium  habit  will  lose  its  danger. 

Manifest    a-   1-   the   impossibility  of  adopting   absolute   and    immediate   prohibition    in 
the   Philippine   Islands,  we  may  now  proceed  to  discus  the  policy  which   shall   be  the 
most  suitable  and  the  most   practicable  in  protecting  the  inhabitants  of  the   Philippines 
from  the  inroads  of  this  social  evil. 

The  first  thing  that  we  should  bear  in  mind  in  discussing  this  question  is  that  at  the 
present  time  the  use  of  opium  fortunately  does  not  constitute  as  grave  a  social  calamity 
in  the   Philippines  as  it  does  in  the  neighboring  territories     As  we   have  already  ob- 
served, the  proportion  of  Filipino  smokers  to  the  entire  population  of  the  islands   is 
insignificant,  save  in  three  or  four  pueblos.     The  danger,  therefore,  lies  in  the  tend- 
ency of  the  vice  to  grow  and   spread  until  the  number  of  victim-,  now   inconsiderable, 
may  at  some   future  time  reach  a  point  where  it  shall  constitute  an  alarming  evil.     As 
long  as  the  present  Chinese  exclusion  act  continues  in  force  there  can  be  no  influx  of 
opium  smoker-   from  without,  and  with  a   steady  effort  of  the  Government   to  prevent 
an  increase  in  the  number  of  proselytes  to  the  vice  within,  the  habit  will  be  confined  to 
those  who  are  already  it- 

In   connection   with    what   has   been   suggested,   we   would   recommend   as   a   general 
policv.  the  measures  tried  with  so  large  a  degree  of  success  in  Formosa  and  Java,  so 
modifying  them  as  to  make  their  provisions  ;»  efficacious  and  as  nearly  conformable  to 
the  peculiar  conditions  of  these  islands  as  possible. 

We  would  recommend  the  adoption  of  a  -ystem  of  exclusive  Government  monopoly. 
limiting  the  right  of  importation,  wholesale  and  retail,  of  opium  to  the   Government. 
The  exei  this  governmental  function  should  be  intrusted  to  upright,  intelligent, 

honorable,   and    well-recommended   per-on-.    following   the   practi  ierved    in     Java 

with  the  object  of  eliminating  from  SO  responsible  a  trust  all  personal  and  commercial 
intere-ts  which  would  tend  to  extend  the  sale  of  the  drug.     It  is  understood  that   this 
em  of  monopoly  shall  be  replaced  as  soon  as  practicable  by  one  of  absolute  prohi- 
bition. ...  ...  . 

I  ji      We  would  recommend  the  adoption  of  a  system  of  rcm-tration  and  licensing  tor 
all  chronic  smokers,  limiting  the  right  to  procure  opium  in  definite  quantities  to  them. 
(  j)    As  a  corrective  and  educative  measure,  we   would   recommend   the   promu 

law  depriving  all    Filipino  opium  habitue-  of  the  right   of   franchise   and   making 
them  ineligible  to  all  public  offices,  municipal,  provincial,  and  insular. 

(41    We   would   recommend  the  adoption  of  a   measure   providing   for  the  gratuil 
treatment  of  all  habitue-  wishing  themselves  from  the  opium  vice. 

FINDINGS   anm  RECOMMENDATIONS. 

Definition.— In  the  following  findings  and  recommendations  the  word  "opium"  em- 
brac  im   (raw  or  cooked),  chandoo,  morphia,  codeia,  the  other  soporific  alkaloids 

pium  and  their  -alt-,  and  all  othei  ">•    of    these    >ul>- 

nces  and  commonly  used  I  ice  the  -am-  opium. 

The  committei  lered  the  following  systems  or  method  gulating  the  traffic 

in  opium  and  its  u 
1.  High  tariff  or  high  license. — It  ha 

That  the  •     pium  has  increased  under  high  tariff  in  these  islands,  and  there 

app  «,  except  an  it  why  high  I  any 

diminishii  than  tl  by  high  I 

I   That  ling  prevails,  and   would   probably   in  license 

were   h  \t   any   rate   there   are   I  >ng    that    it     would 

thereby  be  diminished 

That  the  matl  '  ,ar,ff  ,>r  mS"  llC1  lld  ex" 

•it  to  misapprel 


2.  Local  option. — This  method  does  not  seem  suitable  in  anyway  to  the  opium  traffic. 

3.  Farming. — To  this  system  there  exist  the  following  objections: 

(a)  The  farmer  endeavors  to  increase  his  profits  by  extending  his  business,  and  so 
the  use  of  opium  is  increased. 

(b)  Extensive  smuggling  also  exists  under  this  system,  as  found  in  those  countries 
visited  by  the  committee. 

(<:)  The  same  objections  as  in  1  exist  under  this  system  to  the  revenue  derived  from 
farming. 

(rf)  And  it  is  hardly  moral  to  delegate  to  an  individual,  not  a  representative  of  the 
people,  such  authority  in  the  way  of  supervising,  detecting,  and  policing  as  the  farmer 
usually  exercises.    To  exercise  such  authority  is  a  function  of  government  only. 

4.  Prohibition. — Prohibition  may  be  either  immediate  and  complete  or  progressive. 
Immediate  prohibition  is  likely  to  produce  extreme  suffering  among  those  who  are  al- 
ready habitues  of  opium,  as  it  is  exceedingly  difficult  for  any  one  to  discontinue  the  use 
of  the  drug  at  once.  The  investigation  of  the  committee  leads  it  to  believe  that  imme- 
diate prohibition  is  practicable  only  as  a  preventive  measure  in  communities  where 
opium  smoking  has  never  obtained.  In  those  communities  where  opium  is  used  and 
prohibition  has  been  tried  it  has  been  found  a  source  of  blackmail.  Progressive  prohi- 
bition is  considered  under  the  head  of  "Government  monopoly." 

5.  Government  monopoly. — A  Government  monopoly  seems,  on  the  whole,  to  be  the 
most  desirable,  as  a  more  nearly  complete  control  may  thus  be  had  of  the  use  of  opium 
and  the  traffic  therein. 

(a)  The  agents  of  sale  or  dispensers  of  opium  must  be  salaried  officials,  whose  in- 
comes shall  in  no  way  be  influenced  by  the  sales  they  make. 

(b)  Smuggling  would  undoubtedly  exist;  but  it  is  a  constant  factor  in  all  the  meth- 
ods considered,  and  it  is  not  believed  that  smuggling  would  be  greater  under  the  Gov- 
ernment monopoly  system  than  under  another. 

(c)  The  proceeds  of  the  Government  monopoly  should  be  so  regulated  that  the  in- 
come derived  from  that  source  should  no  more  than  meet  the  expenses  therewith  con- 
nected, in  order  to  demonstrate  that  this  method  aims  solely  at  control,  repression,  and 
abolition  of  the  use  of  opium  and  the  traffic  therein  and  is  not  a  revenue  method. 

It  is  therefore  recommended : 

(1)  That  opium  and  the  traffic  therein  be  made  a  strict  government  monopoly  im- 
mediately. 

(2)  That  three  years  after  that  shall  have  been  done  no  opium  shall  be  imported, 
bought,  or  introduced  into  these  islands  except  by  the  government  and  for  medical  pur- 
poses only.  (The  time  necessary  to  enable  one  accustomed  to  the  use  of  the  drug  to 
discontinue  the  habit  has  been  estimated  at  from  six  months  to  twenty  years.  It  has 
seemed  necessary  to  the  committee  to  state  a  definite  period,  after  which  the  use  of 
opium  shall  be  prohibited,  because  the  force  of  any  law  or  ordinance  depends  largely 
upon  the  exactness  of  the  time  at  which  it  may  be  enforced.  If  a  longer  period  than 
this  were  allowed,  the  time  at  which  the  habitue  would  begin  to  disaccustom  himself 
to  the  use  of  the  drug  would  be  postponed  indefinitely.  Three  years  would  seem  to  be 
a  period  of  sufficient  length.  At  the  expiration  of  this  time  the  government  will  be  in 
a  position  to  determine  what  is  wisest  and  best  to  be  done. 

(3)  That  the  use  of  opium  shall  be  prohibited  to  all  inhabitants  of  these  islands  who 
are  not  males  over  21  years  of  age. 

(4)  That  only  those  males  over  21  years  of  age  who  have  licenses  to  use  opium  shall 
be  permitted  to  use  the  drug. 

(.5)  That  licenses  shall  be  issued  to  males  over  21  years  of  age  by  the  Government 
only  when  it  is  shown  by  sufficient  evidence  that  said  males  are  habitual  users  of  opium 
and  would  be  injured  by  being  compelled  to  discontinue  its  use  suddenly. 

(It  is  to  be  noted  that  no  distinction  has  been  made  among  the  various  nationalities 
which  reside  in  these  islands,  as  it  is  believed  that  the  interests  of  equity  and  justice  are 
thus  best  subserved.) 

(6)  That  no  person  who  is  known  to  be  an  habitual  user  of  opium  shall  be  author- 
ized to  exercise  the  franchise  or  hold  office  under  the  government  of  the  Philippine 
islands. 

(7)  That  in  case  a  native  of  these  islands  (not  a  Chinese)  violate  any  of  the  laws, 
regulations,  or  rules  against  the  use  of  opium  he  (or  she)  shall  be  punished  for  the 
first  and  second  offenses  by  fine  and  imprisonment,  or  by  both,  and  for  the  third  offense 
by  being  deprived  of  his  (or  her)  right  to  exercise  the  franchise  or  hold  office  under 
the  government  of  the  Philippine  Islands. 

228 


(8)  That  in  case  a  Chinese  or  other  normative  violate  any  of  the  laws,  regulations, 
or  rules  against  t ho  use  of  opium  he  shall  be  punished  for  the  first  and  second 

by  fine  or  imprisonment,  or  by  both,  and  for  the  third  offense  by  deportation  from  t; 
island^,  said  deportation  to  lasl  for  at  leasl  five  years. 

(9)  That  the  pupils  in  the  public  schools  of  the  Philippine  Islands  shall  he  taught 
the  evil  and  debasing  results  of  the  opium  habit,  and  that  a  primer  of  hygiene  contain- 
ing this  information  (and  such  other  as  the  honorable  the  secretary  of  public  instruc- 
tion may  deem  tit)    he  prepared  and   used  a-  a  text-book   in   said   schools. 

(That  part  of  the  primer  containing  the  information  relative  to  the  use  of  opium 
might  he  translated  into  Chinese  ami  distributed  among  the  Chinese  or  published  in  the 
Chinese  newspapers.) 

(10)  That  all  persons  win*  are  opium  hahitues  and  desire  to  he  cured  of  the  opium 
habit  he  admitted  into  hospitals,  where  they  may  he  treated  for  the  same;  and  that 
when  such  hospitals  are  under  the  control  of  the  government  a  fee  shall  not  be  charged 
in  the  case  of  indigent  persons  who  voluntarily  enter  the  hospital  for  the  purpose  of 
receiving  treatment  for  the  opium  habit;  provided  that  nothing  in  this  section  shall  pre- 
vent any  person  from  entering  any  hospital,  refuge,  or  other  institution  not  under  the 
control  of  the  government,  which  he  may  choose. 

(  11  )  That,  as  the  committee  is  of  the  opinion  that  public  places  for  the  smoking  of 
opium  ( fumatories)  exercise  a  pernicious  influence  on  the  public,  no  fumatories  he 
allowed  in  the   Philippine  Islands. 

1  u)  That  the  written  statement  of  the  licensee  and  of  two  trustworthy  persons,  one 
of  whom  shall,  when  nracticahle.  he  a  regular  licensed  physician,  shall  he  considered 
sufficient  evidence  on  which  to  grant  a  license. 

t  [3)  That  the  cultivation  of  the  poppy  for  the  purpose  of  producing  opium  shall  be 
made  illegal  in  the  Philippine  Islands. 

If  these  findings  and  recommendations  should  he  approved,   it  would  seem  advisable 
that  opium  already  prepared  for  smoking,  provided  there  be  a  demand  for  it.  should  be 
purchased  and  imported,  as  the  establishment  of  the    plant    necessary    to    prepare    the 
ed  opium  <  chandoo  |  1-  costly  and  would  be  an  unprofitable  investment  for  the  gov- 
ernment provided  that  prohibition  should  go  into  effect  after  three  year-. 

The  plan  outlined  is  briefly  as  follow-: 

(  t  )     Immediate  government  monopoly,  to  become — 

1  j  1     Prohibition,  except  for  medicinal  purposes,  after  three  years. 

(3)     Only  lie  who  shall  be  males  and  over  21  years  of  age,  shall  be  allowed  to 

u-e  opium  until  prohibition  g"es  into  effect. 

nders  or  dispensers  of  opium,  except  for  medical  purposes,  shall  be  sal- 
aried officials  of  the  government. 

■      Every  effort  shall  be  made    (a)  to  deter  the  young  from  contracting  the  habit 
by  pointing  out  its  evil  effects  and  by  legislation,  1  aid  in  caring  for  and  curing 

those  who  manifest  a  desire  to  give  up  the  habit,  and  (r)  to  punish  and,  if  necessary, 
t"  remove  from  the  islands,  incorrigible  offender- 

In  working  out  the  details  of  the  plan  the  committee  recommend-: 

ill  A  head  office  or  depot  in  Manila  where  opium  may  be  supplied  to  licensed  con- 
sumers in  Manila  and  to  suboffices  (entrepots)  in  such  places  as  the  commission  may 
select. 

(2)     These  entrepots  will  supply  the  licet  timers  in  their  viciniti< 

\  system  of  entry,  registration,  and  ho. .keeping  should  be  devised  to  keep  accu- 
account  of  the  quantity  of  opium  sold  each  I  :  habitue,  so  that  it  may  be  de- 

tected in  case  he  is  buying  for  others  or  increasing  his  own  dosage.  In  that  case  the 
quantity  sold  should  he  diminished. 

14)      The  licen-ee  should  he  licensed  to  OT  entrepot  only,  and  should 

lx-  required  to  show  the  vender  his  license,  a  copy  of  which,  together  with  a  photograph 
of  said  licensee,  should  be  furnished  to  the  said  vender. 

The  committee  desires  again  to  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  its  work  has  been  much 
hindered  by  circumstances  over  which  it  had  lifficulty  of  securing 

sufficient  clerical  assistance,  by  the  shortness  of  the  time  given  within  which  to  prepare 
the  report,  and  by  the  fact  that  each  meml  the  committee  was  obligi    I  I       ittend  to 

other  important   matters  at  the  time  the  report    was  preparing. 

If  the  efforts,  views,  conclusions,  and  recommendatii  1       I   he  committer  in  even 

a  small  degree,  serve  to  open  a  $ion  of  legislation  concerning  opium,  they  will  not 

be  in  vain.  It  is  expected  that  they  will  encounter  opposition  and  disapprobation;  but 
they  are  at  least  honest. 

22Q 


OPIUM  LAW  IN  PHILIPPINE  TARIFF  ACT,   1905. 

As  reported  from  House  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means,  Feb.   13,   1905. 

The  duty  on  opium  has  been  increased  from  $3  to  $4  and  this  important  paragraph 
added : 

"Provided,  however.  That  the  Philippine  Commission  or  any  subsequent  Philippine 
legislature  shall  have  the  power  to  enact  legislation  to  prohibit  absolutely  the  importa- 
tion or  sale  of  opium,  or  to  limit  or  restrict  its  importation  and  sale,  or  adopt  such 
other  measures  as  may  be  required  for  the  suppression  of  the  evils  resulting  from  the 
sale  and  use  of  the  drug." 

Amended  in  House  by  Hon.  W.  I.  Smith,  Mar.  1,  1905,  by  adding 

"But  no  license  system  shall  be  established  with  a  view  to  the  deriva- 
tion of  revenue  from  the  traffic  in  said  drug,  and  no  license  fees  or  taxes, 
except  duties  on  imports,  shall  in  any  event  be  higher  than  deemed  nec- 
essary to  cover  the  expenses  of  administration  of  any  legislation  licensing 
the  traffic  in  said  drug." 

AMENDMENT  SUGGESTED  IN  SENATE  COMMITTEE  ON   PHILIPPINES. 

From  Congressional  Record,  Mar.  1,  1905,  p.  3872. 

Senator  Long.  What  have  you  to  say,  Mr.  Secretary,  in  regard  to  a  provision  like 
this,  to  be  added  to  the  House  bill : 

"Provided  further,  That  opium  shall  be  sold  only  on  specific,  prescrip- 
tion of  a  regular  physician,  except  that  Chinese  above  21  years  of  age, 
who  are  certified  by  a  regular  physician  to  be  confirmed  "opium  sots" 
and  are  so  registered  by  themselves,  may  have  certain  limited  doses  of 
the  drug  at  specified  times  and  places  during  three  years  only  from  the 
date  of  the  approval  of  this  act,  after  which  the  importation  and  sale  of 
opium  except  for  medicinal  purposes,  is  hereby  prohibited." 

Secretary  Taft.  Well,  I  think  the  Commission  will  doubtless  adopt  some  such 
form  as  that;  but  just  exactly  what  form  ought  to  be  adopted,  they  are  much  better 
able  to  tell  on  the  ground  than  we  are  here. 

Senator  Long.     You  would  leave  it  to  the  Commission  to  determine  that? 

Secretary  Taet.  For  the  three  years.  Then  I  would  stop  it  finally.  But  what  I 
am  anxious  to  try  to  secure  for  the  Commission  is  discretion  for  three  years  in  dealing 
with  the  matter. 

Senator  Long.  You  would  think,  then,  that  this  would  not  be  a  wise  provision  to 
insert? 

Secretary  Taft.  I  think  it  is  too  restrictive.  It  limits  the  discretion  of  the  Com- 
mission too  much. 

Senator  Proctor.  The  Commission  would  have  the  power  to  stop  it  in  one  year,  if 
they  chose? 

Secretary  Taft.  Yes.  There  is  a  temptation — and  there  is  no  use  denying  it — 
when  you  are  running  a  government,  and  running  pretty  close   in  the  matter  of  ex- 

230 


penditures,  to  continue  a  system  which  brings  in  revenue.  Now  then,  if  you  take  the 
matter  away  fn>m  the  Commission  at  the  end  of  the  three  years,  as  recommended  here 
by  the  opium  commission  (which  had  no  purpose  to  continue  revenue  at  all),  you  elim- 
inate all  temptation  and  you  give  that  period  <>f  three  years  for  the  preparation  for  a 
complete  prohibition. 

The  opium  business  has  permeated  and  corrupted  all  the  oriental  governments,  Eng- 
lish. Dutch,  and  French,  that  have  had  to  do  with  it.  There  is  no  doubt  about  that. 
They  have  grown  to  become  more  and  more  dependent  on  the  revenues  from  opium, 
BO  that  now  they  USC  all  sorts  of  arguments  that  have  no  foundation  at  all  to  justify  the 
government  not  only  in  continuing  this  system,  hut  in  rather  encouraging  its  use.  The 
income  from  opium  in  Hongkong  and  Shanghai  and  Singapore  has  increased  by  leaps 
and  bounds  becau-e  of  the  encouragement  of  it-  use  among  Chinamen  and  other-. 

I  deem  it  important,  even  though  this  is  a  restriction  on  the  War  Department  and  on 
the  Commission,  that  they  should  be  restricted  by  something  that  can  not  give  them 
the  power  to  continue  tin-  system  after  a  certain  time.  I  do  not  think,  however,  that 
within  the  three  years  the  Commission  ought  to  have  the  discretion  to  gradually  ap- 
proach the  point  of  absolute  prohibition.  I  would  leave  to  the  Commissi, >n  whether  they 
follow  out  exactly  the  recommendations  of  this  opium  committee  or  whether  they 
put  on  a  high  license  instead  of  a  monopoly.  Personally  I  do  not  see  why  we  should 
not  have  such  income  as  may  come  from  high  license.  *  *  *  There  is  no  reason 
why  we  should  not  make  such  money  out  of  it  as  the  traffic  will  stand. 


Substitute  for  House  Amendment,  approved  March  3.  1905. 

"And  provided  further.  That  after  March  1.  1908,  it  shall  he  unlawful  to  import  into 
the  Philippine  I -lands  opium,  in  whatever  form,  except  by  the  government  and  for 
medicinal  purposes  only;  and  it  shall  be  unlawful  at  any  time  to  sell  opium  for  other 
than  medicinal  purposes  to  the  natives  of  the  islands." 


Graham  Bill  to  Extend  Laws  Enacted  by  Congress  for  the  Territories  to 

Our  New  Islands. 

Be  it  enacted,  etc.,  That  all  Art-  of  Congress  applying  wholly  or  partly  to  the  Ter- 
ritories relating  to  bigamy,  fornication,  divorce,  hull   fights,  prize  fights,   scientific  tem- 
perance education,  and  the  transmi--ion  of  ol.-eene  and  gambling  matter  by   mail   and 
interstate  commerce  are  hereby  extended,    50  far  a-  applicable,  to  Hawaii.   Puerto   R 
('.nam.  Tuteila.  and  the  Philippines.      [No  action  taken.] 


231 


OPIUM  IN  CHINA. 

Senate  Document,  No.   135,  58th  Congress,  3d  Session,  Presented  by 
Senator  S.  M.  Cullom,  Feb.  3,  1905. — Enlarged  Feb.  25. 

Report  of  Hearing  at  State  Department  on  Petitions  to  the  President  to  Use  His  Good 

Offices  for  the  Release  of  China  From  Treaty  Compulsion  to  Tolerate 

the  Opium  Traffic,  With  Additional  Papers. 

A   FRIENDLY   CAMPAIGN   AGAINST   BRITISH   OPIUM    IN   CHINA — SHALL   THE   OPIUM    QUESTION 

BE  INCLUDED   IN   THE   CHINESE    SETTLEMENT? 

During  the  Boxer  outbreak  of  1900  in  China,  two  alert  ex-missionaries,  Misses  Mary 
and  Margaret  W.  Leitch,  saw  that  when  the  insurrection  should  be  suppressed  by  the 
united  action  of  the  great  powers,  all  international  questions  as  to  China  would  natur- 
ally be  reopened,  and  so  a  strategic  opportunity  would  be  afforded  to  bring  international 
pressure  to  bear  upon  Great  Britain  to  withdraw  the  treaty  by  which  the  opium  traffic 
has  been  forced  upon  China  since  the  opium  war  of  1840.  These  missionaries  therefore 
prepared,  circulated,  and  presented  the  following  petition,  which  was  then  ineffective, 
partly  because  the  Boer  war  made  it  seem  inexpedient  for  a  friendly  nation  to  press  the 
case  at  such  a  time. 

In  September,  1904,  when  it  had  become  evident  that  Port  Arthur  was  likely  to  fall 
before  the  end  of  the  year  (as  it  did),  which  would,  if  not  end  the  war  in  Manchuria, 
at  least  raise  the  question,  "What  shall  be  done  for  China  when  the  war  is  over?"  the 
International  Reform  Bureau  began  a  new  campaign  for  China's  release  from  opium  by 
arranging  for  a  new  hearing  on  the  old  petition  before  the  State  Department,  and  by 
addressing  letters  on  the  subject  to  the  officials  of  Great  Britain,  Japan,  and  China,  as 
shown  in  exhibits  following  the  petition : 

"To  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

"Sir  :  The  undersigned,  official  representatives  of  missionary  societies  engaged  in 
work  in  China,  and  representatives  of  other  religious,  philanthropic,  commercial,  and 
educational  institutions,  are  deeply  impressed  that  the  negotiations  to  be  carried  on  be- 
tween the  allied  powers  and  the  Chinese  Government  present  an  opportune  time  for  our 
Government  to  assist  in  bringing  to  an  end  the  opium  traffic  in  that  Empire.  This  traffic 
has  been  a  terrible  curse  among  all  classes  of  the  Chinese  people,  has  brought  desola- 
tion and  sorrow  into  many  thousands  of  homes,  and  its  victims  are  multiplying  with 
every  added  year. 

"The  position  of  our  Government  is  most  favorable  for  taking  the  initiative  in  this 
matter.  Our  own  treaty,  concluded  with  China  in  1884,  absolutely  prohibiting  all 
American  citizens  from  engaging  in  the  traffic  and  all  American  vessels  from  carrying 
opium  to  or  between  the  ports  of  China,  expressing  as  it  does  the  sentiment  of  the 
American  people,  and  our  cordial  good  will  toward  China  in  helping  to  relieve  her  of 
this  traffic,  gives  us  strong  vantage  ground  for  asking  the  other  nations  to  join  in  this 
commendable  purpose. 

"As  foreign  nations  will  be  urging  a  great  extension  of  commercial  privileges  at  this 
time,  including  the  abolition  of  internal  duties,  and  these  privileges  are  necessary  for 
the  increase  of  commerce,  they  can  most  happily  reciprocate  what  may  be  granted  by 
China  in  this  respect  by  giving  her  their  powerful  help  in  delivering  her  from  the  mul- 
tiplied evils  of  the  opium  traffic. 

232 


"While  objections  will  doubtless  be  made  by  some  interested  parties  to  the  great  de- 
crease of  trade  which  will  be  occasioned  by  the  interdiction  of  traffic  in  opium,  it  ought 
to  be  borne  in  mind  that  this  traffic  is  one  of  the  greatest  obstacles  to  all  legitimate 
trade,  absorbing,  as  it  does,  more  than  the  whole  amount  of  the  value  of  the  export 
trade  in  tea,  and  impoverishing  the  people  so  that  they  can  not  expend,  as  they  other- 
wise would,  large  sums  for  the  products  and  legitimate  manufactures  of  other  countries. 

"The  Chinese  Government  has  repeatedly  declared  its  willingness  and  desire  to 
sternly  prohibit  the  cultivation  of  the  poppy  as  soon  as  foreign  countries  consent  to  the 
prohibition  of  the  traffic. 

"Such  an  act  of  humanity  and  justice  on  the  part  of  our  Government  at  this  time  will 
greatly  tend  to  increase  good  feeling  among  the  Chinese  officials  and  the  vast  multi- 
tudes of  Chinese  people. 

"No  one  thing  could  have  greater  effect  in  overcoming  the  revengeful  feelings  aroused 
especially  in  those  regions  of  the  country  which  have  suffered  most  during  the  late 
troubles,  and  its  whole  influence  throughout  the  land  would  be  most  beneficial. 

"It  would  be  a  most  happy  inauguration  of  the  first  new  treaties  of  the  twentieth 
century  between  western  nations  and  China  to  carry  out  so  humane  and  beneficial  a 
purpose  in  the  revision  of  treaties  with  that  Empire. 

"We  therefore  respectfully  and  earnestly  urge  upon  our  Government  to  take  the 
initiative  in  this  important  matter,  and  use  its  influence  with  the  other  nations  con- 
cerned to  bring  about  so  desirable  a  result." 

The  foregoing  memorial  has  been  signed  by  the  following  representatives  of  mission 
boards : 

For  the  missionary  society  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  H.  K.  Carroll,  first 
assistant  corresponding  secretary;  S.  L.  Baldwin,  acting  assistant  corresponding  secre- 
tary. 

For  the  board  of  foreign  missions  of  the  Reformed  Church  in  America,  Henry  N. 
Cobb,  corresponding  secretary;  James  L.  Ammerran,  financial  secretary. 

For  the  board  of  foreign  missions  of  the  Presbyterian  Church,  United  States  of 
America,  Frank  Ellinwood,  corresponding  secretary  ;  Robert  E.  Speer,  corresponding 
secretary. 

For  the  American  Baptist  Home  Mission  Society,  T.  J.  Morgan,  corresponding  sec- 
retary ;   II.   I..  Moorehouse,  field  secretary. 

For  the  board  of  commissioners  for  foreign  missions  of  the  Reformed  Church  in  the 
United  States.  S.  N.  Callender,  secretary,  Mechanicsburg,  Pa. 

For  the  foreign  mission  board  of  the  Mennonite  Church  of  North  America.  A.  B. 
Shelly,   secretary. 

For  the  board  of  foreign  missions  of  the  Evangelical  Lutheran  Church,  General 
Synod,  George  Scholl,  secretary. 

For  the  Missionary  Society  of  the  Wesleyan  Methodist  Connection,  A.  W.  Hall, 
financial  secretary.  A.  F.  Jennings,  president  of  the  same. 

For  the  H.  F.  F.  ML  Society  (Missionary  Society  United  Brethren  in  Christ),  M.  M 
Bell,  corresponding  secretary. 

L.  G.  Jordan,  secretary  National  Baptist  Foreign  Mission,  Louisville,  Ky. 

(Miss)  N.  H.  Burroughs,  Woman's  Auxiliary  of  the  National  Baptist  Convention, 
Louisville,   Ky. 

J.  H.  Miller,  secretary  Cumberland  Presbyterian  Board  of  Missions  and  Church 
Erection,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

A.  B.  Simpson,  president  Christian  and  Missionary  Alliance;  K.  A.  Funk,  general 
secretary  of  the  same. 

233 


J.  C.  Jensson  Roseland,  secretary  United  Norwegian  Lutheran  Church. 

W.  R.  Lambuth,  corresponding  secretary  board  of  missions  Methodist  Episcopal 
Church  South,  Nashville. 

H.  S.  Parks,  secretary  missions  of  the  African  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  Bible 
House,  New  York. 

Prof.  G.  Syerdrup,  secretary  Lutheran  Board  of  Missions,  Minneapolis,  Minn. 

Charles  E.  Hurlburt,  president  Philadelphia's  Missionary  Council,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

J.  G.  Bishop,  corresponding  secretary  mission  board  of  the  Christian  church. 

Arthur  Given,  corresponding  secretary  for  the  General  Conference  Free  Baptists. 

William  W.  Rand  and  George  L.  Shearer,  secretaries  American  Tract  Society. 

Paul  de  Schwinitz,  secretary  missions  of  the  Moravian  Church. 

W.  W.  Barr,  corresponding  secretary  United  Presbyterian  Board  of  Foreign 
Missions. 

R.  M.  Somerville,  corresponding  secretary  board  of  foreign  missions  R.  P.  Church. 

A.  O.  Oppergaard,  president,  and  Chr.  O.  Brohaugh,  secretary,  China  mission  of  the 
Lutheran  Synod. 

Benjamin  Winget,  secretary,  and  S.  K.  J.  Gubro,  treasurer,  general  mission  board  of 
the  Free  Methodist  Church  of  North  America. 

D.  Nyvall,  secretary  Swedish  Evangelical  Mission  Covenant  of  America. 

Henry  Collins  Woodruff,  president  of  the  Foreign  Sunday  School  Association  of  the 
United  States  of  America,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

William  C.  Doane,  vice  president  and  chairman  of  the  Domestic  and  Foreign  Mis- 
sionary Society  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church  in  the  United  States  of  America; 
Arthur  S.  Lloyd,  general  secretary  of  the  same. 

For  the  American  Board  of  Foreign  Missions:  Samuel  B.  Capen,  president;  Judson 
Smith,  secretary  for  China;  Albert  H.  Plumb,  chairman  of  the  committee;  C.  H. 
Daniels,  secretary  of  the  committee. 

For  the  American  Baptist  Missionary  Union :  Henry  M.  King,  chairman  of  the  exec- 
utive committee ;  Henry  C.  Mabie,  Thomas  S.  Barbour,  corresponding  secretaries. 

Rev.  Paul  A.  Menzel,  secretary  German  Evangelical  Mission,  Washington,  D.  C. 

The  petition  was  also  signed  by  many  presidents  of  colleges,  by  authorized  represen- 
tatives of  chambers  of  commerce,  etc. 

The  following  briefer   form  of  petition  is    submitted,  by    way    of    suggestion,   that 
churches  and  chambers  of  commerce  may  promptly  support  this  renewed  movement : 
To  the  honorable  the  Secretary  of  State,  Hon.  John  Hay,  Washington,  D.  C: 

Undersigned  societies  and  individuals  earnestly  petition  you  to  use  your  great  influ- 
ence to  induce  Great  Britain  to  withdraw  from  China  the  treaty  which  compels  tolera- 
tion of  the  opium  traffic,  to  the  great  moral  injury  of  the  people,  and  to  the  serious 
detriment  of  all  legitimate  commerce  through  the  pauperizing  of  one  hundred  millions 
of  people  in  the  families  of  Chinese  opium  sots. 

The  above  was  adopted  by  on  — < ,  and  undersigned  was  authorized  to  so 

attest. 


Letter  to  Secretary  of  State  requesting  hearing. 

International  Reform  Bureau, 
Washington,  D.  C ,  September  27,  1904. 
DEAR  Sir  :     The  undersigned  and  four  other  resident  trustees  of  this  bureau — Gen. 
John  Eaton,  Rev.  J.  G.  Butler,  D.  D.,  Rev.  F.  D.  Power,  D.  D.,  Rev.  Wilbur  F.  Crafts, 
Ph.  D.,  and  Rev.  A.  S.  Fiske,  D.  D. — have  been  appointed  a  committee  to  present  to 

234 


you  anew  the  petition  of  33  missionary  societies,  representing  more  than  half  the  popu- 
lation of  the  United  States  in  their  constituency,  asking  that  you  will  use  friendly  1 
sure  upon  Great  Britain  to  relieve  China  of  the  compulsory  sale  of  opium,  enforced  by 
British  treaty.  This  matter  was  presented  ti>  you  at  the  time  when  the  Boxer  outbreak 
reopened  Chinese  questions,  but  probably  the  Boer  war  made  it  seem  inopportun 
press  such  matters  upon  England  when  in  such  serious  trouble.  When  the  close  of  the 
present  war  shall  again  reopen  all  Chinese  questions,  it  seems  to  us  that  the  most  fa- 
vorable moment  will  have  arrived  for  friendly  nations  like  the  United  States  and  Japan 
to  urge  this  act  of  justice  to  China  in  the  interest  nol  alone  of  humanity  and  the  golden 
rule,  but  also  in  the  interest  of  commerce,  which  can  not  but  suffer  seriously  by  the 
pauperizing  ><i  one  fourth  of  the  Chinese  population  through  this  deadly  drug  The 
Japanese  legation  have  taken  into  favorable  consideration  a  similar  suggestion  and 
have  forwarded  the  same  documents  that  I  inclose  to  you  to  the  Japanese  Government, 
and  you  will  see  that  we  have  taken  the  matter  up  also  in  the  most  friendly  way  with 
the  British  Government,  and  we  are  anticipating  an  appeal  to  the  new  and  mighty  force 
in  the  world,  international  public  opinion,  by  communications  to  the  leading  papers, 
but  your  position  is  such  in  diplomacy  that  we  believe  you  can  exert  a  stronger  influ- 
ence in  this  supreme  field  of  diplomatic  action  than  any  other  representative  of  govern- 
ment, and  a  triumph  in  this  matter,  which  may  reasonably  be  expected,  would  be  a 
supreme  triumph  of  golden-rule  diplomacy. 

We  write  to  ask  an  interview  in  accordance  with  the  vote  of  our  board  of  trustees 
at  which  we  can  present  some  further  considerations  and  at  which  we  hope  to  have 
present  also  other  members  of  the  native-races  deputation  that  called  upon  you  previ- 
ously in  regard  to  the  kindred  matter  of  protecting  uncivilized  races  against  intoxicants 
and  opium.  Dr.  F.  E.  Clark,  chairman  of  the  deputation,  has  been  accomplishing  some 
very  encouraging  results  by  interviews  on  this  subject  with  foreign  governments,  espe- 
cially in  Sweden  and  Australia,  of  which  you  will  be  apprised  in  the  interview  if  you 
should  favor  us.  Some  hour  on  November  10,  11.  or  12,  or  between  Tuesday  and 
Friday  of  week  following,  would  suit  us.  We  should  like  to  send  word  ahead  to 
member-  1  t"  the  deputation. 
Wry  respectfully. 

Chas.  Lyman. 
Hon.  John  Hay, 

Secreary  of  State,  Washington,  P.  C: 

In  this  letter  Secretary  Hay  granted  a  hearing  for  November  10,  at   II  a. 

m.,  at  the  State  Department,  to  which  were  invited  representatives  of  all  American  mis- 
sionary societies  that  joined  in  the  petition  and  all  members  of  native-races  deputation, 
which  includes  representatives  "f  the  Internationa]  Reform  Bureau,  the  Endeavor 
Society,  the  Woman's  Christian  Temperance  Union,  the   National   Tempera]  iety, 

the  Anti-Saloon  League,  and  other  societii 


Letter  t,>  British  prime  minister. 

International  Reform  Buri 
Washington,  I '  er  /-'.  1 

Rt.  Hon.  Arthur  James  Balfour,  M.  P.,  P.  C  F   R    S.  I>   I.. 
10  Downing  Street,  S.  IV.,  /. 
DEAR    Sir:      Before   the   Boer   war   T    was    m    correspondence    with    four    member- 
Lord  Salisbury's  cabinet   in  regard  to  the  protection  of  nati\-  against   intoxicants 
and  opium,  in  which  threat  Britain  has  taken  a  leading  part  in  the  int<  rade  as 


well  as  morals,  which  this  bureau  has  recognized  in  public  addresses  and  printed  docu- 
ment. We  are  much  disappointed  that  the  proposition  made  by  Secretary  Hay  in  be- 
half of  our  President  and  Senate,  that  England  should  join  us  in  submitting  a  universal 
treaty  on  this  subject,  such  as  England  submitted  in  1884,  in  vain,  to  various  nations, 
has  not  been  acted  upon  by  your  Government,  which  is  doubtless  largely  due  to  the 
diversion  of  governmental  effort  to  the  Boer  war.  It  is  because  of  this  war  also  prob- 
ably that  Secretary  Hay  has  not  strongly  urged  upon  your  Government  the  petition 
signed  by  all  the  missionary  societies  of  North  America  asking  that  in  the  settlement 
of  this  Chinese  situation  at  the  close  of  the  Boxer  outbreak  China  should  be  released 
from  treaty  obligations  to  tolerate  the  sale  of  opium.  When  the  whole  Chinese  ques- 
tion is  again  reopened  at  the  close  of  the  present  war  I  feel  sure  that  not  only  the 
United  States,  but  Japan,  especially,  will  strongly  urge  upon  your  Government  the 
withdrawal  of  this  treaty,  which  the  world  at  large  considers  out  of  keeping  with  the 
otherwise  ennobling  influence  of  the  British  Government.  Just  before  the  Japanese 
war  the  premier  sent  to  our  bureau  for  literature  on  this  subject,  and  two  members  of 
the  cabinet,  approached  by  our  representatives  among  the  missionaries,  showed  very 
great  interest  in  the  matter.  I  write  to  ask  in  behalf  of  our  bureau,  which  has  just 
voted  to  send  a  deputation  to  Secretary  Hay  to  urge  him  to  take  up  this  question  when 
the  war  shall  be  concluded,  before  we  shall  approach  Secretary  Hay,  that  the  British 
Government  shall  on  its  own  motion  cancel  this  dishonorable  treaty. 

You  doubtless  know  that  the  opium  revenue  from  China  is  diminishing  toward  a 
vanishing  point,  and  this  would  seem  to  be  from  every  point  of  view  the  strategic  time 
to  create  a  favorable  impression  on  international  public  opinion,  before  the  cry  shall  be 
raised  that  China,  having  been  delivered  from  the  paw  of  the  bear  must  be  delivered 
from  the  more  destructive  paw  of  the  lion.  Missionaries  said  to  us  before  the  war 
that  their  work  was  more  fruitful  in  Manchuria  because  Russia  repressed  the  opium 
traffic  than  in  other  parts  of  China,  where  the  British  had  forded  opium  upon  the  people. 
This  letter  is  prompted  by  my  very  high  opinion  of  the  British  Government  in  the  hope 
that  without  international  interposition  England  will  give  long-delayed  justice  to 
China.  I  was  assured  by  Wu  Ting  Fang,  Chinese  minister  to  the  United  States,  that 
although  China  now  raises  much  opium,  because  otherwise  it  must  have  it  from  out- 
side, the  entire  business  would  be  swiftly  suppressed  if  Great  Britain  would  give  the 
Chinese  a  free  hand.  I  send  you  an  inclosure  showing  the  action  taken  by  the  lieuten- 
ant governor  and  premier  of  Australia  desiring  the  Imperial  Government  to  take  up 
the  question  of  liquors  and  opium  among  native  races.  Numerous  petitions  to  the 
same  effect  were  passed  in  Canada  a  year  or  two  since  during  the  government  of  your 
predecessor.  In  another  wrapper  I  send  you  other  documents  on  this  subject,  which  I 
hope  you  may  carefully  examine,  bearing  upon  the  greatest  thing  before  the  world  that 
can  be  done — the  delivery  of  the  tinted  races  from  the  white  man's  rum  and  opium. 

Respectfully,  Wilbur  F.  Crafts. 

This  letter  was  duly  acknowledged  with  more  than  formal  assurance  that  the  above 
"letter  will   receive  careful  consideration." 


The  following  document  was  forwarded  by  the  Japanese  minister  in  Washington  to 
his  Government : 

236 


[Fr.>in  preface  of  new  edition  of  Intoxicants  and  Opium  in  All    Lands  and  Times.] 

WHEN  THE  WAR  IS  OVER. 

When  Japan  has  delivered  China  from  the  paw  of  the  bear  we  may  expect  her  to 

deliver  China  from  the  more  deadly  paw  of  the  lion— that  is.  from  British  opium,  forced 
on  China  by  the  wickedest  of  wars,  and  continued  by  the  wickedest   of  treaties,  despite 

earnest  opposition  <>f  the  best  citizens  of  the  British  Empire.  This  forced  opium  traffic 
has  done  China  more  harm  than  Russia's  land  hunger.  Shortly  before  Japan  went  to 
war  with  Russia  the  Japanese  premier,  through  the  Japanese  legation  at  Washington, 
requested  the  International  Reform  Bureau  to  send  him  all  literature  bearing  on  its 
crusade  against  the  sale  of  intoxicants  and  opium  to  native  races.  And  statesmen  mis- 
sionaries at  the  bureau's  prompting,  had  favorable  interviews  with  the  members  of  the 
Japanese  cabinet  to  whose  department  this  matter  naturally  belonged.  War  broke  off 
these  negotiations,  but  when  Japan  has  concluded,  with  greatly  increased  prestige,  a 
war  whose  victories  were  partly  tine  to  her  own  successful  prohibition  of  opium  sales, 
except  for  well-guarded  medical  prescriptions,  and  partly  due  also  to  the  kindred  pro- 
hibition of  tobacco  for  all  under  twenty  years,  and  for  all  students  in  all  schools  and 
universities,  even  though  above  that  age,  and  partly  also  to  general  abstinence  from  in- 
toxicants, there  is  little  doubt  she  will  seize  the  opportunity,  when  all  international 
question-  about  China  are  reopened  in  a  conference  of  nations,  to  press  her  friend.  Great 
Britain,  to  withdraw  her  most  dishonorable  treaty,  by  which  China  has  been  hindered 
not  only  from  prohibiting,  but  so  late  as  1904  even  from  restricting  the  opium  traffic, 
which  to  China  h.is  proved  worse  than  war.  pestilence,  and  famine. 

ry   Hay.  the  golden-rule  diplomatist  unexcelled,  perhaps  unequaled  in   inter- 
national influence,  may  be  expected  to  second  the  proposal  in  the  name  of  the  American 
people,  whose  missionary  societies  of  all  denominations  have  asked  him  to  present  the 
same  proposal  to  the  British  Government.     It  was  hoped  he  would  do  so  when  Chinese 
questions   were   internationally   reopened  at  the  close  of  the   Boxer  outbreak,   but   the 
Boer  war  made  it  seem  inopportune  to  press  this  matter  upon  troubled  England  at  that 
time.   The  International  Reform  Bureau  has  appointed  a  strong  committee  to  ask  Secre- 
tary present  this  matter  when  any  questions  about  China  come  up  at  the  close 
e  war  on  her  soil,  and  there  is  now  no  good  reason  why  this  proposal  should  not 
be  urged  by  him  upon  Great  Britain,  with  Russia  as  well  as  Japan  cooperating  in  our 
Before  the  war  Danish  missionaries  wrote  to  the  Reform   Bureau  that  they 
were  able  to  work  more  satisfactorily  in   Manchuria  than  in  other  parts  of  China,  be- 
1   repressed   the  sale  of  opium,   while   its    forced   sale  by  the   British   in   all 
other  p  China  debauched  one-fourth  of  tin-   families  and  pr<  I   all   ag 
Christianity. 

The  Japanese  minister  in  Washington,  Mr.  Kogoro  Takahira,  in  September  sent  the 
foregoing  statement,   with  other  related  pape  the  Japanese  Government.      Public 

timent  in  the  United  States,  in  the  British  Empire,  and  in  Japan  should  at  one-  ex- 
press itself  to  the  several  governments — and  to  the  missionary  -  also — by  reso- 
lution-petitions of  conferences  and  public  meetings  by  personal  letters,  and  by  deputa- 
tions and  personal  interviews  for  the  righting  of  this  great  done  by 
white  and  professedly  Christian  nations  to  the  tinted  races.  Let  no  one  doubt  that 
China  would  again  prohibit  the  opium  traffic,  I  mcrly.  if  allowed  to  do  so,  though 
her  own  people  are  now  extensively  raising  the  drug  since  they  must  have  it 
land  otherwise.  Mr.  W11  Ting  Fang,  when  Chinese  minister  to  the  United  .  as- 
sured the  writer  that  the  domestic  production  would  not  prevent  prohibition,  which  is 


desired  by  all  the  viceroys  to  save  the  nation  from  its  greatest  peril.  China  should  in 
any  case  be  as  free  to  deal  with  this  evil  as  is  Japan,  whose  approved  example  she 
would  doubtless  follow.  Will  you  help  the  Reform  Bureau  to  call  the  world's  leaders  to 
this  crusade  by  a  swift  circulation  of  literature  in  all  lands? 

The  people  of  the  British  Empire  especially  should  press  their  Government  to  release 
China  honorably  before  it  is  constrained  to  do  so  by  the  powers,  and  before  the  rapidly 
diminishing  revenue  from  the  opium  traffic  in  China  takes  away  the  last  chance  to  re- 
move this  blot  from  Britain's  honor. 

And  there  is  a  larger  matter  closely  related  to  this  before  the  British  Government,  on 
which  British  people  should  speak  out.  The  Australian  government,  through  its  lieu- 
tenant-governor and  premier,  early  in  1904  urged  the  Imperial  Government  to  respond 
favorably  to  the  request  of  the  American  Government  that  it  should  join  America  in 
submitting  a  treaty  to  all  civilized  nations  to  prohibit  the  sale  of  all  intoxicants  and 
opium  among  the  uncivilized  races  of  the  world.  Many  cities  in  Canada,  by  resolution- 
petitions  at  public  meetings  held  by  the  International  Reform  Bureau,  have  made  the 
same  request.  By  the  infamous  bill  introduced  in  Parliament  in  1904  by  the  British 
Government  for  "compensating"  liquor  dealers,  who  would  be  instantly  bankrupt  if 
first  required  to  render  compensation  for  the  financial  (not  to  mention  moral)  damage 
they  have  done,  shows  that  temperance  sentiment  in  the  British  Empire,  Hindoo.  Budd- 
hist, Mohammedan,  and  Christian,  must  more  strongly  express  itself  through  the  mail- 
box ballot,  in  which  every  British  subject  might  participate,  before  we  can  expect  the 
British  Government  to  withdraw  the  Chinese  treaty  or  take  up  the  world  treaty. 

There  is  only  one  wrong  to  the  weaker  races  in  sight  that  threatens  to  match  Eng- 
land's opium  sin  in  India  and  China,  and  that  is  the  unparalleled  exportation  of  Amer- 
ican beer  to  countries  in  which  intemperance  had  prevously  been  very  rare.  In  1904 
the  American  consul-general  at  Berlin  reported  that  Germany  had  yielded  the  first 
place  in  the  production  of  beer  to  America,  her  output  last  year  being  132,085,230  gal- 
lons less  than  that  of  American  breweries.  As  the  people  of  America  consume  but  half 
as  much  beer  per  capita  as  the  people  of  Germany,  and  the  population  of  the  two  coun- 
tries is  nearly  equal,  this  increase  means  that  German  brewers  in  America  for  some 
reason  find  greater  facilities  for  exporting  their  harmful  product,  perhaps  because 
American  consuls  are  acting  as  beer  drummers,  devoting  much  of  the  time  for  which 
all  the  people  pay  to  ingenious  efforts  to  induce  the  Spanish  nations,  the  most  temperate 
of  all  white  races,  and  such  abstinent  nations  as  China,  to  adopt  this  alleged  "temper- 
ance drink."  In  twenty-five  years  American  beer  will  be  doing  China  as  great  harm  as 
British  opium,  unless  the  Christian  people  interpose.  The  following  is  a  sample  of 
what  abounds  in  consular  reports  published  by  the  American  State  Department,  which 
might  be  headed  "Another  war  with  Spain  :" 

[From  Consular  Reports   No.  358,  United   States   State  Department.] 

Mr.  Kertens,  in  charge  of  the  United  States  consular  agency  at  Grao,  Spain,  writes 
upon  date  of  January  27,  1899 : 

"The  consumption  of  beer  in  this  country  is  yearly  increasing:  and  our  American 
brewers,  who  can  well  hold  their  own  against  any  beer  makers  in  the  world,  should  try 
to  secure  this  country  for  a  market,  introducing  the  kind  that  will  suit  the  Spanish 
taste.  I  would  suggest  that  for  an  easy  introduction  a  Spanish  brand  or  label  in  the 
Spanish  language,  with  an  appropriate  sign  to  attract  attention  might  be  chosen. 
Nothing  can  be  said  against  the  enterprising  American  way  of  advertising  the  article 
of  home  industry  in  different  languages  and  by  illustrations  the  world  over;  but  in 
countries  like  this  it  requires  a  more  imposing  means  to  attract  the  attention  of  the 

238 


public,  and  the  Style  which  several  Ktiropean  countries  have  successfully  adopted 
should  be  tried  by  our  American  manufacturers,  viz.,  exhibition  on  a  small  scale  of 
sample  deposits,  either  in  a  certain  important  commercial  place  or  on  Steamers  touch- 
ing  fr.un   port   to  port  and  soliciting  Orders  on  their  exhibits  " 


HEARING     BEFORE     SECRETARY     HAY     ON     RELEASE    OF 

CHINA  FROM  OPIUM. 

State  Department, 

Washington,  I).  C,  November  w — //  a.  m. 

Secretary  Hay.  in  behalf  of  the  President,  gave  a  hearing  to  representatives  of  the 
Internationa]  Reform  Bureau  and  missionary  and  temperance  societies — chambers  of 
commerce  also— on  a  petition  asking  the  President  to  direct  that  diplomatic  efforts 
shall  be  made  through  the  State  Department  to  induce  Great  Britain  to  release  China 
from  treaty  compulsion  to  tolerate  the  opium  traffic.  Hon.  Charles  Lyman,  president 
of  the  Reform  Bureau,  introduced  the  hearing  by  submitting  the  following  summary 
of  the  case  : 

"To  His  Excellency  the  President  of  the  United  States: 

"In  behalf  of  the  International  Reform  Bureau  and  numerous  missionary  and  tem- 
perance societies  and  many  colleges — also  of  chambers  of  commerce  and  other  business 
associations — I  present  anew  to  you,  through  your  honored  Secretary  of  State,  a  peti- 
tion previously  presented  when  the  Boxer  outbreak  reopened  international  questions  in 
regard  to  China,  which  we  anticipate  the  present  war  will  do  again,  so  affording 
strategic  opportunity  for  a  diplomatic  effort  to  induce  Great  Britain  to  release  China 
from  the  enforced  opium  traffic,  which  wc  believe  to  be  contrary  to  the  sentiment  of 
British  people  and  to  the  real  interests  of  British  commerce,  as  it  is  inconsistent  with 
the  usual  beneficent  influence  of  British  power,  and  which  seems  to  us  to  be  so  harm- 
ful to  the  world's  commerce  through  the  pauperizing  of  100,000,000  of  people  in  the 
homes  of  Chinese  opium  sots  as  to  afford  solid  commercial  ground  for  international 
intervention,  in  which  as  friends  of  Great  Britain  we  hope  that  the  most  friendly  pow- 
ers, the  United  States  and  Japan,  may  lead. 

"We  need  not  recall  in  detail  that  China  prohibited  the  sale  of  opium,  except  as  a 
medicine,  until  the  sale  was  forced  upon  that  country  by  Great  Britain  in  the  opium 
war  of  1S40.  Abundant  testimony  of  statesmen,  doctors,  travelers,  and  mission.:: 
gathered  recently  by  the  Reform  Bureau,  shows  that  this  opium  traffic  has  not  only 
enslaved  and  impoverished  its  individual  victims,  but  has  also  intensified  ill''  antifor- 
eign  feeling,  to  the  further  detriment  of  foreign  commerce.    The  superiority  of  Japan 

in  energy  and  |  has  been  attributed   in   part   to  Japan's   Successful   prohibition   of 

opium,  and  this  has  it  China's  desire  to  return  to  her  own   prohibitory  policy. 

Mr.   Wu  Ting-fang,  recently  the  popular  Chines,-  minister  to  the  United  St.  ired 

the   superintendent  of  the   Reform   Bureau   that   although  China   now   raisi-s  an   inct 
ing  proportion   of   the   opium   used   there,   the   Government    would   quickly   prohibit    the 
traffic,  as  before,  if  allowed  a   free  hand,  which  in  any  .  should  have  in  the  re- 

straint   of  any   vice.     Only   a    few  •  ry    slight    restriction   attempted    by 

Chinese  authorities  wa  i  by  the  opium  merchants  through  appeal  to  the  British 

treaty.      VV<  :iize    that    in    this    matter    Russia    will    second    antiopium    eft 

missionaries    testify    that    Chinese    territory    about     Porl    Arthur    while    under    Russian 

23  Q 


control  was  more  favorable  for  missionary  work  because  of  Russia's  antiopium  attitude 
than  parts  of  the  country  where  the  British  opium  treaty  had  full  sway — a  comparison 
that  will  have  weight  with  the  British  Government. 

"These  and  many  other  favoring  circumstances  incline  us  to  believe  that  this  effort 
to  protect  the  'integrity'  of  China  in  the  profoundest  sense  of  that  word  will  succeed 
if  the  new  and  mighty  force  of  international  public  opinion  swiftly  supports  this  move- 
ment, and  if  it  can  have  the  leadership  of  our  own  Secretary  of  State,  who,  because 
of  the  unique  position  of  our  Government  today  and  because  of  his  own  unexcelled 
position  in  the  world  of  diplomacy,  is  especially  adapted  to  carry  through  this  greatest 
thing  before  the  world  that  can  be  done." 

Remarks  by  Rev.  Wilbur  F.  Crafts,  Ph.  D.,  Superintendent  of  the  International  Reform 

Bureau. 

This  morning's  paper  reports  a  British  cabinet  officer,  Lord  Lansdowne,  proposing 
peace  in  the  Orient.  That  is  the  signal  for  considering  what  shall  be  done  with  China 
after  the  war  is  over.  We  expect  Japan  and  the  United  States  to  guard  its  geograph- 
ical "integrity."     Shall  they  not  also  unite  to  prevent  its  disintegration  by  opium? 

"Because  of  moral  and  material  injury  wrought"— these  words  from  a  treaty  of 
seventeen  nations,  including  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  for  the  emancipation 
of  a  zone  in  central  Africa  from  the  curse  of  distilled  liquors,  afford  one  of  many  pre- 
cedents for  our  proposal  that  "because  of  the  moral  and  material  injury  wrought"  by 
British  opium  in  China  the  United  States  shall  diplomatically  constrain  Great  Britain 
to  restore  to  China  its  sovereign  right  to  make  its  own  police  regulations,  especially  as 
despoiling  China  of  that  right  has  despoiled  the  commerce  of  all  nations  by  impoverish- 
ing and  disturbing  the  largest  market  in  the  world. 

Worse  than  temporary  massacres  of  Jews  and  Armenians  has  been  the  persistent 
poisoning  of  the  Chinese  people  by  compulsory  opium  sales  for  more  than  threescore 
years.  Red  Cross  regulations  in  war  are  not  so  urgently  required  by  humanitarian 
sentiment  as  a  stay  of  this  wholesale  destruction  of  the  Chinese  people.  When  the 
victor  at  the  close  of  the  Crimean  war  demanded  of  the  conquered  more  than  could  be 
granted  without  great  harm  to  the  world  at  large,  other  nations  interposed,  as  often 
at  the  close  of  other  wars.  If  England,  as  we  believe,  exacted  from  conquered  China 
in  1842  and  1858  what  was  inconsistent  with  the  general  sentiment  and  interest  of 
nations,  certainly  it  is  not  improper  for  other  nations  to  proffer  their  diplomatic  good 
offices  to  revise  the  settlement. 

Let  me  recall  some  facts  bearing  on  this  case  preliminary  to  fresh  testimony  from 
these  missionaries  as  to  present  conditions  in  China  that  call  out  for  interposition  in 
the  name  of  conscience  and  of  commerce : 

1.  Rev.  James  S.  Dennis,  D.  D.,  the  foremost  cyclopedist  of  missions,  in  his  book, 
Christian  Missions  and  Social  Progress,  says  of  opium  in  China  (p.  80)  : 

Prior  to  the  introduction  of  the  drug  by  foreigners,  the  Chinese  were  not  ignorant 
of  its  existence  and  medicinal  properties,  but  there  is  not  a  particle  of  evidence  to 
show  that  it  was  smoked  or  abused  in  any  other  way  in  those  days. 

2.  The  Encyclopaedia  Britannica  relates  that  the  vicious  use  of  opium  in  China  was 
chiefly  due  to  Portuguese  and  British  smugglers,  and  that  the  Chinese  rulers  persist- 
ently prohibited  its  sale,  and  that  it  was  the  great  success  of  this  prohibition,  resulting 
in  the  seizure  and  destruction  of  smuggled  British  opium  valued  at  $6,000,000,  that 

240 


brought  on  the  opium  war.  by  which  for  the  firsl  tunc  m  history  a  police  regulation  of 
one  independent  nan. mi.  enacted  in  the  interest  of  morals,  was  canceled  by  cannon  in 
the  interest  of  lawbreaking  traders  of  the  attacking  nation,  which  act  has  proved  a 
detriment  to  all  other  business  except  thai  of  the  stmi^lu  ,  In  destroying  the  buying 
power  of  increasing  million-  for  more  than  sixty  years.  The  treaty  of  [842  did  not 
legalize  opium  sales,  but  as  the  preceding  war  had  been  in  defense  of  smuggling  that 
crime  was  allowed  to  go  on  unhindered  until,  in  1858,  at  the  close  of  another  war, 
these  deadly  lines  were  inserted: 

Opium  will  henceforth  pay  30  taels  per  picul  import  duty.  The  importer  will  sell 
it  only  at   the  port. 

3.  Tin  Chinese  Government,  I  was  assured  by  Mr.  VVu  Ting  Fang,  recently  Chinese 
minister  to  the  United  States,  i-  a-  much  opposed  to  the  opium  traffic  as  ever,  although 
it  is  now  largely  produced  by  its  own  people,  since  they  must  have  it.  He  says  the 
Chinese  Government  would  again  use  all  legal  means  to  suppress  it  if  left  free  in  its 
police  regulations,  as  every  nation  clearly  should  be  in  any  case. 

4.  Many,  if  not  most  of  the  British  people,  are  opposed  to  the  forcing  of  opium 
upon  China,  and  are  maintaining  a  persistent  agitation  for  China's  release — a  London 
meeting  in  that  interest  being  announced  for  December,  at  which  the  Bishop  of  Dur 

ham  will  preside.  The  British  Society  for  the  Suppression  of  the  Opium  Traffic  has 
expressed  great  gratification  that  we  are  bringing  international  public  opinion  to  its  aid. 

5.  The  British  Parliament  itself,  in  1891,  declared  the  course  of  the  British  Gov- 
ernment with  reference  to  opium  revenue  in  Asia  was  "morally  indefensible,''  and  the 
Government  itself  has  recently  enacted  gradual  prohibition  of  the  use  of  the  drug  in 
Burma,  seeking  to  evade  any  seeming  concession  to  Christian  agitation  at  home  by 
saying : 

The  use  of  opium  is  condemned  by  the  Buddhist  religion,  and  the  Government  be- 
lieving the  condemnation  to  be  right,  intends  the  use  of  opium  by  persons  of  the  Bur- 
mese race  shall  forever  cease. 

Undoubtedly  this  act  is  a  result  of.  and  so  an  encouragement  to,  agitation,  and  cer- 
tainly the  Government  can  not  long  refuse  to  apply  the  same  principle  and  policy  in 
India  and  China. 

6.  Another  encouragement  to  agitation  is  that  the  British  revenue  from  opium  sold 
to  China  is  steadily  decreasing  and  will  ultimately  disappear  through  the  steady  in- 
crease of  domestic  production.  But  meantime  unspeakable  "moral  and  material  in- 
jury" will  result  if  the  Chinese  are  not  allowed  to  repress  it.  as  they  were  this  year 
forbidden  to  do  even  in  a  small  way. 

7.  Another  encouragement  to  expect  success  is  that  Russia's  antiopium  attitude  in 
Manchuria,  and  Japan's  successful  prohibition  of  opium,  to  which  that  nation',  progl 

is  partly  attributed,  i-  in  many  way-  set  in  contrast  with  Great  Britain's  contrary  pol- 
icy, to  the  detriment  of  the  latter  in  the  public  opinion  of  China  and  of  the  world. 
The  British  Government  must  again,  a-  in  the  days  of  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence, be  called  to  "a  decent  regard  for  the  opinion  of  mankind." 

8.  But  the  fact  that  afford-  the  strongest  ground  for  a-king  the  United  and 
.1  ipan  and  other  power-  to  use  diplomatic  elTorts  to  induce  England  to  release  China 
from  treaty  compulsion   to  tolerate  the  opium   traffic   is   that   the   legitimate    trade    of 

24] 


every  commercial  nation  has  been  seriously  curtailed  by  the  pauperizing  of  more  than 
one-fourth  of  the  world's  most  populous  nation. 

Seventy-five  million  dollars  a  year  is  worse  than  wasted  by  the  Chinese  in  the  pur- 
chase of  what  brings  no  useful  return  and  decreases  both  the  producing  and  the  buy- 
ing power  of  more  than  one  hundred  millions  of  people,  who  are  further  shut  out  of 
the  markets  of  the  white  races  by  the  bitter  hatred  of  all  white  faces  that  the  com- 
pulsory leprosy  of  opium  has  created.  The  world  awaits  Port  Arthur's  fall.  More 
important  for  China  and  the  world  is  the  fall  of  the  British  opium  treaty.  Many  na- 
tions marched  together  to  relieve  the  beleaguered  legations  at  Peking.  Let  the  nations 
unite  again,  this  time  for  the  relief  of  opium-cursed  China. 

Remarks  of  Rev.  Frank  D.  Gamewell,  twenty  years  missionary  in  China,  officially  Re- 
presenting Methodist  Episcopal  Missionary  Board. 

The  use  of  opium  is  universally  condemned  by  the  Chinese.  It  is  not  necessary  to 
develop  a  sentiment  against  it.  I  have  never  heard  a  word  spoken  in  its  favor  in 
China,  for  the  people  everywhere  regard  its  use  as  bad,  and  only  bad.  This  fact  is 
based  on  the  havoc  wrought  by  the  opium  habit.  The  Government  of  China  resisted 
its  introduction  into  China,  and  refused  to  accept  a  revenue  from  opium  until  1858, 
when  opium  was  practically  forced  upon  them.  At  Tsunhua  Chou,  a  city  100  miles 
east  from  Peking,  where  the  North  China  mission  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church 
has  a  station,  the  official  went  out  in  his  official  chair  with  his  attendants  and  had  the 
growing  poppy  torn  up  by  the  roots. 

The  prosperity  of  the  nation,  which  involves  its  commercial  welfare,  depends  upon 
good  government.  It  is  a  well-known  fact  that  the  officials  and  all  those  connected 
with  them  are  much  given  to  the  use  of  opium,  it  being  estimated  that  80  per  cent  of 
the  official  class  smoke  it.  In  1886  in  Szechuen,  west  China,  a  riot  occurred  in  which 
all  foreign  property  of  both  merchants  and  missionaries  in  the  city  of  Chungking  was 
destroyed.  The  magistrate  said  to  me  in  person,  in  reply  to  a  question  as  to  why  he 
had  not  checked  the  trouble  when  I  had  warned  him  that  it  was  impending:  "Upon 
whom  can  I  rely  for  help?  I  have  over  100  men  here,  and  they  are  all  opium  smokers 
and  are  not  to  be  depended  upon." 

The  political  corruption  and  military  weakness  of  China  may  be  traced  in  consider- 
able degree  to  the  use  of  opium.  One  of  the  best-known  medical  men  of  New  York 
City,  knowing  that  I  had  been  in  China,  spoke  to  me  some  years  ago  of  a  Doctor 
Suvoong,  a  Chinese  who  had  received  his  medical  education  in  the  United  States,  and 
whom  he  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  remarkable  men  he  had  met.  This  Doctof 
Suvoong  says : 

Opium  is  a  moral  poison  and  is  largely  responsible  for  the  decay  of  the  Empire. 

The  development  of  China  means  the  development  of  commerce  with  China ;  the 
decay  of  China,  the  decay  of  commerce  with  China. 

The  Chinese  are  noted  for  industry  and  thrift  and  for  a  certain  business  honesty, 
which  has  been  the  foundation  of  their  marked  success  in  commercial  life.  Opium 
strikes  a  blow  fatal  to  these  characteristics.  The  opium  smoker  is  proverbially  unreli- 
able. He  loses  energy  and  ambition,  and  disregards  all  obligations  of  business,  home 
and  society. 

The  masses  in  China  do  not  distinguish  between  foreigners,  who  in  the  Mandarin 
dialect  are  commonly  designated  as  "yang  jen" — "ocean   men,"   that   is,   the  men  that 

242 


come  from  beyond  the  sea.  The  same  term,  "yang,"  is  used  in  designating  opium, 
which  is  called  "yang  yen,"  "the  foreign  toba<  Thus  the  United  States  shares  in 

the  opprobrium  attaching  to  the  importation  of  opium  into  China.  It  is  true,  however, 
that  the  official  class  and  the  more  intelligent  of  the  masses  arc  learning  to  distinguish 

fon-ign  nation-,  ami  in  the  settlement  of  the  difficulties  arising  in  1000  the  United  States 
gained  much  prestige  on  account  of  the  considerate  and  masterly  handling  of  affairs  by 
the  Secretary  of  State.  This  condition  can  Ik-  enhanced  by  friendly  intervention  with 
England  to  relieve  China  from  compulsory  treaty  obligations    to    tolerate    the    opium 

traffic,  for  there  i-  reason  to  believe  if  the  foreign  supply  i-  cut  off  the  central  govern- 
ment will  take  active  steps  against  an  evil  that  threaten-  the  very  exi-tence  of  the 
Empire.  Even  if  there  were  not  weightier  moral  considerations,  commercial  interests 
alone  should  prompt  this  intervention. 

Remarks  by  Rev.  William  Ashmore,  IK  P..  fifty-four  years  a  missionary  in  China,  offi- 
cially representing  the  Baptist  Missionary  Union. 

I  will  express  briefly  some  of  the  sentiments  that  prompted  Doctor  Mabie  and  other 
officers  of  the  American  Missionary  Union  to  ask  me  to  support  this  appeal  for  dip- 
lomatic aid  to  release  China  from  British  opium: 

I.  They  think  it  right  to  entreat  the  British  Government  to  take  at  this  time  the 
action  desired  through  "a  decent  respect  for  the  opinions  of  mankind."  This  appeal  to 
international  public  opinion  was  found  first  in  our  Declaration  of  Independence.  It 
marked  the  introduction  of  a  new  force  in  political  administration.  Tt  has  been  gaining 
in  recognition  and  force  ever  since  and  has  attained  the  dignity  of  a  place  in  the  com- 
mon law  of  nations.  To-day  all  nations  are  obliged  to  allow  its  legitimacy.  We  think 
it  not  amiss  to  appeal  to  Great  Britain  on  behalf  of  a  down-trodden  people  out  of  re- 
gard to  the  enlightened  sentiment  of  mankind.  It  is  the  right  of  anyone  to  speak  out 
on  behalf  of  anyone  who  is  being  wronged. 

II.  We  think  that  the  removal  of  such  a  wrong  as  i-  the  enforcement  of  the  opium 
traffic  in  China  would  he  a  right  and  a  righteous  thing  in  the  eyes  of  the  Governor  of 
all  nations.     We  ar-e  in  Hi-  hands  and  to  Him  we  must  answer.     We  are  not  | 

that  in  former  times  our  own  merchants  aided  in  fastening  this  yoke  on  the  Chinese 
people,  and  therefore  our  voices  are  not  out  of  place  in  asking  our  sister  nation  for  the 
excising  of  opium  provisions  in  their  future  treaties,  a-  they  have  been  excised  out  of 
ours. 

III.  We  think  that  the  excision  of  British  opium  provisions  from  a  future  treaty 
with  China,  soon  to  be  made  presumably,  will  be  the  beginning  of  the  rectification 
great  wrong  of  more  than  a  hundred  year-  duration,  from  which  many  millions  have 
-uttered,  and  from  which,  including  smoker-  and  their  suffering  families,  more  than  a 
hundred  millions  are  now  suffering.  The  present  opportunity  is  a  rare  one  and  may 
not  come  again  in  a  generation. 

IV.  We  believe  that  the  expulsion  of  opium  would  result  in  the  speedy  rise  of  China 
to  a  position  of  power  and  influence  in  the   family  of  nation-.     This  i-   what 

pie  all   de-ire   and    for  this  our   statesmen   have     recently    exerted    themselves     with 
marked    success.      Add   this   crowning   achievement,    and    then,    with     h-  ;g     nun 

emancipated  from  this  en-laving  vice,  there  will  be  such  an  increment  of  her  force  as 
will  help  her  stand  on  her  feet  to  be  her  own  protector,  and  make  her  a  valuable  addi- 
tion to  the  world's  aggregate  of  resources  which  make  for  peace  and  prosperity. 

V.  We  believe  China's  release  from  enl  Opium  WOttld  be  an  enormous  advan- 
tage  to  the   general   commerce  of  the   nations.      With    such   enormous    sums    spent    for 

*43 


opium,  and  such  poverty  and  pinching  want,  such  inability  to  produce  and  such  inability 
to  buy,  trade  is  seriously  hindered.  The  British  get  a  revenue  for  India,  but  British 
merchants  lose  with  others  in  the  injury  to  trade. 

VI.  We  believe  that  our  Government  can  well  afford  to  voice  herself  on  such  a  sub- 
ject as  this  for  the  reason  that  she  is  to-day  one  of  the  great  world  powers — has  always 
been,  but  is  such  now  more  than  ever  before.  It  is  not  our  armies  and  our  fleets  that 
have  given  us  predominance,  though  as  society  is  made  up  to-day  these  can  not  be  dis- 
pensed with,  any  more  than  policemen,  till  the  millenium  corner  but  it  is  the  influence 
of  our  splendid  success  in  self-government.  No  nation  can  do  so  much  and  so  gra- 
ciously to  induce  Great  Britain  to  release  China  as  the  United  States,  and  in  doing  this 
we  shall  benefit  not  only  China,  but  England  and  the  world. 

Remarks  of  Rev.  W .  L.  Beard,  eight  years  a  missionary  in  China,  official  representative 
at  the  hearing  of  the  American  board  (Congregational)  and  now  under  appointment 
to  go  to  China  for  the  Young  Men's  Christian  Association. 

Among  the  10,000,000  Chinese  people  of  Fukien  Province  more  money  is  spent  for 
opium  than  for  rice,  which  is  the  food  of  the  people.  In  spite  of  sentiment  against  it 
an  increasing  acreage  is  used  yearly  for  the  growing  of  the  drug.  It  is  conceded  on  all 
sides  that  this  use  of  the  land  not  only  withdraws  it  from  the  production  of  food,  but 
also  that  the  raising  of  poppies  impoverishes  the  land  much  more  than  the  raising  of 
food.  The  feeling  is,  however,  that  so  long  as  opium  is  forced  on  China  there  is  little 
use  in  trying  to  stop  the  raising  of  it  by  Chinese  themselves.     The  effect  of  the  drug  on 

the  individual  is  to  ruin  him  morally,  mentally,  physically,  and  financially.  It  first  in- 
capacitates him  for  business,  then  begins  to  eat  up  his  capital,  and  does  not  halt  until 
it  robs  him  of  all  his  property.  He  sells  his  house  piece  by  piece,  until  only  enough  is 
left  to  shelter  his  family.  Then  the  daughters  are  sold,  next  the  sons,  and  last  of  all 
the  wife,  and  then  the  man  himself  goes  into  his  coffin.  It  is  impossible  to  walk  for 
half  a  day,  even  in  the  country  districts,  without  meeting  men  whose  faces  and  dress 
bear  evidence  of  the  blasting  effect  of  opium.  I  have  never  met  with  any  form  of  dis- 
sipation that  so  completely  unmans  its  victim,  nor  any  that  fastens  itself  with  such 
deadly  grip  upon  men  of  all  ages  and  classes.  When  the  habit  is  once  fixed  nothing  but 
superhuman  power  can  dislodge  it.  This  is  one  of  the  greatest  obstacles  of  the  mis- 
sionary. 

Let  me  speak  of  the  commercial  aspect  of  this  subject.  One  of  the  most  striking  evi- 
dences of  the  coming  of  the  new  China  is  the  presence  of  articles  of  household  use  pur- 
chased from  other  countries  that  one  sees  everywhere.  Kerosene  oil  is  in  every  small 
village.  This  is  always  imported,  and  it  means  in  most  instances  that  the  lamp  in  which 
it  is  burned  is  also  imported.  But  the  man  who  is  spending  his  money  for  opium  uses 
the  native  candle  or  the  native  oil.  He  buys  neither  oil  nor  lamp.  Soap  is  always  im- 
ported, but  the  opium  smoker  uses  none.  Various  articles  of  wearing  apparel  are  now 
imported,  and  go  into  the  smaller  and  more  remote  villages.  But  the  opium  smoker 
uses  the  cheapest  native  clothing.  American  wheat  flour  was  on  sale  in  a  city  300  miles 
back  from  the  coast  in  North  Fukien  for  the  first  time  in  December,  1901.  American 
missionaries  had  resided  in  this  county  seat  for  twenty-five  years,  and  were  the  advance 
agents  who  introduced  this  product.  But  it  is  sold  to  people  who  do  not  use  opium, 
because  they  are  the  people  who  have  the  money  with  which  to  buy  the  better  articles 

of  food  made  from  the  American  flour.  The  same  might  be  said  of  cotton  cloth,  clocks, 
watches,  and  of  every  imported  article.  The  man  who  uses  opium  buys  only  one  article 
of  import,  and  that  is  opium.    Many  of  the  district  magistrates  and  the  majority  of  the 

244 


petty  officials  of  North  Fukien  use  opium.     It  is  scarcely  necessary  t •  >  add  that  such 
men  do  not  take  the  initiative  as  promoters  of  the  importation  of  foreign  goods 

One  more  fact  should  be  stated.  Whenever  I  have  met  these  "opium  devil-,"  as  they 
are  universally  called,  and  have  spoken  t<>  them  of  the  habit,  the  almost  universal  re- 
sponse  is,  "You've  nothing  to  say,  you  force  it  upon  us  from  a  foreign  country."  The 
Chinese  in  North  Fukien  almost  to  a  man  know  that  England  compel-.  China  to  admit 
opium,  and  it  is  difficult  for  the  Chinese  to  distinguish  between  the  Englishman  and 
the  American. 

Remarks  of  Mrs.  S.  L.  Baldwin,  President  of  New  York  Branch  Methodist  Woman's 
reign  Missionary  Society. 

My  observation  in  many  years  of  residence  and  wide  travel  in  China  confirm  all  that 
has  been  said — first,  from  the  widespread  and  extreme  suffering  from  thi<  deadly  opium 

traffic.  In  our  medical  work  for  China's  women  and  children  I  saw  the  shocking  work 
of  opium-cursed  insane  husbands  and  fathers  in  the  bruised  and  mangled  mothers  and 
little  ones  who  came  to  us  for  healing.  Traveling  in  the  sedan  chair  in  the  interior, 
where  the  foreign  face  had  not  been  seen,  we  often  found  great  establishments,  family 
estates,  going  to  wreck,  where  once  there  had  been  an  income  of  thousands,  all  hecause 
of  the  foreigner's  greed  and  the  opium  curse.  Shall  we  blame  them  for  an  antiforeign 
sentiment,  widespread  and  most  just,  when  from  one  end  of  the  land  to  the  other  the 
foreigner  -  opium  has  been  forced  upon  them  at  the  mouth  of  the  cannon  and  the  point 
of  the  sword,  and  when  almost  every  family  in  some  of  it-  branches  i-  mourning 
wrecked  homes  and  ruined  loved  ones?  How  could  there  be  other  than  antiforeign 
sentiment?  We  missionaries  find  this  opium  traffic  a  more  deadly  obstacle  to  the  up- 
lifting of  the  people  than  all  their  idolatry  and  superstition,  for  all  foreigner-  repp 
Christianity  to  them  just  as  they  represent  heatheni-m  to  us. 

Now  a-  to  the  commercial  injury  wrought  by  opium.  Missionaries  are  truly  the  ad- 
vance guard  of  commerce,  for  educate  and  Christianize  a  people  and  immediately  we 
multiply  their  wants  and  open  the  door  for  our  western  product-  When  I  went  to 
China  in  iSo_>  this  opium  curse  chiefly  affected  the  rich  and  official  classes.  But  under 
the  English  Government's  skilled  nourishment  of  the  terrible  trade.  I  -aw  it  r< 
down  to  the  middle  and  working  classes,  until  the  very  hearer-  of  my  sedan  chair  were 
emaciated  victim-.  The  very  bone  and  sinew  of  the  great  nation  has  been  weakened 
and  demoralized  by  it.  When  the  workingman  is  demoralized  then  indeed  i-  the  nation 
in  danger.  China  is  the  great  future  market  of  the  world.  Her  hanker-  and  great 
merchant-  are  SO  honest  that  China  to-day  lead-  the  world,  a-  -he  ha-  for  year- 
commercial  integrity.  What  Hrad-treet  and  Dun  do  in  representing  the  commercial 
integrity  of  men  in  our  country  The  Merchant-'  Year  Book,  of  London,  does  for  na- 
tion-. In  telling  the  Bank  of  England  to  what  countries  -he  can  most  safely  make  her 
great  loan-  for  year-  that  hook  ha-  placed  Chinese  commercial  establishmei  I  -   p<  r 

cent,  while  our  own  Christian  country  is  rated   fourth,  at    3 

May   I   say  a  word  of  hope  even   for  China'-  million  and  more  of  opium   5H  I 

have  learned  from  an  expert  student  of  th<  pium  that,  unlike  other  at 

ics,  it  does  not  usually  affect  the  brain  beyond  restoration.     Thi-  is  confirmed  by  my 
own  lot  .  [n  one  cl        in  China  where  we  had  but  23  members,  17  had 

been  confirmed  smokers.    One.  a  man  has  used  it  for  thirty  year-.     All  of  them 

cut  it  off  at  once  ami  were   saved  by  God's   help,  and  we  had  no  more  intelligent   > 
within  the  bout-  ur  church.     Even  confirmed  opium  victim-  may  h<-  transformed 

into  producers  and  mer  —  aye.  more,  into  manly  men. 

24- 


Mr.  Secretary,  you  have  stood  successfully  for  the  "solidarity"  of  China  as  a  great 
world  market,  but  what  is  to  be  hoped  from  such  a  market  with  only  a  degraded,  de- 
moralized, impoverished  people,  from  officials  to  working  men ;  strength  sapped,  will 
broken,  wants  minimized,  all  desire  or  means  to  purchase  gone  ?  We  need  a  great  mar- 
ket, China  needs  our  commodities.  Have  we  not  a  right  then  to  act  even  from  and  for 
our  own  interests? 

But,  asks  one,  does  not  China  herself  raise  the  poppy?  Never,  until  England  forced 
her  to  admit  the  India  drug,  and  then  as  some  sort  of  self-defense.  Her  officials  then 
said,  "If  we  must  have  it  we  will  let  our  people  raise  it  until  we  can  lessen  or  drive  out 

the  foreign  drug,  and  then  we  will  cut  off  the  heads  of  any  of  our  people  who  have  any- 
thing to  do  with  it !" 

The  United  States  has  been  recognized  by  China  as  her  best  friend  in  spite  of  our 
unrighteous,  discriminating  exclusion  laws. 

Now  let  America  take  the  initiative  in  relieving  China  from  this  compulsory  opium 
traffic  and  the  United  States  will  become  the  favored  nation  in  China's  great  market, 
and  this  Administration  will  go  down  into  history  as  having  accomplished  the  greatest 
good  for  the  greatest  nation  and  for  the  uplifting  of  the  world  by  rescuing  China  from 
what  a  great  English  writer  termed,  "the  crime  of  the  twentieth  century." 

Following  Mrs.  Baldwin,  Rev.  J.  F.  Hill,  secretary  of  Presbyterian  General  Assem- 
bly's permanent  temperance  committee,  presented  its  petition  for  release  of  China  from 
opium,  and  read  from  a  letter  of  Rev.  J.  Walter  Lowrie,  D.  D.,  for  twenty  years  mis- 
sionary in  China  for  the  Presbyterian  board,  which  had  officially  requested  him  to  rep- 
resent it : 

i.  My  observation  attests  that  the  habitual  use  of  opium  among  at  least  nine-tenths 
of  those  addicted  to  it  is  an  unmitigated  evil. 

2.  I  have  never  heard  any  Chinese  defend  the  habitual  use  of  it,  but  have  heard 
many  excuse  themselves  for  it,  and  many  curse  it. 

3.  The  student  and  ruler  class  are  peculiarly  addicted  to  the  insidious  narcotic,  and 
as  one  of  the  essentials  of  the  perpetuation  of  the  self-government  of  China,  in  my 
judgment,  the  habitual  use  of  opium  by  the  student  and  mandarin  class  must  cease. 

4.  I  have  invariably  heard  intelligent  men  denounce  the  foreigners  who,  as  they  be- 
lieve, forced  China  to  permit  the  importation  of  the  drug. 

5.  I  commonly  hear  intelligent  Chinese  declare  the  futility  of  fighting  opium  within 
the  Chinese  empire  so  long  as  they  are  prohibited  from  forbidding  its  importation. 

Rev.  E.  Huber,  representing  the  German  Evangelical  Synod,  expressed  briefly,  by 
request  of  its  missionary  secretary,  its  great  desire  for  the  emancipation  of  China. 

Mrs.  W.  E.  De  Riemer,  for  ten  years  an  American  board  missionary  in  China,  as  offi- 
cial representative  of  the  Woman's  Christian  Temperance  Union,  happily  expressed  the 
great  desire  of  Chinese  women,  and  therefore  of  American  women  also,  for  the  release 
of  China  from  opium. 

There  were  also  present  Joshua  Levering,  esq.,  of  Baltimore;  Mrs.  Ellen  M.  Watson, 
of  Pittsburg,  and  Doctors  Power  and  Prettyman,  of  Washington.  Dr.  H.  H.  Russell, 
who  had  expected  to  represent  the  Antisaloon  League,  was  detained  by  its  annual  con- 
ference of  superintendents.  Mr.  Joshua  Baily,  invited  to  represent  the  National  Tem- 
perance Society,  also  sent  regrets.  Numerous  petitions  were  presented  from  missionary 
and  reform  societies  and  chambers  of  commerce. 

Secretary  Hay,  in  responding  cordially  to  the  addresses,  promised  to  present  the 
whole  case  to  President  Roosevelt,  and  significantly  intimated  that  the  mightiest  force 
for  this  crusade  was  wrapped  up  in  the  watchword  previously  quoted,  "A  decent  regard 
for  the  opinions  of  mankind." 

246 


world's  COMMERCE   AGAINST    BRITISH   OPIUM    TREATY    WITH    CHINA. 

ADDRESS   BY    DR.   WILBUR   F.   CRAFTS   AT   THE   NATIONAL 

BOARD   OF   TRADE.    WASHINGTON.    D.    C. 

JANUARY  19.  1905. 

There  are  two  reasons  why  your  antiopium  resolution  (see  below)  comes  from  your 
committee  on  international  arbitration.  One  is  that  it  is  like  the  question  of  arbitration, 
in  which  chambers  of  commerce  have  shown  such  an  effective  interest,  in  that  it  has 
both  humanitarian  and  commercial  sides,  both  moral  and  material  aspects.  The  other 
reason  1-  that  it  was  l>y  what  Gladstone  characterized  as  the  wickedest  war  in  history 
that  a  police  regulation  of  the  great  Empire  of  China,  forbidding  the  sale  of  opium  ex- 
c  pt  for  medicinal  prescriptions,  was  canceled  by  cannon,  an  act  which  the  majority  of 
the  Brit ish  people  have  never  approved,  and  which  they  are  now  more  earnestly  than 
•ever  asking  to  have  corrected.  There  were  really  two  opium  war-,  and  it  was  not  until 
the  close  of  the  second,  in  1858,  that  China  reluctantly  consented,  in  her  helplessness, 
to  legalize  the  vicious  use  of  opium. 

The  directors  of  the  Pittsburg  Chamher  of  Commerce  and  the  boards  of  trade  of 
Baltimore  and  Jacksonville  have  unanimously  asked  President  Roosevelt  to  use  his 
I  offices,  when  the  present  war  shall  reopen  all  Chinese  questions,  to  induce  Great 
Britain  to  release  China  from  this  moral  and  material  curse,  for  China's  own  sake  and 
•  ■  the  benefit  of  the  world's  commerce.  The  resolution  adopted  by  the  Baltimore  an<J 
Jacksonville  hoards  of  trade  is  as  follows: 

To  the  honorable  the  Secretary  of  State: 

The  hoard  of  trade  of has  authorized  the  undersigned,  in  it-  behalf,  to  petition 

1  to  use  your  great  diplomatic  influence  to  induce  Great  P.ritain  to  withdraw  from 
China  the  opium  treaty,  which  a  British  writer  has  characterized  as  "the  enemy  of  the 
honest  trade  of  every  nation."  since  it  destroys  the  buying  power  of  China  in  all  the 
market-  of  the  world,  by  impoverishing  [oik-  hundred  and  twenty]  millions  of  her 
people  [and  promoting  ant i foreign  feeling]. 

,  President. 

.  Secretary. 

The  words  in  brackets  are  sugRe-ted  word-  for  other  l*>ards. 

The  action  of  the  Pittsburg  Chamber  mraerce  directors  -tat.-,  the  case  a  little 

more   fully,  a-  follow- : 

The   Pittsburg  Chamher  of  Commerce,  recalling  the   repeated   recommendations 

President  McKinley,  renewed  by  IV  -It.  that  Congress  should  appoint  a 

commission  to  study  the  industrial  and  commercial  conditions  in  the  Chinese  Empire, 
and  to  report  the  opportunities  for  and  the  -  to  the  enlargements  of  mar- 

in  China,  and  recognizing  that  the  pauperizing  of  more  than  one  hundred  millions 
«>f  it-  people  by  opium  and  the  antiforeign  feeling  which  ha-  been  part!;.  !  by  the 

•   Great   Britain  in  compelling  China  to  repeal   it-  prohibition  of  this  most  harmful 
drug,   i-  one  of  the   great  velopmetH    of  that   largest   market    in   the 

world,  hereby   join  with  others  in  petitioning   President    Roosevelt   to  use  his 
office-."  througl  tary    Hay.  to  induct  I    Britain   to    re!  una     from    the 

treaty  provision  which  compels  it  to  tolerate  this  traffic  which  i-  working  great  material 
a-  well  a-  moral  injury 

The  thi  -on-  given  by  the  directors  of  the  Pittsburg  Chamber  of  Commerce. 

which  has  taken  thi-  action,  at 

-47 


i.  It  seems  only  right  and  just  that  China  or  any  country  should  be  relieved  frors; 
any  obligation  which  would  force  an  evil  or  injury  upon  her  people  contrary  to  her  will. 

2.  Every  government,  so  long  as  it  retains  its  sovereignty,  ought  to  have  the  unre- 
stricted authority  to  regulate  its  own  internal  affairs. 

3.  The  opium  traffic,  by  pauperizing  and  demoralizing  the  people,  will  be  a  great 
obstacle  to  the  enlargement  and  development  of  the  foreign  commerce  of  China,  in 
which  our  own  country  is  already  largely  interested,  and  to  which  it  looks  forward 
with  great  expectation. 

Now.  what  exactly  are  the  ways  in  which  the  world's  commerce  is  hindered  by  the 
enforced  opium  traffic  in  China?  How  does  it  become  the  business  of  American  com- 
mercial bodies,  and  of  the  Government  that  speaks  for  them,  to  interpose  in  this  mat- 
ter? First  of  all,  there  are  one  hundred  and  twenty  millions  in  the  families  of  opium 
sots  who,  through  this  enforced  traffic,  have  become  so  pauperized  that  they  can  buy 
no  foreign  products,  but  eke  out  a  miserable  existence  in  borrowed  rags.  But  com- 
merce is  even  more  injured  by  "the  antiforeign  feeling"'  which  the  opium  wars,  more 
than  anything  else,  have  promoted.  These  unjust  wars  have  created  a  prejudice  against 
all  white  faces  that  interferes  quite  as  much  with  American  merchants  as  with  American 
missionaries.  In  the  words  of  a  British  officer  in  China,  the  opium  traffic  is  "the  foe  of 
the  honest  trade  of  every  nation,"  and  therefore  the  honest  tradesmen  of  every  nation 
have  a  right  to  ask  their  government  to  interpose  to  remove  this  obstacle. 

It  should  be  noted  that  the  case  is  totally  different  from  the  liquor  traffic  in  England 
and  the  United  States,  or  any  other  evil  which  goes  on  by  a  nation's  own  free  consent. 
China  is  the  only  country  in  which  a  police  regulation  has  been  stamped  out  by  a  for- 
eign  invading   army,  and   since   this   unprecedented   international    wrong   has   lessened 

international  trade  it  is  clearly  an  international  issue.  It  should  also  be  noted  that  in 
this  matter  of  opium  for  native  races  we  come  with  comparatively  clean  hands,  since 
the  American  people,  informed  by  this  Reform  Bureau,  promptly  vetoed,  through  the 
President,  the  private  opium  monopoly  which  was  in  1903  proposed  by  the  Philippine 
government,  and  a  satisfactory  plan,  like  that  of  Japan  in  Formosa,  is  now  contem- 
plated. 

Probably  every  person  in  this  national  board  of  trade  condemns  the  opium  traffic  in 
China,  but  what  you  want  to  know  is  whether  there  is  any  practical  plan  for  removing 
this  obstacle  to  international  commerce.  To  which  we  reply  that  the  International  Re- 
form Bureau,  which  has  initiated  the  progressing  movement  to  this  end.  would  not  have 
undertaken  it  if  it  had  not  been  a  practical  matter,  for  our  Reform  Bureau  undertakes 
no  rainbow  chasing.  Eight  laws  drawn  by  this  Bureau  have  been  passed  by  Congress  in 
the  last  ten  years,  besides  which  it  has  secured  other  legislative  and  executive  acts  from 
our  own  and  other  governments  to  the  number  of  128.  Two  months  ago,  when  it  was 
foreseen  that  Port  Arthur  would  surely  fall,  and  that  the  question  would  then  be  raised 
in  all  the  great  powers,  "What  shall  be  done  with  China  when  the  war  is  over?"  plans 
were  made  to  influence  the  British  Government  through  two  friendly  powers,  Japan 
and  the  United  States,  to  release  China  from  treaty  compulsion  to  allow  the  opium 
traffic.  It  was  foreseen  that  this  would  be  the  opportunity  of  the  century  for  that  pur- 
pose. 

First  of  all,  a  hearing  before  Secretary  Hay  was  planned,  which  came  off  on  Novem- 
ber 10,  when  a  petition  officially  signed  by  33  national  missionary  societies,  represent- 
ing nearly  all  the  churches  of  the  United  States,  was  presented  to  Secretary  Hay  and 
very  favorably  received.  It  was  shown  by  speakers  who  had  been  long  in  China  that  if 
the  United  States  should  succeed  in  getting  that  great  Empire  released  from  the  opium 

248 


treaty,  following  the  appreciated  efforts  in  behalf  of  China  already  made  by  Secretary 

Hay.  u  would  make  America  "the  favored  nation"  there  both  for  the  work  of  its  hut 

chants  and  its  missionaries.     Next  in  this  enveloping  "movement"  came  the  enlistment 

■  f  Japan,  whose  premier,  before  the  war.  had,  on  his  own  initiative,  senl  to  the  Intel 

>nal  Reform  Bureau  f<>r  the  literature  of  our  world-wide  war  on  opium,  following 
which  the  matter  had  been  taken  up  favorably  with  a  number  of  the  Japanese  cabinet. 
The  matter  was  brought  anew  to  the  attention  of  Japan  by  sending  it  to  the  Japanese 
minister  here  in  Washington,  who  graciously  received  it  and  forwarded  it  t<>  his  Gov- 
ernment The  Chinese  minister  was  also  apprised  of  the  movement,  and  expressed  his 
great  interest   in  the  matter. 

A  courteous  letter  was  written  to  the  British  premier.  Mr.  Balfour,  who  acknowl- 
edged it  witli  more  than  formal  courtesy.  The  previous  British  cabinet  had  shown  an 
interest  in  the  kindred  effort  to  protect  the  world's  new  markets  among  savage  races 
against  both  intoxicants  and  opium,  and  had  also  adopted  gradual  emancipation  from 
opium  for  Burma,  which  is  one  Strong  reason  for  expecting  that  China  will  be  allowed 
to  Mke  like  action.  Premier  Balfour  was  also  reminded  of  the  fact  that  the  British 
revenue  from  the  sale  of  India's  opium  has  been  steadily  decreasing  for  years,  which  is 
another  omen  of  success.  The  British  people  have  this  year  issued  three  strong  books, 
showing  the  great  wrong  that  has  been  done  to  China  and  appealing  for  its  correction, 
and  four  British  antiopium  societies  are  at  work  to  the  same  end.  The  leader  of  the 
British  antiopium  movement.  Mr.  T.  B.  Alexander,  has  cordially  recognized  as  a  wel- 
come ^enforcement  our  American  antiopium  movement,  and  has  written  that  there  is 
"no  country  from  which  the  British  Government  would  so  graciously  receive  a  prop- 
osition to  release  China  from  opium  as  from  the  United  States." 

On  the  otli  of  December  a  great  mass  meeting  was  held  in  Kxeter  Hall.  London, 
unquestionably  representing  the  majority  sentiment  of  the  British  people  on  this  ques- 
tion. It  was  presided  over  by  the  Lord  Bishop  of  Durham,  and  asked  that  China 
should  be  given  a  free  hand  to  deal  with  the  opium  curse.  The  most  encouraging 
fact  in  the  whole  crusade  is  that  American  chambers  of  commerce  and  boards  of  trade 
are  coming  into  this  movement,  in  which  their  influence  will  undoubtedly  hasten  SUC- 
-  it  has  in  the  arbitration  movement. 

We  talk  of  an  "open  door"  to  China,  but  intelligent  commercial  leaders  should 
to  it  that  it  is  not  the  "open  d«M>r'"  to  a  sepulcher.  We  recall  the  wonderful  interna- 
tional army  that  marched  to  Peking  to  save  the  white  missionaries  and  diplomats  from 
the  Chinese  boxers.  In  our  present  antiopium  war  international  public  Opinion  is 
marching  to  the  rescue  of  the  Chinese  nation  itself  from  the  greate-t  wrong  ever 
done  by  the  white  race  to  one  of  the  tinted   rao 

I   close  with  the   significant    remark  made  by    Secretary   Hay   at   the  close  of  the  hi 

ing  on  this  subject  before  the  State  Department,  that  the  most  powerful  force  in  this 
sack  is  the  appeal  to  international  public  opinion,  first  made  by  a  great  people  in 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  when  we  called  for  the  righting  of  great  wronKs  m 
the  name  of  "A   decent   regard   for  the  opinions  of  mankind." 

At    the   close   of   this   address   the    National    Board   of   Trade    voted   that    it    considered 
this  a  matter  of  "great  importance"  and  urged  that   it   I  ■  1  by  all  commercial 

bodies  and  that  resulting  conclusions  be  senl  to  Secretary  John  Hay.  at  Washington, 
D.  C.    The  International  Reform  Bureau   201    Pennsylvania  avenue  S    E.,  Washington, 

D.  C  .  asks  that  a  duplicate  be   sent   to  its  ,.;• 


BRITISH  OPIUM  IN  CHINA— "THE  ENEMY  TO  THE  HONEST  TRADE  OF 

EVERY  NATION." 

[From  September  issue  Britain's  Opium  Harvest,  London.] 

"The  opium  habit  is  increasing  and  is  draining  the  resources  of  the  people  and  con- 
sequently their  purchasing  power,"  writes  the  Rev.  George  Cornwall,  from  Chefoo, 
China.  This  aspect  of  the  evil  habit,  though  it  can  not  be  placed  beside  the  moral 
harm  which  is  being  wrought,  is  one  which  should  not  be  overlooked.  In  his  book, 
The  Real  Chinese  Question,  Mr.  Chester  Holcombe  emphasizes  the  same  point.  He 
says : 

No  extended  argument  can  be  needed  to  make  plain  the  inevitable  results  of  the 
opium  traffic  upon  every  phase  of  development  and  progress  in  China.  It  has  been  a 
triple  bar  against  both,  since  it  has  impoverished  the  Empire  in  purse,  muscle,  and 
brain.     *     *     * 

And  Great  Britain  herself  has  been  the  most  serious  foe  to  the  increase  of  foreign 
commerce  with  China  and  the  development  of  her  enormous  natural  resources.  She 
has  been  the  enemy  to  the  honest  trade  of  every  nation  with  that  Empire.  For  for- 
eign commerce  must  depend  mainly  upon  internal  prosperity.  And  the  question  how 
much  increase  in  foreign  traffic  may  be  expected  with  any  nation  whose  people  are 
from  year  to  year  more  hopelessly  stupefied,  besotted,  and  impoverished  by  opium  is 
a  question  which  answers  itself.  No  growing  demand  for  foreign  cotton  goods  or 
woolens  may  be  expected  from  men — mere  wretched  bundles  of  bones — who,  because 
of  opium,  are  unable  to  buy  enough  of  the  meanest  native  rags  to  cover  their  naked- 
ness. The  conveniences  and  luxuries  of  western  civilization  furnish  no  attraction  to 
the  man  whose  only  idea  of  luxury  is  the  opium  pipe. 


BRITISH    ASSOCIATIONS    FOR    THE    SUPPRESSION     OF    THE     OPIUM 

TRAFFIC,   WORKING  IN   HARMONY. 

i.     Society   for   Suppression  of  the   Opium  Trade.     Honorable   secretary,   J.   G   Al- 
exander, LL.  B.,  Bridge  House,  181  Queen  Victoria  street,  E.  C,  London. 

2.  The  Christian  Union  for  the  Severance  of  the  Connection  of  the  British  Empire 
with  the  Opium  Traffic.     Honorable  secretary,   B.   Broomhall,  2  Pyrland  road,   N. 

3.  The   Anti-Opium   Urgency   Committee.     Honorable   secretary,    Maurice   Gregory, 
47  Devonshire  Chambers,  E.  C. 

4.  The   Women's  Anti-Opium  Urgency  Committee.     Honorable   secretary.   Miss   R. 
B.  Braithwaite,  312  Camden  road,  N. 


THE  STANDARD,  JAPAN'S  RIGHTEOUS  LAW. 

"Opium  shall  be  sold  by  the  Government  only,  and  only  for  medical  purposes." 
Let   President  and   Congress   say  the   same,   not  alone   for  the   Philippines,   but   for 
their  entire  jurisdiction. 

250 


AMERICAN     AID     WELCOMED     BY     BRITISH     ANTI-OPIUM 

SOCIETIES. 

Society  poh  the  Si  pfression  01  the  Opium  Trad 

Trumbridge  Wells,  November  i.  1904. 

M\  1>i:.\k  Sir:  Let  me  say  how  much  I  rejoice  in  the  action  you  arc  taking.  I  am 
afraid  your  Government  may  feel  it  a  delicate  thing  to  make  representations  to  "'ir- 
on the  subject  of  the  opium  trade,  but  if  they  can  sec  their  way  to  do  anything  in  this 
direction  it  will  doubtless  have  great  value.  The  action  you  are  now  taking  in  view 
of  the  settlement  that  must  follow  the  present  awful  war  is  just  that  which  1  venture. 1 
and  urged  on  some  of  my  American  friends  at  the  close  of  the  expedition  after  the 
Boxer  disturbance,  but  they  did  not  think  it  practicable  then,  to  my  great  disappoint* 
ment.  1  am  glad  that  you  are  holder  and  hope  that  you  may  he  successful  in  making 
some  impression  on  the  Government  of  the  United  State-  of  America. 

At  that  time  (1000)  I  visited  Paris  and  Berlin,  and  wrote  to  St.  Petersburg,  in  onler 
•ring  confidentially  before  the  foreign  ministers  of  France,  Germany,  and  Ru 
the  importance  of  seizing  the  opportunity  of  the  negotiation  for  new  treaties  with 
China,  in  order  to  bring  to  an  end  the  opium  traffic.  I  pointed  out  to  them  in  a  con- 
fidential statement  that  the  question  interests  all  countries  which  trade  with  China, 
because  the  opium  trade  greatly  impoverishes  her  people  and  contributes  powerfully 
to  their  distrust  of  western  influences  in  general,  although  Kngland  is,  of  course,  the 
special  transgressor.  Hut  I  was  met  in  Berlin  and  Paris  with  the  reply  that  it  would 
be  difficult  for  any  other  power  than  England  to  take  the  initiative. 

I  believe  English  people  would  take  better  from  America  than  from  any  other  nation 
a  friendly  representation  on  this  subject,  especially  if  it  were  made  very  clear  that  the 
great  body  of  American  missionaries  in  China,  interested  in  the  moral  and  material 
well-being  of  the  Chinese  people,  are  the  prime  movers   in  the   matter. 

I  would  -uggest  that  it  may  he  of  value  to  quote  to  Secretary  Hay  the  word-  used 
by  Sir  James  Ferguson,  speaking  on  behalf  of  the  British  Government  in  the  House 
of  Commons  in  1891.     He  said: 

This.  I  think  I  may  say.  that  if  the  Chinese  Government  thought  proper  to  rai-e  the 
duty  to  a  prohibitive  extent,  or  shut  out  the  article  altogether,  this  country  would  not 
expend   1  pound  in  powder  and  shot,  or  lose  the  life  of  a  s. tidier  in  an  attempt  to  f 
opium  upon  China. 

There  can  be  no  doubt.  I  think,  that  this  statement  represents  the  feeling  of  all  par- 

in  this  country  at  the  present  time.  No  one  would  now  he  found  to  advocate  any 
fresh  use  of  force  to  impose  the  obligation  of  admitting  opium  on  China.  On  the 
other  hand.  China  would  be  expected  to  prove  her  sincerity  by  taking  concurrent  and 
stringent   measures    for   putting  down  the   growth   of  the  poppy   at    home. 

We  send  you  with  this  some  of  our  publications  that  may  he  useful,  as  showing  the 
large  measure  of  public  feeling  in  this  country,  especially  among  the  most  thoughtful 
classes,  Opposed  to  the  opium  traffic.  The  opposition  to  our  movement  arises  aln 
entirely  from  those  connected  with  the  government  of  India,  who  are  disposed  to  dis- 
credit the  statement  of  missionarit  •  the  evil  done  by  opium  in  China — such  evil 
being  far  less  manifest  in  India,  where  only  a  minute  percentage  of  the  inhabitant  - 
the  drug — and  who  fear  that  the  loss  of  the  opium  revenue  would  greatly  hamper  the 
eminent  of  that  country. 

Wishing  you  all  success.  I  am.  'Sour-,  very  sincerely, 

Jos  •    Alexander. 

Rev    Dr.  Crafts,  Washington,  D 

»5i 


A  PLEA  FOR  CHINA. 

[Speech  of  the  Lord  Bishop  of  Durham  at  anti-opium  mass  meeting,  in  Exeter  Hall, 

December  9,  1904.] 

There  is  a  drug  called  "opium,"  which  is  an  excellent  servant  in  the  doctor's  work 
but  a  most  dangerous  and  murderous  master  when  it  is  misused. 

It  is  a  fact  that  this  is  looked  upon  as  a  thing  calling  for  such  caution  in  its  use  that 
I  believe  I  am  within  the  truth  in  saying  that  it  is  against  the  law  to  sell  it  in  this 
country  except  with  a  warning  that  it  is  a  poison.  I  have  been  reading  lately  again, 
after  many  previous  readings,  a  remarkable  pronouncement  upon  this  drug  when  it 
comes  to  be  used  outside  its  proper  sphere.  It  is  a  pronouncement  signed  by  more 
than  5,000  members  of  the  medical  profession,  all  of  them  doctors  with  accrediting 
degrees,  many  of  them  men  of  eminence  and  fame,  and  of  the  greatest  authority  of 
position,  and  the  terms  they  use  amount  to  this :  That  eating  opium  or  smoking  opium 
is  a  practice  that  "is  morally  and  physically  debasing;"  that  it  is  desirable  that,  as  in 
England,  so  everywhere  where  it  can  be  effected,  it  should  be  sold  and  circulated  only 
as  a  medicine,  and  through  the  chemical  trade ;  and  that  it  is  the  bounden  duty  of  the 
government  of  India  to  prohibit  the  cultivation  of  and  sale  of  opium  except  for  its 
medicinal  uses. 

THE  VICE  OF  CHINA. 

But  now  the  second  fact  is  that  the  illicit  use  of  opium,  the  luxury  use  of  it,  the  use 
in  which  it  becomes  a  formidable  and  murderous  master,  the  master  of  the  human  will, 
attacking  the  will  with  peculiar  thoroughness  and  aggressiveness  when  it  is  once  al- 
lowed in  the  slightest  degree  to  get  beyond  its  servant  character  and  to  assert  its 
power — the  use  of  opium  for  pleasure  and  indulgence,  its  use  as  a  narcotic  taken  for 
delight — is  the  vice  of  China. 

Remember  the  greatness  of  that  fact.  China  is  a  great  factor  in  the  human  world. 
Not  far  short,  if  short  at  all — for  of  course  no  census  of  China  is  exact — of  one-fourth 
of  the  human  race  is  within  the  border  of  China  proper ;  and  that  any  vice  should  have 
become  the  vice  of  China  puts  that  vice  into  a  formidable  prominence.  But  that  is 
the  position  of  the  vice  of  opium  smoking.  Years  ago  it  was  not  so.  A  hundred 
years  ago  China  was  apparently  an  enviably  exempt  country  with  regard  to  this  nar- 
cotic luxury  and  the  dangers  which  attend  excess  in  that  direction.  A  very  mild 
tobacco  appears  to  have  been  all  that  was  used  in  China,  with  insignificant  exceptions, 
till  some  one  hundred  and  ten  or  one  hundred  and  twenty  years  ago.  But  now,  some 
how  or  other,  what  has  come  to  be  the  difference  of  the  case? 

Not  to  deal  with  generalities,  let  me  quote  two  very  recent  evidences  from  quarters 
that  are  neither  fanatical  nor  religious.  Let  us  hear  what  has  been  said  by  the  consul 
of  that  great  province  of  Sichuen  in  speaking  of  that  vast  and  magnificent  district  of 
China,  the  remote  western  boundary — a  province  which  contains,  at  a  moderate  esti- 
mate, 40,000,000  people,  and  a  very  probable  estimate,  still  moderate,  is  quite  45,000,000, 
and  some  have  run  it  as  high  as  70,000.000.  It  is  magnfiicent  in  its  resources,  and 
until  recently  it  has  been  a  great  land  for  the  growing  of  grain.  It  is  now,  reports  the 
consul,  the  fact  that  largely  the  area  devoted  to  grain  has  been  invaded  by  the  growth 
of  the  opium  poppy:  and  the  consul  calculates  with  regard  to  these  40,000.000  people, 
which,  to  save  exaggeration,  he  gives  as  the  number,  about  16,000,000  will  be  adults, 
and  that  of  those  16,000,000 — and  he  says  that  he  is  well  within  the  mark  in  saying  this 
— fully  one-third  of  the  adults  of  that  country  of  40,000,000  people  are  opium  smokers, 
having  taken  to  this  indulgence,  which  is  medically  debasing  and  degrading  in  its  di- 
rectest  tendencies. 

252 


■\iul  thm  there  is  another  province  south  of  Sichuen,  the     •■  md 

there  a  military  investigator,  Colonel  Mann'. .1.1.  reported  jusl  a  year  ago  in  sternly 
simple  term-.  After  speaking  of  the  splendid  capabilities  of  the  province  and  what  it 
might  be  made  by  an  industrial  populaton,  he  says  thai  the  people  of  Yunnan  make- 
little  of  the  splendid  resources  of  their  country,  for  opium  has  sapped  their  energ 
He  is  careful  to  confine  himself,  like  a  wise  man.  within  the  limits  of  his  knowledge. 
*nd  he  appear-  disposed  to  think  that  there  i-  great  exaggeration  about  the  opium  habit 
elsewhere,  and  that  intemperate  things  are  said  about  it  in  England.  Possibly  he  might 
think  our  meeting  intemperate  to-night,  hut  he  ha-  put  it  upon  record  that  in  a  k  I 
province  of  China  the  people  will  make  little  of  the  capacity  of  their  land,  for  opium  is 
sapping  their  energies.  1  happened  this  morning — quite  accidentally,  a-  we  say — to 
have  arranged  an  interview  with  a  gentleman  who  i-  seekng  prohably  in  the  I 
future  to  enter  the  ministry  in  the  diocese  where  I  reside;  and  most  casually  in  the 
course  of  conversation  there  came  out  what  I  had  not  previously  understood,  but  was 
deeply  interested  to  learn,  that  he  had  been  resident  for  several  years  in  China,  and  in 
the  vast  city  of  the  Yangtse,  Hankow.  I  casually  mentioned  that  I  was  to  be  here. 
pleas  to-night  and  speak  about  the  opium  traffic.     "Ah,"  he  said,  with  the  quiet 

manner  of  a  man  who  is  simply  speaking  of  a  notorious  fact  which  no  one  can  doubt, 
"Opium,  indeed,  is  eating  out  the  heart  of  China." 

N>\v.  that  is  a  formidable  state  of  things,  which  no  one  conscious  of  the  claims  of 

common  humanity  and  looking  steadily  at  it  can  contemplate,  surely,  with  indifference 

and  equanimity. 

England's  responsibility. 

In  face  of  this  tremendous  advance  of  a  great  vice  among  a  vast  and  unspeakably 
interesting  people,  capable  of  noble  development  in  the  future  after  their  wonderful 
past,  let  us  remember  that  for  this  state  of  things,  alas,  Englishmen,  and  in  a  grave 
measure  England,  are  most  considerably  responsible. 

T  hold  that  to  be  my  third  main  fact.  Opium  is  a  terrible  master.  Multitudinous 
people  in  China  are  under  the  tyranny  and  masterhood  of  opium,  with  all  its  frightful 
effects  upon  the  human  will ;  and  Englishmen,  and  in  a  great  measure  England,  are  re- 
sponsible for  this  state  of  things. 

Do  I  say  this  lightly?  I  do  not  envy  the  man  who  can  lightly  say  a  word  again-t 
tin-  country.  I  love  England  with  a  lover's  passion.  If  it  were  lawful  to  say  so,  I 
worship  her  ideal.  I  thank  God  that  He  has  blessed  and  permitted  me  to  have  part 
and  lot  in  England  as  mother  and  as  country.  [Cheers.]  I  shrink  in  the  most  sacred 
connection  from  terms  of  condemnation  of  England  which  are  sweeping  and  unqual 
and  which  forget  the  glorious  other  side.  But  then  the  deeper  one-  love,  the  more  de- 
vout one's  honor  for  an  object  such  as  a  relative  or  such  as  one's  country,  the  more 
keen  is  the  anguish  of  the  conviction  that  the  person  or  the  land  has  not  acted  U] 
it-elf  and  has  been  untrue  to  it-  ideal  character. 

History  convinces  me,  unwillingly,  that  this  has  been  the  case.  It  is  a  sad  story  of  a 
hundred  and  twenty  years  or  so  since  first  in  any  serious  degree,  not  putting  unimport- 
ant precedent  circumstances  aside,  opium  from  India  under  English  auspices  was 
brought  to  the  doors  of  China  and  offered  and  pressed  for  sale.  And  this  grew,  and 
more  and  more  lucrative  became  the  venture:  and  then  the  temptation  came,  more  or 
less  forcibly,  to  expand  the  market,  and  the  demand  was  promoted,  and  the  supply  was 
sent  in  in  increasing  quantities  to  meet  the  growing  demand. 

china's  oppositi 

And  this  was  done  intensely  against  the  will  of  the  responsible  filer-  in  China. 
That  is  one  of  the  most  pathetic  incidents  in  the  story.     In   [834  there  was  the  pas- 
sionate prote-t  of  the  aged  Emperor.      It  i-  said  that  he  was  himself  a   re-cue. 1  victim 

»53 


of  opium.  It  is  said  that  he  had  two  sons  who  died  of  the  opium  vice.  Facts  like  that 
within  the  circle  of  a  man's  own  experience  can  tremendously  revolutionize  his  views  of 
an  abstract  question;  and  it  was  that  Emperor  who  then,  far  on  in  the  strife  against 
the  determination,  apparently,  of  English  merchanidise  that  it  would  make  its  way  in 
this  fatal  f<  rm  into  China,  -aid  that  he  would  consent  to  any  sacrifice  rather  than  make 
a  revenue  of  the  vice  and  misery  of  his  people. 

Nevertheless,  there  came  effort  after  effort,  and  there  came  war  after  war.  In  two 
conspicuous  cases,  about  fron  the  year  1839  to  the  year  1841,  and  again— I  well  remem- 
ber it— about  the  year  1857  or  1858  there  were  two  main  conflicts;  alas!  in  some  cases 
scarcely  conflicts,  so  overwhelmingly  stronger  was  the  one  side  than  the  other.  These 
conflicts  resulted  in  treaties  with  China,  in  which  it  was  practically  engaged  that  China 
should  not  be  free,  however  much  she  might  wish  it,  to  prohibit  the  luxury  use  of 
opium  within  her  own  borders  and  should  not  be  allowed  to  prohibit  the  introduction 
of  the  drug  under  whatever  risk  for  sale. 

SPECIAL  PROTECTION. 
Then,  you  know— not  to  go  into  details,  for  time  forbids  me— this  is  the  outstanding 
fact  which,  as  it  seems  to  me,  unless  all  the  history  of  the  past  is  to  be  thrown  into  the 
most  complete  confusion  and  uncertainty,  is  historically  certain— that  England  is  the 
only  power  of  the  first  order  which  has  treaties  with  China  which  protect  the  influx  of 
opium  into  China.  With  the  other  powers  it  is  not  so.  It  is  with  England,  alas !  that 
the  compact  holds  that,  with  regard  to  English  commerce  coming  over  from  India— the 
commerce  in  opium— China  shall  hold  the  door  more  or  less  open,  whatever  she  does 
with  the  thing  imported  when  it  is  once  within  her  borders.  It  is  claimed  that,  because 
she  has  accepted  the  fact  and  imposed  an  excise  in  her  own  interest  upon  the  opium 
when  it  is  introduced,  she  has  connived  and  consented;  but  even  if  that  were  literally 
true  I  do  not  think  we  could  use  it  as  an  excuse  for  our  own  ill  doing,  nor  do  I  think 
that  it  at  all  implies  connivance  or  consent.  It  is  an  acceptance  of  the  inevitable,  and  it 
is  an  attempt  to  make  the  best  of  it  that  can  be  made. 

A  VICE  RECOGNIZED  AS   SUCH. 

My  fourth  fact  is  that  this  vice  is  not  only  a  vice  but  is  fully  recognized  as  such  in 
China.  There  is  no  real  parallel  to  it.  Everyone  who  knows  China  really  and  inti- 
mately, I  think,  will  say  that  there  is  no  real  parallel  between  this  vice  and  alcoholism. 
I  am  a  sufficiently  old  and  hardened  teetotaler  [cheers],  but  I  do  not  look  upon  my 
friend  who  has  not  seen  his  way  to  take  that  line,  and  who  drinks  his  glass  of  wine,  as 
doing  an  act  which  deserves  to  be  classed  with  impurity  and  gambling ;  but  that  is  the 
way  in  which  the  opium  habit  is  looked  upon  by  the  common  conscience  of  China. 

I  speak  as  one  who  knows  intimately  many  sober  and  trustworthy  men  who  know  the 
Chinese  life  and  the  Chinese  character  in  many  parts  of  the  Empire,  and  their  evidence 
is  distinct  that  the  very  victims  of  the  vice— those  who  indulge  or  wink  at  the  indul- 
gence— nevertheless  look  upon  it  with  shame,  just  as  a  man  convicted  of  immoral 
courses,  though  he  might  heartily  desire  to  continue  in  his  downward  path,  would  be 
ashamed  if  dragged  into  the  light.  It  is  not  merely  an  indulgence  lawful  and  capable 
of  being  kept  within  strictly  temperate  limits  under  normal  circumstances.  It  is  a  thing 
to  be  ashamed  of,  and  to  be  condemned,  whether  sincerely  or  not.  But  anyhow,  such 
is  the  common  conscience,  and  if  this  be  so,  think  of  what  the  effect  must  be  of  this  vice 
being  regarded  in  the  eyes  of  China  as  one  which  owes  its  introduction  and  its  active 
development  to  the  agency  of  a  nominal  Christian  country. 

Is  it  any  wonder  that  our  missionaries  tell  us  how  again  and  again  that  fact  is  thrown 
in  their  teeth?    Is  it  any  wonder  that  we  are  asked  to  believe  that  infinitely  more  than 

254 


appears  in  cases  of  definite  opposition  there  is  a  sullen  undercurrent  of  dislike  of  the 
religion  of  England  because  of  the  distrust  of  the  race  which  is  responsible  so  largely 
for  the  presence  of  the  vice  in  China?     Remember  thai  in  the  common  thought 
China  opium  is  indelibly  associated  with  the  foreigner. 

Let  me  give  you  one  illustration.  An  intimate  friend  df  mine,  Mr.  Montagu  Beau- 
champ,  a  missionary  in  the  remotesl  west  of  the  Empire,  one  of  the  noblesl  Christian 
gentlemen  that  ever  I  met  at  Cambridge,  and  whose  account  is  irrefragahly  to  be 
trusted,  has  assured  me  that  in  his  peregrinations  as  a  miss,,, nary.  at  his  own  cost,  he 
has  been  f>>r  years  in  the  remotest  parts  of  the  Empire,  and  it  was  his  common  experi- 
ence in  the  fairs  and  markets  of  the  little  towns  far  toward  the  western  border,  where 
we  are  sometimes  t«>ld  foreign  opium  has  never  got  at  all.  to  see  the  announcement  over 
the  booths  m  the  market-.  "Here  is  sold  a  remedy  for  the  foreign  smoke."  That  is  the 
opium.  It  is  recognized  as  a  disease  For  which  a  remedy  is  required,  and  it  is  felt  to  be 
foreign,  for  it  first  came  from  outside;  and  alas  and  alas,  it  was  we  that  had  to  do 
with  its  coming. 

T11K    ROYAL    COMMISSION. 

I  must  not  stay  to  -peak  to  you  long  upon  the  other  points  that  were  much  upon  my 
heart.  I  would  only  just  remind  you  of  the  important  facts  of  the  royal  commission 
upon  opium,  which  now  some  nine  or  ten  years  ago  was  ordered  to  report  upon  the 
Indian  manufacture  and  incidentally  upon  the  trade  and  its  result^  in  China.  We  all 
know  that  with  that  one  important  exception  the  commi-siom-rs  concurred  in  a  rec- 
ommendation that  nothing  should  be  done  in  the  way  of  restricting  the  Indian  growth 

and  exportation.  It  i<  a  sCriou>  thing  to  impugn  the  deliberate  verdict  of  the  rr.yal 
commission   held  by   responsible   men.      But   we   have   lately   been    reminded   in   another 

sphere  of  life  that  even  the  most  serious  pronouncement  of  a  judicial  tribunal  inflicting 
a  penalty  of  years  upon,  as  it  proved,  an  innocent  man  was  a  matter  for  fresh  investiga- 
tion  [cheers],  and  that  it  was  conceivahle.  in  spite  of  the  magnificent  traditions  of  the 

English  judicial  bench  and  in  spite  of  the  shining  splendor  and  the  accuracy  and  the 
pain-takings  of  English  judicial  proceedings,  the  process  and  the  result  would  need  to 

he  publicly  criticised  and  positively  reversed. 

It  is.  therefore,  no  treason  to  say  that  the  report  of  the  royal  commissi,,,,  may  need 
to  be  pronounced  upon  again  [cheers],  and  I  take  it  that  this  has  been  done,  in  a  way 
which  deserves  the  closest  and  most  respectful  and  most  sober  attention  of  every  stu- 
dent of  the  subject,  by  my  honored  and  admiral. le  friend  the  Rev.  Arnold  Foster,  of 
Hankau,  who  in  his  masterly  hook,  which  must  he  known  to  many  of  you,  has  ma,! 

sanation  of  the  report  of  the  opium  commission.  He  has.  as  it  seem-  to  me.  conclu- 
sively shown  that,  whatever  may  have  been  the  reason  at  the  hack,  the  evidence  re- 
corded by  the  commissioners,  in  view  of  which  alone  he  bases  hi-  judgment,  <l"e-  not 
hear  out  the  commissioners'  conclusions. 

And  he  has  done  this  in  a  way  conspicuous  and  startling.  He  shows  that  the  con- 
clusions upon  the  evidence  one  might  suppose  were  drawn  up  by  tin  I  party 
rather  than  by  the  judge.  I  take  it  that  in  Mr  Foster's  examination  ami  appeal  we 
have  conclusive  reasons  given  US— not  fanatical,  not  partisan,  and  not  wishing  to  hlink 
any  side  of  the  matter,  whether  favorable  to  opium  or  against  it  — for  taking  with  the 
lltmosl  reserve  and  suspicion  the  published  conclusions  ,,f  the  royal  commission  on  the 
opium  quesl 

"w  K   MUST   i  mink   <  t    china  " 

I  have  spoken,  a-  I  said  at  the  beginning — and  you  will  believe  that  it  has  been  SO — 
with  the  keenest  pain  and  filial   faith  about  our  sh-rious  country,  though  inglorious  in 


this  respect.  I  mourn,  I  grieve,  that  we  should  have  to  think  of  such  actions  as  those 
for  which  England,  as  I  said,  has  in  some  degree  directly  or  indirectly  made  herself 
conspicuous  and  set  herself  alone  in  this  matter.  But  while  I  mourn  for  it,  and  reluct- 
antly speak  of  it,  we  must  put  even  before  our  beloved  country  the  sacred  cause  of 
righteousness,  without  which  England  would  not  be  England.  [Cheers.]  We  must 
think  of  China.  I  must  think  of  China.  I  have  for  now  forty-seven  years  been  linked 
«vith  China  by  dear  lives  close  to  my  own.  I  have  two  brothers  laboring  at  this  mo- 
ment, so  far  as  I  know,  with  the  energy  and  hope  of  the  youngest  missionary  in  China. 
Their  residence  upon  the  soil  of  China,  putting  aside  their  furloughs  in  England, 
amounts,  collectively — the  two  together — to  fully  seventy-six  years,  and  with  their 
wives,  and  with  their  sons,  and  with  their  daughters,  there  is  a  group  of  fourteen  or 
fifteen  altogether,  near  to  me  in  blood  and  kinship.  They  have  literally  given  them- 
selves up  for  China,  and  therefore  I  have  the  strongest  reasons  of  the  heart  for  feeling 
drawn  to  the  contemplation  of  that  wonderful  country.  And  who  that  has  once  been  so 
drawn  but  feels  how  grand,  how  impressive,  how  magnificent  are  its  claims  upon  our 
good  will,  upon  our  expectation,  and  upon  our  hope? 

China,  of  course,  has  its  faults.  It  has  been  guilty  of  a  grotesque  arrogance.  The 
way  in  which  it  can  speak  of  the  most  cultivated  races  of  another  type  of  civilization  as 
if  they  were  barbarous,  is  hard  to  listen  to  with  patience.  China  has  again  and  again 
acted  with  an  insensate  contempt  toward  the  outer  world,  but,  nevertheless,  I  dare  to 
say  that  under  a  higher  and  better  influence  than  the  great  agnostic  morality  of  Confu- 
cius could  ever  teach  her,  China  is  capable,  as  a  race,  of  coming  out  into  the  front 
rank  of  all  that  is  great  and  good  in  humanity.  And  think  what  it  would  be  if  it  did 
so — that  one  homogeneous  quarter  of  the  human  race ! 

"for  the  sake  of  righteousness." 

But  it  is,  after  all,  for  the  sake  of  righteousness  and  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  as  the 
Lord  of  Righteousness  that  we  are  most  moved  about  this  matter.  It  seems  to  me  that 
this  great  question,  while  complicated  in  a  thousand  details,  is  singularly  simple  in  its 
main  issue — more  simply  arguable  than  the  great  problem  of  slavery  of  seventy  years 
ago.  It  seems  to  me  that  it  is  reduced,  so  far  as  I  can  study  the  facts  of  the  matter, 
to  the  question  whether  righteousness  must  be  sacrificed  to  revenue,  or  revenue  must 
be  sacrificed  to  righteousness.  And  can  anything  be  more  awfully  solemn  than  the 
question,  which  side  of  that  dilemma  will  our  beloved,  our  glorious,  and  our  God  used 
and  blessed  England  take. 

If  deliberately  and  finally,  after  the  fullest  appeal  of  loving  filial  warnings  that  can 
be  made,  the  answer  is  for  materialism  and  not  for  the  spiritual  law,  what  can  the 
future  be?  God  is  a  retributor  still.  Some  of  us  think  that  in  the  great  conflict  in 
the  East  which  is  going  on  now  we  see  something  of  the  retribution  which  even  Gib- 
bon said  he  felt  his  study  of  history  inclined  him  to  believe  held  good  through  history. 
It  has  been  pointed  out — and  is  it  superstition  to  think  it? — that  the  disaster  in  the  Khy- 
ber  followed  our  first  China  opium  war  and  that  the  Indian  mutiny  synchronized  with 
our  second  opium  war.  If  we  persist,  if  we  forget,  if  we  repent  not,  the  retribution 
will  come.  It  may  come  with  the  slow  step  of  national  decay — the  decay  of  ideals,  the 
decay  of  the  home,  the  decay  of  reverence,  an  awful  decay  of  faith  within  the  church: 
or  it  may  come  by  sharper  and  sterner  means.  Not  very  many  years  ago  it  was  as  if 
the  imperial  fabric  in  the  crisis  of  the  African  war  were  trembling  in  the  balance.  The 
Lord,  the  arbiter  of  nations,  has  not  abdicated.  "The  Prince  of  the  Kings  of  the 
sity  to  strike  where  he  has  blessed  so  long.     [Cheers.] 

256 


BILLS.  ACTS  AND  DOCUMENTS 


ON 


SUICIDES 

GAMBLING 

PRIZE   FIGHTS 

IMMIGRATION" 

SECTARIAX   APPROPRIATIONS 

INDIAN    EDUCATION 

POPULAR  ELECTION  OF   SENATORS 


*57 


RAY  BILL  TO  REGULATE  PUBLICATION  OF  SUICIDES. 

Introduced  Mar.  19,  1897,  55th  Congress,  1st  Session. 

No  newspaper  or  so-called  Police  Gazette  shall  be  transmitted  through  the  mails 
of  the  United  States  which  contains  any  picture  of  a  suicide  or  any  of  the  details  relat- 
ing thereto  beyond  the  simple  statement  of  death  by  suicide,  giving  name,  date,  and 
place:  Provided,  That  further  particulars  may  be  given  by  medical  journals  in  the  in- 
terest of  science,  or  any  judicial  officer  of  the  town  or  county  in  which  the  matter  is 
being  investigated  may  order  such  particulars  relating  thereto  to  be  published  as  shall 
serve  the  ends  of  justice. 

Sec.  2.  That  any  person  violating  the  provisions  of  this  Act  shall  be  deemed  guilty 
of  a  misdemeanor  and  be  punished  by  a  fine  of  not  less  than  twenty-five  dollars,  or  by 
imprisonment  not  exceeding  ninety  days. 

Sec.  3.  That  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Postmaster-General  to  see  that  this  Act  is 
strictly  enforced. 


GILLETT  ANTI-GAMBLING  BILL. 

Introduced  by  Hon.  F.  H.  Gillett,  M.  C,  Feb.  12,  1896,  reported  from  Judiciary  Com- 
mittee amended  by  inserting  after  "gambling  bet"  the  words  "on  horse  races." 

A  bill  to  protect  State  anti-gambling  laws  from  nullification  through  interstate  gamb- 
ling by  telegraph,  telephone,  or  otherwise,  by  extending  to  such  gambling  the  penalties 
provided  for  interstate  gambling  by  mail  or  express. 

Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States  of 
America  in  Congress  assembled,  That  any  person  who  shall  be  a  party  to  the  trans- 
mission by  telegraph  or  telephone  or  mail  or  express  or  otherwise,  from  one  State  or 
Territory,  or  from  or  into  the  District  of  Columbia,  of  any  gambling  bet,  or  report  of 
such  bet  on  any  race  or  prize  fight  or  other  event,  shall  be  deemed  guilty  of  a  misde- 
meanor, and  shall  be  punishable  in  the  first  offense  by  imprisonment  for  not  more  than 
two  years  or  by  a  fine  of  not  more  than  one  thousand  dollars,  or  both,  and  in  the  sec- 
ond and  after  offenses  by  such  imprisonment  only. 


258 


BILLS  ON  GAMBLING  DEFEATED,  ENACTED  AND  PENDING 

IX   CONGRESS 

Hearing  U.  S.  Senate  D.  C.  Committee,  April  7,  1896, 

on   Bill  to  Establish  a  Racing  Commission 

REV.  WILBUR   F.  CRAFTS,  Superintendent  of  The   Reform    Bureau: 

What  we  represent  is  distinctly  this.  We  request  that  this  bill 
shall  have  stricken  from  it  every  reference  to  bets,  stakes,  book- 
making,  and  to  laws  relating  to  these  subjects,  in  order  that  we 
may  preserve  the  present  satisfactory  status  of  the  laws  against 
gambling.  We  do  not  believe  in  these  New  York  sporting  men 
who  claim  to  come  here  to  give  us  stricter  laws  than  the  minis- 
ters are  willing  to  receive.  This  proposed  bill  is  opposed  by  the 
churches,  the  W.  C.  T.  U.,  and  the  Y.  M.  C.  A.  If  the  statements 
of  these  racing  men  when  they  claim  that  they  desire  to  make  this 
law  more  strict  than  the  present  laws  are  believed  by  statesmen 
when  they  are  rejected  by  the  reformers,  then  I  shall  have  to  ex- 
claim, "I  have  not  found  so  great  faith;  no,  not  in  Israel." 

I  hope  this  committee  will  consider  carefully  whether  this  bill 
— which  is  a  copy  of  the  New  York  Gray-Percy  law  and  which 
allows  the  English-New  York  perambulating  bookmaking,  which 
is  bookmaking  to  all  intents  and  purposes — whether  this  law 
should  be  adopted  in  place  of  the  existing  law  under  which  bookmak- 
ing in  all  forms,  with  or  without  record  of  any  kind,  is  prohibited. 

I  wish  to  read  you  now  an  extract  from  the  Washington  Star 
of  about  the  1st  of  March,  from  the  sporting  column,  where  the 
sporting  editor  is  talking  inter  nos,  not  at  all  from  the  stand- 
point of  a  moralist,  but  simply  stating  facts,  with  no  prejudice 
against  racing.  He  is  discussing  the  race  gambling  actually  car- 
ried on  in  New  York  by  bookmakers  under  the  Gray-Percy  law, 

of  which  the  proposed  bill  is  confessedly  a  close  copy: 

Some  racing  men  have  advanced  the  proposition  that  racing  at  the  Island 
and  St  Asaph's  could  be  continued  and  the  Maupin  law  evaded  by  adopt- 
ing the  system  of  betting  followed  In  New  York,  where  no  money  Is  put 
up  and  no  blackboards  or  pool  sellers'  stands  are  permitted  and  no  evi- 
dences of  gambling  are  in  sight.  •  •  •  All  sporting  men  know  that  the 
system  in  New  York  is  as  much  gambling  as  the  open  booking  of  bets,  only 
It  is  not  as  safe  for  the  men  who  are  taking  the  bets. 

Now,  I  desire  the  comnvttee  to  turn  to  the  last  section  of  the 
proposed  law  while  I  read  from  that  sporting  column  a  description 
of  the  New  York  method  of  bookmaking,  in  which  there  is  no 
table  and  in  which  there  is  no  exchanging  or  subscribing  of 
pledges,  but  which  is  remunerative  and  distinctive  bookmaking 
all  the  same.  You  will  see  that  there  is  nothing  in  the  last  sec- 
tion of  the  proposed  bill  prohibiting  the  New  York  system  of 
bookmaking,  borrowed  by  those  anglomaniacs,  with  other  vices, 
from  England  : 

The  modus  operandi  Is  very  simple,  and  can  be  easily  described.  Both  the 
bettor  and  the  bookmaker  have  a  small  notebook.  The  bettor  approaches  the 
bookmaker  and  says  he  will  bet.  for  Instance,  J50  on  Kingston.  If  the  odds 
are  two  to  one.  the  bookmaker  enters  in  his  notebook,  under  the  printed 
head  of  "Amount."  $150.  under  the  h^ad  "Odds"  he  enters  "2  to  1;"  under 
the  head  "Horse"  he  writes  "Kingston."  and  under  the  head  "Name"  he  enters 
the  name  of  the  bettor.  The  latter,  in  his  notf-book.  enters  the  amount  of 
the  bet  and  the  name  of  the  horse  ami  the  name  of  the  bookmaker  with 
whom  he  has  placed  the  bet.  "While  this  collon.uv  «nd  writing  I*  going  on. 
a  young  man  standing  behind  the  bookmaker  Jots  down,  in  a  hook  like  th* 
schoolboy's  copy  book  In  shape,  "Kingston.  $100  to  $50."  This  man  l»  really 
the  agent  of  the  bookmaker,  and  the  page  he  writes  on  is  as  much  a  book- 
maker's siieet  as  If  it  was  in  the  box  of   a    regular   bookmaking   outfit.      Sup- 


pose  the  bookmaker  is  dubious  about  the  credit  of  the  bettor  after  the  bet 
is  booked.  Then  this  occurs:  The  bettor  and  bookmaker  separate,  and  in 
a  few  moments  a  man  walks  up  to  the  former  and  says,  quietly,  "If  you 
don't  put  up  that  $50  on  Kingston  the  bet  don't  go."  If  the  bettor  is  really 
in  earnest,  he  hands  over  the  $50;  if  he  is  a  prospective  welcher,  he  declines, 
and  the  bookmaker,  of  whom  the  man  who  carried  the  information  about 
putting  up  the  $50  is  an  agent,  scratches  the  entry  out  of  his  book.  This  is 
the  system  followed  in  New  York,  and  it  shows,  in  the  eyes  of  the  law 
guardians,  what  a  difference  there  is  in  bookmaking  between  tweedledum 
and   tweedledee. 

Now,  with  this  before  you,  I  challenge  any  one  to  claim  that  this 
New  York  system  of  betting  does  not  relax  existing  law.  We 
object  to  any  phrase  whatever  being  included  in  the  proposed  law 
that  refers  to  bets,  stakes,  bookmaking,  or  laws  on  that  subject, 
and  none  such  will  be  insisted  on  if  it  is  a  bill  for  legitimate 
racing. 

Ministers  by  the  score  and  Christian  people  by  the  carload  went 
up  to  the  legislature  of  Maryland  to  secure  the  passage  of  a  law 
that  they  were  assured  would  allow  racing  only  thirty  days  in  the 
year,  thinking  that  better  than  illegal  racing  permitted  through 
many  months.  Now  that  the  measure  is  passed,  it  is  found 
that  the  law  permits  racing  thirty  days  and  nights  every  month 
in  the  year.  With  such  instances  of  race-track  legislation  in  mind, 
we  are  bound  to  look  upon  every  race  bill  with  suspicion.  I 
was  in  New  York  when  the  Ives  pool  bill  was  passed.  I  know 
that  good  and  respectable  men  favored  the  passage  of  that  bill, 
and  that  the  claim  was  made  that  the  Ives  pool  bill  would  allow 
only  legitimate  racing  and  that  it  would  reduce  gambling.  It  is 
now  admitted  by  racing  men  themselves  that  it  increased  it 
greatly. 

In  the  light  of  such  historic  facts,  the  only  safe  course  is  to 
strike  out  every  reference  to  gambling  from  this  bill. 

Now  let  me  turn  to  the  bill,  beginning  at  the  tail,  which,  like 
that  of  the  rattlesnake,  gives  the  loudest  warning.  That  last 
clause,  while  purporting  to  prohibit  bookmaking,  really  leaves 
holes  big  enough  for  the  perambulating  New  York-English  book- 
maker  to   walk   through   and   ply   his   trade.       Let   me   read   the 

final  paragraph : 

That  the  occupation  of  any  room,  shed,  booth,  or  place  for  the  purpose  of 
making  registry  or  records  of  bets;  the  exchanging,  delivering,  or  transfer- 
ring therein  of  a  record,  registry,  memorandum,  token,  paper,  or  document  of 
any  kind  whatever,  as  evidence  of  any  such  bet  or  wager;  or  the  subscrib- 
ing by  name,  initials,  or  otherwise  of  any  record,  registry,  or  memorandum 
in  the  possession  of  any  person  of  a  bet  or  wager,  intended  to  be  retained  by 
such  other  person,  or  any  other  person,  as  evidence  of  such  bet  or  wager, 
shall  be  deemed  to  be  bookmaking  or  the  use  of  gambling  devices,  and  pun- 
ishable as  bookmaking  as  the  use  of  gambling  devices  is  now  punished. 

Anything  not  included  in  that  is  not  condemned  by  the  words 
of  this  act — that  is.  a  man  may  wear  a  bookmaker's  badge,  and  he 
may  go  around  the  grounds  as  a  perambulating  bookmaker,  yet  if 
he  does  not  have  a  "place"  and  if  he  does  not  "transfer"  papers 
or  documents  of  any  kind,  and  if  he  does  not  require  the  better 
to  "subscribe"  to  his  bet,  he  is  not  a  bookmaker. 

There  are  three  distinct  repeals  proposed — repeals  of  three  dis- 
tinct gambling  laws — repeals  in  effect,  though  not  in  form.  If  a 
man  is  not  a  bookmaker  under  this  law,  under  the  loose  definition 
of  the  closing  section,  then  he  can  not  be  punished,  if  this  bill  be- 
comes law. 

260 


ihese  men  will  tell  you  that  "stakes"  means  the  same  a*, 
purses*'  and  "prizes."  If  it  means  the  same,  why  waste  words  by 
adding  it?  The  definition  of  stakes  given  in  dictionaries  is  "a 
gambling  wager."  In  section  8  you  will  see  that  the  meanings  of 
the  third  and  eighth  sections  play  into  each  other  in  the  most 
curious  way. 

That  all  racing  or  trials  of  speed  between  horses  or  other  animals  for  any 
bet.  stake,  or  reward,  except  such  as  Is  allowed  by  this  act.  or  by  special 
laws,  is  a  public  nuisance;  and  every  person  acting  or  aiding  therein,  or 
making  or  being  Interested  in  such  bet,  stake,  or  reward,  is  guilty  of  a  mis- 
demeanor. 

Note  "that  all  racing  or  trials  of  speed  between  horses  or  other 
animals  for  any  bet,  stake,  or  reward,  except  such  as  is  allowed 
bv  this  act,"  specifically  shows,  as  would  be  argued  in  court,  that 
this  act  does  allow  racing  for  bets,  stakes,  or  rewards. 

The  point  which  we  wish  to  emphasize    first,  last,  and    all    the 
time  is  that  we  desire  that  this  bill   shall  be  amended    by   leaving 
the  present  satisfactory  laws  against  gambling  intact. 
MR.  ANTHONY  COMSTOCK,  Secretary  of  Society  for  Suppression  of  Vice: 

It  is  not  to  be  presumed  that  the  eminent  gentlemen  who  com- 
pose the  jockey  club  themselves  are  to  walk  about  the  grounds  to 
make  bets  with  the  public,  but  it  is  a  fact  that  these  eminent  gen- 
tlemen ask  Congress,  by  this  bill,  to  legalize  the  act  of  common 
gamblers  who  throng  the  race  tracks  and  attract  adventurers  to 
their  scheme. 

Says  the  Supreme  Court  of  the    United   States   in    speaking  of 

the  importance  of  public  morals: 

No  legislature  can  bargain  away  the  public  health  or  the  public  morals; 
the  people  themselves  can  not  do  It,  much  less  their  servants.  The  supervi- 
sion of  both  of  these  species  of  governmental  power  is  continuing  in  Its 
nature,  and  they  are  to  be  dealt  with  as  the  exigencies  of  the  moment  may 
require. 

Government  is  organized  with  a  view  to  their  preservation,  and  can  not 
divest  itself  of  the  power  to  provide  for  them.  For  this  purpose  the  largest 
legislative  discretion  is  allowed,  and  the  discretion  can  not  be  parted  with 
any  more  than  the  power  itself.  (Stone  et  al.  v.  State  of  Miss.,  11  Otto, 
p.   816;     Boyd  v.   Alabama,   94   U.   S.,   p.   645.) 

Again  says  the  Supreme  Court: 

If  the  public  safety  or  the  public  morals  require  the  discontinuance  of  any 
manufacture  or  traffic,  the  legislature  may  provide  for  its  discontinuance, 
notwithstanding  individuals  or  corporations  may  thereby  suffer  in  obedience. 

Whatever  differences  of  opinion  may  exist  as  to  the  extent  and  boundaries 
of  the  police  power,  and  however  difficult  it  may  be  to  arrive  at  a  satisfac- 
tory definition  of  it,  there  seems  to  be  no  doubt  that  it  extends  •  *  •  to 
the  preservation  of  good  order  and  public  morals.  (Beer  Co.  v.  Mass.,  97  U. 
S.,  p.   33:     Butcher  Lfd  Co.  v.  Crescent  City,  11  U.  S..  p.  75.) 

The  foregoing  decisions  have  been  more  recently  affirmed  by  the 
same  high  court  in  Muggier  v.  State  of  Kansas,  where  the  court, 
in  speaking  of  the  police  power,  say 

It  rests  upon  fundamental  principles  that  overyone  shall  so  us*»  his  own 
as  not  to  wrong  and  Injure  others.  To  regulate  nuisances  is  one  of  Its  ordi- 
nary functions.  (Muppler  v.  State  of  Kansas,  8  S.  C.  Rep.,  p.  300;  Kldd  v. 
Plerson.  9  S.  C.  Rep.,  p.  8.) 

The  proposed  bill  legalizes  a  common-law  nuisance  by  permit- 
ting gambling  in  a  public  place: 

A  common  gambling  house  is  per  se  a  common  nuisance,  as  It  tends  to 
draw  together  idle  and  evil-disposed  persons  to  corrupt  their  morals  and 
^iin  their  fortunes,  being  the  same  reasons  piven  in  the  case  of  houses  of 
e»mmon    prostitution.      (King   v.    Ropers   A    Humphreys.) 

Thp  kf^pinp  of  a  common  gambling  house  is  indictable  at  law  on  account 
of  its  evil  influence  on  public  morals.  <1  Bishop  Crlm.  Law.  504;  United 
States  v.  Dixon.  4  Cranch  C.  C.  107:  State  v.  Savannah.  S.  W.  Char..  235; 
State  v.  Doom,  R~  M.  Char..  1.) 

2b  i 


The  evil  effects  of  gambling  can  not  be  more  forcibly  presented 
than  in  the  vivid  language  of  Judge  Catron,  formerly  of  the  Su- 
preme Court  of  the  United  States  and  also  of  Tennessee.  He 
says  in  one  of  the  most  celebrated  cases  on  record : 

Gaming  in  every  and  any  shape  lays  itself  at  the  root  of  industrious  habits. 

Gaming  is  a  general  evil;  leads  to  vicious  inclinations,  destruction  of  mor- 
als, abandonment  of  industry  and  honest  employment,  the  loss  of  control  and 

self-respect. 

*  *  *  •  *  *  *  * 

Like  all  other  passions  which  agitate  the  great  mass  of  the  community. 
it  lies  dormant  until  once  aroused,  and  then  with  the  contagion  and  fury  of 
a  pestilence  it  sweeps  morals,  motives  to  honest  pursuits  and  industry  into 
the  vortex  of  vice;  unhinges  the  principles  of  relipion  and  common  honesty; 
the  mind  becomes  ungovernable,  and  is  destroyed  to  all  useful  purposes; 
chances  of  successful  gambling  alone  are  looked  to  for  prosperity  in  life, 
even  for  the  means  of  daily  subsistence.  Expectation  is  disappointed;  swind- 
ling, forgery,  theft,  every  crime  that  extreme  necessity  and  outcast  despera- 
tion can  suggest  to  a  man  lost  to  all  moral  ties,   though  guarded  against,  are 

likely  shortly  to  follow  in  the  train. 

»  *  *  »  *  *  *  * 

Where  is  the  professional  man  or  mechanic  who  will  toil  at  his  vocation, 
and  acquire  by  shillings,  when  his  mind  is  diseased  with  similar  hopes?  We 
know  he  abandons  his  calling  and  relies  upon  gambling  chances  for  his 
own  and  his  family's  support;  the  man  is  a  vagrant  in  mind  and  conduct, 
and  must  beg,  swindle,  steal,  or  starve.  (Tennessee  v.  Smith  &  Lane,  2 
Terger,   272.) 

BOOKMAKING    DEFINED. 

Bookmaking,  as  it  is  commonly  called,  is  the  making  of  a  memorandum 
upon  his  own  book  or  paper  by  any  person  of  his  own  bet  or  wager,  upon  any 
issue  or  event  then  unknown  or  undecided.  That  is  simply  an  aid  to  the 
memory  of  a -transaction  or  transactions  theretofore  made  by  the  individual 
who  makes  the  memorandum.  (Jerome  Park  v.  Board  of  Police,  11  Abbott's 
New  Cases,  342;    Murphy  v.  Board  of  Police,  11  Abbott's  New  Cases,   337.) 

But  the  evil  to  be  guarded  against  is  betting  of  money  and  not 
the  recording  of  the  transaction.  The  victim  is  tempted  to  dis- 
honesty by  the  odds  offered  by  the  gamblers. 

GAMBLING    AND    BETTING   DEFINED. 

Illegal  gaming  implies  gain  and  loss  between  the  parties  by  betting  such 
as  would  excite  a  spirit  of  cupidity.  (People  v.  Sergeant,  8  Cow.,  p.  139; 
Harris  v.  White,   81    N.  Y.,  p.   139.) 

Whenever  any  money  or  other  valuable  consideration  is  hazarded  and  may 
be  lost,  or  more  than  the  value  obtained  by  chance,  it  is  gaming,  nor  will  any 
name  or  device  take  it  out  of  this  category.  (State  of  Tennessee  v.  Smith  & 
Lane,   2  Ter.,  272.) 

A  bet  is  an  agreement  between  two  or  more  to  risk  money  upon  a  contest 
or  chance  of  any  kind  where  one  must  be  the  loser,  and  the  other  the  gainer. 
(Bell  v.  State,  5  Snead,  507.) 

A  bet  is  a  wager,  and  the  betting  is  complete  when  the  offer  to  bet  is 
completed. 

The  placing  of  money  on  a  gaming  table  is  an  offer  to  bet,  and  if  no  objec- 
tion be  offered  by  the  player  or  owner  of  the  table  or  bank,  it  is  an  accept- 
ance of  the  offer,  and  the  offense  of  betting  is  complete  although  the  game 
be  never  finished  and  the  stake  be  neither  lost  nor  won.  (Waterman's  U.  S. 
Crim.  Digest,  237;    State  v.  Welch,  7  Post,  458.) 

In  order  to  constitute  a  wager,  both  parties  must  incur  a  risk.  (Quarles 
v.  State,  5  Hun.,  p.  561.) 

Speaking  of  the  professional  race-track  gamblers,  commonly 
called  bookmakers,  Mr.  Pierre  Lorillard,  who,  prior  to  the  passage 
of  the  Ives  pool  bill  in  1887  in  the  State  of  New  York,  had  shown 
a  keen  interest  in  horse  racing,  in  giving  his  reasons  for  severing 
his  active  connection  with  the  turf,  in  an  interview  published  in 
the  New  York  Tribune,  May  18.  1888,  said: 

I  am  very  much  opposed  to  the  bookmakers,  because  they  rob  the  public 
and  they  rob  owners  of  horses.  There  is  no  fairness  in  their  dealings.  They 
are  unscrupulous  to  a  degree,  and  in  their  capacity  as  middlemen  between 
the  owners  and  the  public  they  manage  to  appropriate  at  least  $1,000,000  a 
year. 

All  bookmaking  is  against  the  horses.  A  bookmaker,  of  course,  could  not 
live  unless  he  bet  against  horses,  and  in   the   course   of   plying   his   trade   he 

262 


steals  stable  secrets  and  buys  up  Jockeys  and  trainers.  The  bookmaklng 
system  is  therefore  demoralizing  to  Jockeys  and  trainers,  and  hurtful  to 
everything  and  everybody  connected  with  racing,  and  if  continued  will  utterly 
ruin  it  in  this  country.  When  I  first  went  Into  racing,  things  were  very 
different.  Gentlemen  raced  their  horses  more  for  the  pleasure  of  the  sport 
than  anything  else.  Now  racing  has  been  made  a  business.  I  don't  object  to 
it  being  a  business  if  it  were  conducted  as  an  honest  business,  but  it  is  high 
time  something  was  done  to  counteract  the  inlluences  of  the  bookmaking 
element. 

We  have  outlived  the  necessity  for  these  fellows.  We  don't  need  middle- 
men. I  hate  to  see  thousands  ruined  by  this  pack  of  scoundrels.  There  are 
about  100  bookmakers,  each  of  whom  lives  at  the  rate  of  from  $10,000  to 
$25,000  a  year.  That  money  must  come  out  of  the  pockets  of  the  public, 
for  these  men  have  nothing  to  begin  with,  and  I  can  tell  you  they  live  like 
fighting  cocks.  My  brother  George  was  a  good  racing  man,  and  he  often 
said  to  me,  "Don't  back  your  horses.  You'll  win  so  many  more  races  when 
the  bookmakers  are  not  against  you."  The  bookmakers  are,  with  few  ex- 
ceptions, rascals  who  would  be  fit  subjects  for  the  prison  when  their  more 
profitable  trade  of  robbing  the  public  on  the  race  courses  is  at  an  end. 

The  time  an  effort  was  made  in  1885  to  legislate  in  the  interest 
of  these  race-track  gamblers  the  Rev.  Henry  Ward  Beecher, 
then  living,  addressed  a  communication  to  the  Hon.  Mr.  Heath,  a 
member  of  the  assembly.      I  quote  from  his  words: 

Brooklyn,   N.  T.,  March  26,   1885. 

My  Dear  Mr.  Heath:  If  there  is  one  thing  upon  which  the  great  mass  of  our 
respectable  citizens  are  agreed,  it  Is  that  public  policy  demands  the  rigorous 
suppression  of  all  influences  which  tend  to  corrupt,  and  any  attempt  to  hood- 
wink the  legislature  and  to  persuade  it  to  license  or  shield  the  elements  of 
corruption  should  be  resisted  by  every  good  man.  Those  of  us  who  live  in  cities, 
especially  those  who  have  the  care  of  the  young  as  their  business,  know  how 
strong  is  the  fascination  and  how  ruinous  the  effect  of  gambling.  No  other  kind 
Is  more  to  be  dreaded  than  gambling  by  pools,  carried  on  amid  the  excitement  of 
horse  racing.  They  have  ruined  hundreds  and  corrupted  thousands.  They  lead 
to  indolence,  to  stealing,  and  to  almost  every  form  of  industrial  degradation; 
young  and  old  alike  are  subject  to  their  influences.  To  ask  a  self-respecting 
legislator  to  vote  to  change  the  laws  which  experience  has  secured  against 
gambling  is  to  insult  his  integrity,  and  no  honest  man  will  for  a  moment 
favor  a  scheme  upon  which  the  moral  sense  of  the  whole  community  is 
unanimously  condemnatory.  It  is  monstrous  to  suppose  that  the  legislature 
in  Albany  will  make  itself  the  devil's  catspaw.  If  It  does,  it  will  bring  out 
an  amount  of  indignation  of  which  they  have  no  present  suspicion.  I  know 
that  already  in  Brooklyn  there  are  quiet  arrangements  made  to  agitate  this 
matter  without  regard  to  sects  or  parties.  It  will  not  be  permitted  to  go  on 
silently,  and  the  men  who  favor  public  gambling  will  be  ranked  with  the 
public  criminals.  On  this  matter  we  are  determined;  but  I  trust  that  the 
good  sense  of  the  gentlemen  of  the  legislature  will  defeat  every  effort  to  leg- 
islate for  corruption,  no  matter  how  smoothly  covered  up. 
I  am,  yours   truly, 

HENRY   WARD   BEECHER. 

The  history  of  race-track  gambling  in  this  country  has  been  a 
history  of  open  defiance  of  law,  utter  disregard  for  public  morals, 
and  a  shameful  record  of  corrupting  public  officials.  It  has  been 
the  direct  cause  of  hundreds  of  defalcations,  forgeries,  onbczzlcmcnts, 
suicides,  and  murders.  It  is  an  open  temptation  to  young  men  to 
dishonesty.  It  has  undermined  business  institutions,  and  brought 
ruin   and   poverty   upon   thousand-  of  individuals. 

There  is  scarcely  a  State  in  the  Union  that  has  not  laws  against 
gambling.  Every  State  in  the  Union  but  one  has  laws  prohibiting 
lotteries;  and  yet  all  the  banking  games  put  together  in  this 
country  arc  not  capable  of  doing  the  harm  that  is  done  on  a  race 
track  during  a  single  meeting,  where  youths  .'ire  plunged  into  the 
midst  of  the  feverish  excitement  created  by  the  display  of  large 
sum-  of  money  passing  between  the  gambler  and  persons  tempted 
to  bet  upon  the  horse  race. 

Where  but  a  limited  number  may  gather  about  a  gaming  table, 
or  within   a  room   where   a   banking  game  is  conducted,  thousands 

263 


throng  the  race  tracks,  cursed  by  the  gambler's  tempting  odds. 

There  is  nothing  in  this  bill  to  prevent  the  professional  gambler 
from  displaying  odds  upon  the  different  races  in  any  manner  he 
chooses.  He  may  pin  a  card  upon  the  lapel  of  his  coat ;  he  may 
hang  out  the  sign,  bookmaker,  on  his  cap,  and,  although  he  may 
be  the  most  notorious  sharper,  there  is  nothing  to  prevent  his  ply- 
ing his  trade  upon  the  race  track,  in  the  midst  of  the  masses  there 
drawn  together  by  the  fact  that  they  can  gamble  without  fear  of 
punishment. 

In  answering  the  statement  made  "that  defalcations,  thefts,  and 
robberies  are  breaking  out  upon  every  side,"  the  learned  gentle- 
men who  appeared  on  behalf  of  this  bill  beiore  the  House  com- 
mittee sneeringly  treated  this  statement  as  of  slight  moment. 

I  present  the  following  as  a  few  specimens  of  utter  ruin  result- 
ing from  race-track  gambling: 

A  young  man  came  to  my  office  and  confessed  that  he  had  em- 
bezzled $2,500  between  the  months  of  June  and  October.  He  had 
lost  it  all  betting  upon  the  races  at  Sheepshead  Bay.  Driven  by 
desperation  over  his  losses,  he  went  to  a  wharf  one  night  in 
Brooklyn  to  commit  suicide.  As  he  afterwards  said,  "I  thought 
of  wife  and  children,  and  I  determined  to  be  a  man  and  make  res- 
titution," and  he  did. 

The  same  month  a  father  came  to  our  office  and  told  us  that  his 
eldest  son,  17  years  of  age,  had  stolen  his  mother's  gold  watch  and 
pawned  it  to  get  money  to  gamble  with. 

A  former  town  treasurer  of  a  small  town  in  New  Jersey,  when 
arrested  for  the  defalcation  of  $3,200,  confessed  that  he  had  taken 
and  lost  it  at  pool  gambling. 

About  the  same  time  a  clerk  of  the  New  York  Ferry  Company 
stole  $2,800,  which  he  also  lost  in  the  same  manner. 

Another  young  man  named  Dorence  was  arrested  for  stealing 
$1,500,  which   he  also   claimed  to  have  lost  at  pool  gambling. 

A  former  trusty  clerk  in  a  large  mercantile  house  on  Broadway 
embezzled   over  $10,000   from   his  employer  to   gamble  with. 

Another  young  man  at  Orange,  N.  J.,  committed  suicide,  leav- 
ing as  a  parting  message  to  his  friends,  "An  unconquerable  habit 
of  gambling  has  rendered  life  intolerable." 

About  the  same  time  another  young  man  pleaded  "guilty"  to 
murder  in  the  second  degree  in  Newark,  N.  J.,  for  having  killed 
his  friend  at  the  gaming  table. 

The  cashier  in  a  banking  house  in  Pine  street  embezzled  $30,000 
of  his  employer's  money,  which  he  claimed  to  have  lost  at  gam- 
bling. 

A  clerk  in  a  Maiden  Lane  jewelry  store,  after  being  arrested  for 
stealing  three  gold  watches,  was  asked  by  the  court,  "What  made 
you  do  this?  His  reply  was,  "I  bought  pools  on  horse  races  and 
became  heavily  in  debt." 

A  young  boy  named  Halsted  stole  $85  while  a  clerk  in  a  grocery 
store  and  went  to  Jerome  Park  to  spend  it  upon  the  races. 

Another  young  man,  named  Braughton,  broke  open  his  grand- 
mother's trunk  and  stole  $355  to  play  the  races. 

A  man   named    Floury,  occupying  an  official  position,  having 

264 


been  indicted  for  embezzlement  of  public  funds,  committed  suicide. 

Another  man,  a  clerk  for  a  mercantile  house  in  the  city  of  New 
York,  attempted  to  commit  suicide. 

Both  of  these   lost  their  money  by  gambling. 

A  boy  16  years  of  age  forged  checks  in  order  that  he  might  play 

the  races. 

A  young  man  who  committed  suicide  by  jumping  off  a  Brooklyn 
ferryboat  left  as  a  warning  to  other  young  men  this  message: 
'"Keep  awav  from  horse  racing  and  pool  rooms." 

A  former  cashier  of  the  New  York  post-office  committed  suicide 
when  it  was  found  that  he  had  been  embezzling  funds  in  order  to 
gratifv  passions  awakened  for  pool  gambling. 

During  one  year  I  collected  together  the  amount  of  crimes  aris- 
ing from  gambling.  That  year  showed  128  persons  were  either 
shot  or  stabbed  over  gambling  games;  24  others  committed  sui- 
cide; 6  attempted  suicide;  60  were  murdered,  and  2  driven  in- 
sane; 68  young  men  were  ruined  by  pool  gambling  and  betting 
upon  horse  racing. 

Among  the  crimes  committed  to  get  money  to  gamble  with  were 
2  burglaVies,  18  forgeries,  and  85  embezzlements,  while  32  per- 
sons holding  positions  of  trust  in  banks  and  other  places  of  mer- 
cantile life  absconded.  The  enormous  sum  of  over  $3,000,000  was 
shown  by  this  same  record  as  the  proceeds  cf  these  embezzlements 
and  defalcations. 

The  experience  of  the  past  has  been  that  the  direct  result  of 
lotteries,  and  race-track  gambling  particularly,  is  destructive  of 
public  morals,  public  peace,  and  public  welfare. 

Grant  all  that  the  petitioners  ask  for  control  of  horse  racing,  but 
deny  al  they  seek  to  secure  by  a  cunningly-worded  statute  to  im- 
prove the  breed  of  horses  at  the  expense  of  public  morality. 

UNITED  STATES  ANTI-LOTTERY  LAW,  IN  FORCE. 
Sec.  3894.  No  letter,  postal  card,  or  shall  knowingly  deposit  or  cause  to 
circular  concerning  any  lottery,  so-  be  deposited,  or  who  shall  knowingly 
called  gift  concert,  or  similar  enter-  send  or  cause  to  be  sent,  anything  to 
prise  offering  prizes  dependent  upon  be  conveyed  or  delivered  by  mail  In 
lot  or  chance,  or  concerning  schemes  violation  of  this  section,  or  who  shall 
devised  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  knowingly  cause  to  be  delivered  by 
money  or  property  under  false  pre-  mail  anything  herein  forbidden  to  be 
tenses,  and  no  list  of  the  drawings  at  carried  by  mail,  shall  be  deemed 
any  lottery  or  similar  scheme,  and  guilty  of  a  misdemeanor,  and  on  con- 
no  lottery  ticket  or  part  thereof,  and  vlction  shall  be  punished  by  a  fine  of 
no  check,  draft,  bill,  money,  postal  not  more  than  five  hundred  dollars  or 
note,  or  money-order  for  the  purchase  by  Imprisonment  for  not  more  than 
of  any  ticket,  tickets,  or  part  thereof,  one  year,  or  by  both  such  fine  and  lm- 
or  of  any  share  or  any  chance  in  any  prisonment  for  each  offense.  Any 
such  lottery  or  gift  enterprise,  shall  person  violating  any  of  the  provisions 
be  carried  In  the  mail  or  delivered  at  of  this  section  may  be  proceeded 
or  through  any  post  office  or  branch  against  by  information  or  Indictment 
thereof,  or  by  any  letter  carrier:  nor  and  tried  and  punished,  either  In  the 
shall  any  newspaper,  circular,  pamph-  district  at  which  the  unlawful  publi- 
let  or  publication  of  any  kind  con-  cation  was  mailed  or  to  which  It  is 
tainlng  any  advertisement  of  any  lot-  carried  by  mall  for  delivery  according 
terv  or  gift  enterprise  of  any  kind  to  the  direction  thereon,  or  at  which 
offering  prizes  dependent  upon  lot  or  It  Is  caused  to  be  delivered  by  mail 
chance,  or  containing  any  list  of  to  the  person  to  whom  It  is  addressed, 
prizes  awarded  at  the  drawings  of  Sec.  3929.  The  Postmaster-General 
any  such  lottery  or  gift  enterprise,  may.  upon  evidence  satisfactory  to 
whether  said  list  Is  of  any  part  or  of  him  that  any  person  or  company  Is 
all  of  the  drawing,  be  carried  In  the  engaged  In  conducting  any  lottery, 
mall  or  delivered  by  any  postmaster  plft  enterprise,  or  scheme  for  the  dis- 
or    letter    carrier.       Any    person    who  tribution   of  money,   or  of  any   real   or 


personal  property  by  lot,  chance,  or 
drawing  of  any  kind,  or  that  any  per- 
son or  company  is  conducting  any 
other  scheme  or  device  for  obtaining 
money  or  property  of  any  kind  through 
the  mails  by  means  of  false  or  fraudu- 
lent pretenses,  representations,  or 
promises,  instruct  postmasters  at  any 
post  office  at  which  registered  letters 
arrive  directed  to  any  such  person  or 
company,  or  to  the  agent  or  represen- 
tative of  any  such  person  or  company, 
whether  such  agent  or  representative 
is  acting  as  an  individual  or  as  a 
firm,  bank,  corporation,  or  association 
of  any  kind,  to  return  all  such  regis- 
tered letters  to  the  postmaster  at  the 
office  at  which  they  were  originally 
mailed,  with  the  word  "Fraudulent" 
plainly  written  or  stamped  upon  the 
outside  thereof,  and  all  such  letters  so 
returned  to  such  postmasters  shall  be 
by  them  returned  to  the  writers  there- 
of, under  such  regulations  as  the  Post- 
master-General may  prescribe.  But 
nothing  contained  in  this  section  shall 
be  so  construed  as  to  authorize  any 
postmaster  or  other  person  to  open  any 
letter  not  addressed  to  himself.  The 
public  advertisement  by  such  person 
or  company  so  conducting  such  lottery, 
gift  enterprise,  scheme,  or  device,  that 
remittances  for  the  same  may  be  made 
by  registered  letters  to  any  other  per- 
son, firm,  bank,  corporation,  or  asso- 
ciation named  therein  shall  be  held  to 
be  prima  facie  evidence  of  the  exist- 
ence of  said  agency  by  all  the  parties 
named  therein;  but  the  Postmaster 
General  shall  not  be  precluded  from 
ascertaining  the  existence  of  such 
agency  in  any  other  legal  way  satis- 
factory to  himself. 


[Amendment  1895:  The  powers  con- 
ferred in  above  section  extended  to  all 
letters  and  other  matter  sent  by  mail.] 

Sec.  4041.  The  Postmaster-General 
may,  upon  evidence  satisfactory  to 
him  that  any  person  or  company  is 
engaged  in  conducting  any  lottery, 
gift  enterprise,  or  scheme  for  the  dis- 
tribution of  money,  or  of  any  real  or 
personal  property  by  lot,  chance,  or 
drawing  of  any  kind,  or  that  any  per- 
son or  company  is  conducting  any 
other  scheme  for  obtaining  money  or 
property  of  any  kind  through  the  mails 
by  means  of  false  or  fraudulent  pre- 
tenses, representations,  or  promises, 
forbid  the  payment  by  the  postmaster 
to  said  person  or  company  of  any 
postal  money-orders  drawn  to  his  or 
its  order,  or  in  his  or  its  favor,  or  to 
the  agent  of  any  such  person  or  com- 
pany, whether  such  agent  is  acting  as 
an  individual  or  as  a  firm,  bank,  cor- 
poration or  association  of  any  kind, 
and  may  provide  by  regulation  for  the 
return  to  the  remitters  of  the  sums 
named  in  such  money-orders.  But 
this  shall  not  authorize  any  person  to 
open  any  letter  not  addressed  to  him- 
self. The  public  advertisement  by 
such  person  or  company  so  conduct- 
nig  any  such  lottery,  gift  enterprise, 
scheme  or  device,  that  remittances  for 
the  same  may  be  made  by  means  of 
postal  money-orders  to  any  person, 
firm,  bank,  corporation,  or  association 
named  therein  shall  be  held  to  be 
prima  facie  evidence  of  the  existence 
of  said  agency  by  all  the  parties 
named  therein;  but  the  Postmaster 
General  shall  not  be  precluded  from 
ascertaining  the  existence  of  such 
agency  in  any  other  legal  way. 


Gillett  Anti-Gambling  Bill  Pending. 

[Favorably  reported  54th  Congress,  since  modified.] 

A  bill  to  protect  State  anti-gambling  one   State  or  Territory     into     another 

laws   from   nullification   through   inter-  State    or    Territory,    or    from    or    into 

state  gambling  by  telegraph,  telephone,  the    District    of      Columbia,    shall      be 

or  otherwise.  guilty  of  a  misdemeanor,  and  shall  be 

Be  it  enacted,  etc.,  that  any  person  punished  for  the  first  offense  by  im- 
who,  with  intent  to  execute,  conduct,  prisonment  of  not  more  than  two  years 
pomote,  or  carry  on  in  any  manner  or  by  a  fine  of  not  more  than  one 
whatever  any  lottery,  pool  selling,  thousand  dollars,  or  both,  and  for  the 
bookmaking  or  gambling  on  horse  second  and  each  after  offense  pun- 
races,  or  any  scheme  or  artifice  to  de-  ished  by  such  imprisonment  only, 
fraud  or  to  obtain  money  or  other  Sec.  2.  That  no  common  carrier  or 
article  of  value  by  false  pretenses,  or  corporation,  or  employee  thereof,  shall 
any  scheme  or  artifice  commonly  called  receive  for  transmission  or  transit,  or 
or  known  as  the  "green-goods  swin-  send  from  one  State  or  Territory  into 
die"  or  "sawdust  swindle;"  or  who,  another  State  or  Territory,  or  from  or 
with  intent  to  aid,  assist,  or  abet  in  into  the  District  of  Columbia,  any 
the  executing,  conducting,  promoting,  dispatch,  communication,  letter,  pack- 
or  carrying  on  of  any  such  lottery,  age,  or  message,  prohibited  by  section 
pool  selling,  bookmaking,  or  gambling,  one  of  this  Act:  nor  shall  any  such 
or  any  scheme  or  artifice  to  defraud  dispatch,  communication,  letter,  pack- 
or  to  obtain  money  by  false  pretenses  age,  or  message,  be  in  any  manner  de- 
by  whatever  name  called,  shall  de-  livered,  either  in  whole  or  in  part;  and 
posit  with,  send,  or  transmit  by,  or  every  person  who  shall  knowingly  or 
cause  to  be  deposited  with,  sent,  or  willfully  violate,  or  in  any  manner 
transmitted  by,  or  receive  from  any  aid,  assist,  or  abet  in  violating  any  of 
telegraph  company  or  telephone  com-  the  provisions  of  this  Act  shall  be 
oany,  or  any  common  carrier,  any  deemed  guilty  of  a  misdemeanor,  and 
dispatch,  communication,  letter,  pack-  shall  be  liable  to  the  same  penalty  as 
age,  or  message  sent  or  received  from  is  provided  in  section  one  of  this  Act. 

256 


PRIZE  FIGHTS  PROHIBITED  IX  NATIONAL  JURISDICTION. 

Approved  by   President   Cleveland   Feb.   7.    [8 

Be  it  ,  .  etc.,  That  any  person  in  any  of   the    Territories    or    in    the    District 

of  Columbia,  who  shall  voluntarily  engage  in  any  pugilistic  encounter  between  man  and 

man  or  a  fight  between  a  man  and  a  bull  or  any  other  animal  for  money  or  for  other 

things  of  valu<      i    f   r  any  championship  or  upon  the  r<  E  which  any  money  or 

anything  is  bet  or  waged,  or  to  see  which  any  admittance  fee  is  charged,  directly  or 

indirectly,   shall  be  deemed  guilty  of  a  felony,  and  upon  conviction   shall  be  punished 

by  imprisonment  in  the  penitentiary  not  less  than  one  nor  more  than  five  years.     Sec. 

By  the  term  "pugilistic  encounter"  as  used  in  this  bill  is  meant  any  voluntary  fight 

by  blew-  by  means  of  fists,  or  otherwise,  whether  with  or  without  gloves,  between  two 

or  m<>re  men.  for  money  or  a  prize  of  any  character  or   for  any  other  thing  of  value. 

r  any  championship,  or  upon  the  result  of  which  any  money  or  anything  of  value 

g    red,  or  which  any   admittance   fee   is  charged,   either   directly   OT 

indirectly. 


ALDRICH-HEPBURN  BILL  TO  FORBID  INTERSTATE  TRANS- 
MISSION OF  REPORTS  OF  PRIZE  FIGHTS. 

Introduced  by  Hon.  Frank  Aldrich,  Feb.  26.  reported  same  day  from  House  C01 

mittee  on  Interstate  Commerce.  Hous<    Report  304(1.  54th  Congress,  jnd  Session.     Re- 
introduced 55th  and  56th  Congress  by  Hon.  W."P.  Hepburn.     [No  action  taken.) 

1/  enacted,  etc.,  That  no  picture  or  description  of  any  prize  fight,  or  encounter  of 
pugili-t<  under  whatever  name,  or  any  proposal  or  record  1  I  g  on  the  same,  shall 

be  transmitted  in  the  mail-  of  the  United  State-  or  by  interstate  commerce,  whethi 
a  new-paper  or  other  periodical,  or  telegram,  or  in  any  Other  form.  That  any 

rson  -ending  such  matter,  or  knowingly  receiving  such  matter  for  transmission,  by 
mail  or  intei  commerce,   shall  be  deemed  guilty  of  a  mi-demeanor  and  shall  be 

punishable  by  imprisonment  for  not  more  than  five  year-,  at  the  discr»t 
y  a  fine  not  exceeding  one  thousand  dollars. 


.    - 


EDUCATIONAL  TEST  FOR  IMMIGRANTS. 

Passed  House  May  27,  1902. 

In  addition  to  the  persons  excluded  under  the  foregoing  section,  admission  into  the 
United  States  shall  be  denied  to  all  persons  over  15  years  of  age  and  physically  capable 
of  reading  who  can  not  read  the  English  language  or  some  other  language;  but  an  ad- 
missible immigrant  or  a  person  now  in  or  hereafter  admitted  to  this  country  may  bring 
in  or  send  for  his  wife,  his  children  under  18  years  of  age,  and  his  parents  or  grand- 
parents over  50  years  of  age,  if  they  are  otherwise  admissible,  whether  they  are  so  able 
to  read  or  not. 

For  the  purpose  of  testing  the  ability  of  the  immigrant  to  read,  the  inspection  officers 
shall  be  furnished  with  copies  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  printed  on  uni- 
form pasteboard  slips,  each  containing  not  less  than  20  nor  more  than  25  words  of  said 
Constitution  printed  in  the  various  languages  of  the  immigrants  in  double  small  pica 
type.  Each  immigrant  may  designate  the  language  in  which  he  prefers  the  test  shall 
be  made,  and  shall  be  required  to  read  the  words  printed  on  a  slip  in  such  language. 
No  two  immigrants  listed  on  the  same  manifest  shall  be  tested  with  the  same  slip.  An 
immigrant  failing  to  read  as  above  provided  shall  not  be  admitted,  but  shall  be  re- 
turned to  the  country  from  which  he  came  at  the  expense  of  the  steamship  or  railroad 
company  which  brought  him. 

[From  Report  21 19,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session.] 

The  following  resolutions  have  been  passed  by  the  organized  charity  societies  of  fifty 
of  our  large  cities : 

"Whereas  it  is  impossible  to  make  the  conditions  of  the  very  poor  substantially  better 
when  every  arriving  steamer  brings  more  of  the  ignorant  and  unskilled  to  compete  for 
the  employments  that  are  open  only  to  the  ignorant  and  unskilled ;  and 

"Whereas  the  difficulty  of  securing  universal  education  is  greatly  increased  when 
every  year  sees  landed  an  army  of  one  hundred  thousand  illiterates,  whose  children  will 
start  upon  their  career  as  American  citizens  from  ignorant  homes  under  practically 
foreign  surroundings ;  and 

"Whereas  our  standard  of  public  morality  is  endangered  when  there  are  annually 
added  to  our  great  cities  whole  communities  which  are  unfit  for  the  responsibilities  of 
American  citizenship,  and  whose  members,  whatever  their  good  intentions,  become 
helpless  victims  of  the  corrupt  boss,  or  of  the  irresponsible  agitator;  and 

"Whereas  the  forces  working  for  morality  and  enlightenment  can  not  prevent  the 
growth  of  the  most  dangerous  forms  of  anarchy  and  lawlessness  while  we  continue  to 
make  constant  additions  to  the  great  masses  of  ignorance  that  we  already  have;  and 

"Whereas  the  illiteracy  test  seems  on  the  whole  to  be  the  best  practical  way  of  re- 
ducing the  most  undesirable  elements  of  our  present  immigration ;  and 

"Whereas  a  bill  prepared  by  the  Immigration  Restriction  League  is  now  pending  in 
Congress,  which  embodies  the  illiteracy  test;  now,  therefore, 

"The  undersigned  hereby  indorses  said  bill  and  urges  upon  all  Senators  and  Repre- 
sentatives in  Congress  the  importance  of  prompt  and  favorable  action  to  restrict  immi- 
gration by  means  of  such  illiteracy  test." 

^c  $Z  ^  %  jfc 

All  that  sort  of  reasoning  about  the  necessity  of  having  a  mean  kind  of  man  to  do  a 
mean  kind  of  work  is  greatly  to  be  suspected.     It  is  not  possible  to  have  a  man  who  is 

268 


id  i"  <1"  any  kind  of  work  which  the  welfare  of  Ins  family  and  of  the  commun- 
ity requires  to  be  done.  So  long  as  we  wen-  lefl  to  increase  oul  of  the  loins  <>f  our 
people,  such  a  sentimenl  as  that  we  are  now  commenting  upon  made  no  appearance  in 
American  life.  It  is  much  t<>  be  doubted  whether  any  material  growth  which  is  to 
be  secured  only  l>y  the  degradation  of  our  citizenship  is  a  national  gain,  even  from  the 

must   materialistic  point  of  view. 

Mr.  Shattuc,  chairman  >>f  the  House  Committee  on  Immigration,  in  the  House  of 
Representatives,  May  21,  said  regarding  the  present  demand  for  tin  further  restriction 
<>\  immigration : 

"With  almost  unanimous  voice  the  l?bor  interests  of  the  country  have  asked  from 
Congress  legislation  f<>r  further  and  more  effective  restriction  of  immigration.     Nor 

is    this   demand   confined    to   one   division    of   the    people.      It    is    sustained   by    the    pri 
urged  by  economists  and  publicists,  and   indorsed   by   the   platforms  of   political   parties. 
All   unite  upon   the   need   of   immediate  action.     *     *     *     Organized   labor   stands  a 
unit   in  demands  upon   Congress  for   further  restriction.     *     *     *     The  demand  for  ef- 
fective restriction  is  universal  and  imperative." 

There  can  he  no  doubt  that  there  is  a  general  and  very  earncM   desire  among  the  pi 

pie  fi  the  United  States  to  restrict,  by  proper  measures,  foreign  immigration.  It  is 
obvious  that  immigration  in  its  present  unrestricted  form  threatens  to  injure  the  quality 
of  onr  citizenship  and  lowers  the  rates  of  American  wages.  All  that  has  hitherto 
been  clone  to  improve  and  restrict  immigration  has  been  wise  and  beneficial,  hut  it  has 
not  been  sufficient  to  reach  the  objectionable  classes  of  immigrants  and  it  has  had  hut 
slight  effect  in  restricting  their  coming  to  this  country.  The  necessity  for  some  further 
step  ha-  long  been  apparent 

No  measure  can  be  devised  which  will  let  in  absolutely  everyone  who  ought  to  come 
in  and  exclude  every  immigrant  who  ought  to  he  shut  out.  hut  the  percentage  of  desir- 
able immigrants  who  would  he  excluded  by  this  hill  would  he  reduced  to  a  minimum. 
It  is  susceptible  of  proof,  as  the  following  tables  will  show,  that  a  test  which  will  shut 
out  ignorance  will  exclude  those  parts  of  our  present  immigration  which  are  li 
desirable  and  which  all  persons  who  have  given  thought  to  this  important  subject  agree 
Should  he  kept   from  entering  the  United  Stat<  - 

The  mass  of  immigration,  absolutely  speaking,  continues,  nf  course,  to  come  from 
the    United    Kingdom    and    from    Germany,    hut    relatively    the    immigration    from    these 

two  sources  is  declining  rapidly  in  comparison  with  the  immigration   from  Italy  and 
m  the  Slavic  countries  of  Russia,   Poland.  Hungary,  and  Bohemia. 

ILLITERACY   0*    N  \TI0NALITIES. 

Per  cent.  Per  cent. 

Finns     10       <  *,.il  i<-i;m-     

sians    48      Croats,    etc. 45 

Hungarians     36%    Syrians     69 

Remember,  for  comparison,  that  the  average  of  illiteracy  for  the  British,  Germans, 

and   Scandinavians   is   _>j   m    100. 

EXCL1  SI0N   or   ILLITERATES—]  IN   THE   SOUTH    AMD   u  KST. 

An  educational  test  as  a  matter  of  restriction  would  not   affect   in  any  important   de- 
the  Western  ami  Southen  many  of  which  are  naturally  desirous  of  obtain- 

ing a  large  immigration,  for  the  illiterates  largely  stagnate  near  the  Atlanti 
while  the  more  educated   nations  move  on   to  huild   up  the  new    St.v 


ILLITERATES   AND   SLUMS. 

Where  the  illiterate  immigrants  go  is  shown  by  the  Seventh  Special  Report  of  the 
United  States  Commissioner  of  Labor  (1894),  from  which  it  appears  (p.  44)  that  the 
proportion  of  those  of  foreign  birth  or  parentage  to  the  total  population  in  the  slums 
of  Baltimore  was  77  per  cent :  in  Chicago,  90  per  cent ;  in  New  York,  95  per  cent,  and 
in  Philadelphia  91  per  cent.  The  figures  for  the  foreign  born  alone  are  correspond- 
ingly striking.  It  appears  from  the  same  report  (pp.  160-163)  that  of  every  100  aliens, 
40  were  illiterate  in  the  slums  of  Baltimore,  47  in  Chicago,  59  in  New  York,  and  51  in 
Philadelphia ;  and  that  of  every  100  of  these  illiterate  aliens  there  were  67  males  of 
voting  age  in  Baltimore,  77  in  Chicago,  78  in  New  York,  and  85  in  Philadelphia. 

CRIMINALS    AND    PAUPERS. 

By  the  census  of  1890,  55.03  per  cent  of  the  total  white  population  are  of  native  par- 
entage and  32.77  per  cent  are  of  foreign  parentage.  Instead,  therefore,  of  being  re- 
sponsible for  but  43.19  per  cent  of  the  crime  committed  in  the  United  States,  the  pro- 
portion chargeable  to  the  native  white  element  on  the  basis  of  population  should  be 
55.03  per  cent,  while  the  foreign  born  element  by  the  same  standard  of  comparison 
would  commit  but  32.77  per  cent  of  the  crime  instead  of  56.18  per  cent  as  is  now  the 
case.  When  these  facts  are  remembered  the  profound  significance  of  these  figures  will 
be  perceived. 

This  measure  will  exclude  a  larger  number  of  undesirable  immigrants  and  a  smaller 
number  of  desirable  immigrants,  so  far  as  statistics  can  be  relied  upon,  than  any  re- 
striction which  could  be  devised. 


270 


SECOND  CLASS  MAIL. 
Hearing  on  Loud  Bill,  Jan.  16,  1897,  before  Senate  Committee  on  Posl  Offices  and  Post 

Rm.uU 


STATEMENT  OF  REV.  WILBUR  F.  CRAFTS.  PH.  D. 

There  are  three  fundamental  objections  it  seems  to  me,  to  the  existing  postal  law. 
which  the  Loud  act  before  us  amends.  First  of  all.  it  is  in  the  parts  which  the  Loud 
act  would  change,  a  law  to  promote  the  socialism  of  the  rich.  We  are  hearing  a  gi 
deal  about  the  socialism  of  the  poor,  but  the  law  which  the  Loud  act  seeks  to  amend. 
in  the  par;-  we  would  change,  i-  a  law  that  has  proved  to  be  in  its  practical  working. 
though  not  so  intended,  a  law  in  the  interest  of  a  few  rich  publishers  of  sample-copy 
paper-  that  are  nothing  but  advertising  sheets,  and  of  certain  rich  publishers  of  book-. 
mostly  foreign  books,  not  written  by  American  author-,  but  pirated,  the  sale  of  which 
takes  the  place  often  of  a  better  type  of  American  hook-.  My  second  objection  to  the 
existing  law  i-  that  it  give-  large  subsidies  to  certain  special  interests  and  makes  the 
people  pay  the  bill. 

It  i-  socialism  distinctly  in  behalf  of  the  rich.  That,  it  seem-  to  me.  goes  to  the  very 
core  of  the  question.  It  is  special  legislation  in  behalf  of  a  few  localities,  especially  of 
the  city  of  Augusta,  Me.,  to  which  the  whole  United  States,  under  the  exi-ting  law, 
must  contribute.  Two  or  three  cities  are  publishing  a  vast  number  of  sample-copy 
paper-,  for  which  the  people  of  the  country  are  paying  the  bill.  I  am  a  son  of  Maine, 
but  I  do  not  feel  that  I  must  champion  the  business  interest  of  my  native  State  when 
inconsistent  with  the  rights  of  my  country.  I  do  not  want,  as  a  son  of  Maine,  to  ask 
Chicago.  New  York,  and  other  places  to  pay  her  bills.  I  do  not  want  the  State  of 
Maine  to  be  a  dependant  of  the  United  States.     I  am  proud  of  the  position  Maine  occu- 

a-  a  moral  leader,  of  its  leadership  in  Congress  also,  but  I  am  sorry  to 
men  of  Maine  here  asking  for  a  large  slice  of  the  taxes  of  the  people  for  a  local  in- 
-t.  The  third  fundamental  objection  to  the  present  law  is  that,  as  interpreted,  and  I 
am  -ure  these  Postmasters-General  have  tried  to  interpret  it  as  best  they  could,  it  puts 
a  premium  upon  manifest  frauds.  No  one  will  claim  that  the  present  law  was  intended 
to  enable  private  business  houses  to  lessen  their  advertising  bills  by  making  the  people 
carry  the  advertisements  at  one-eighth  the  CO 

We  heard  in  the  House  debate,  and  you  will  find  it  in  the  Record,  that  there  i-  one 

single  publication   which  claims  a  bona  fide  circulation  of  J?.ooo.ooo.     It   i-.  of  COUTSe, 

merely  a  -ample-copy  circulation,  and  the  publish  an  immense  amount  of   idver- 

ti-ing.  much  of  it  drawn  away  from  legitimate  newspapers,  while  the  people  pay  the  bill 

the  tune  of  millions  of  dollars 

Here  i-  a  nummary  of  the  few  important  fact-  in  favor  of  the  Loud  act.  which  aim 
prevent   the  frauds   now   practiced      In   the   fir-t    place.   lei    me   remind   you    who  ai 

•r  of  the  I.oud  bill.     Tin-  President  has  asked  for  it:  his  pred<  r,  if  I  remember 

rightly,   also   a-ked    for   such   amendments     Three    Postmasters-General    in    -uccession 
have  asked  for  such  legislation  as  the  Loud  bill  pr<.r  The  House  ha-  now  a 

for  it.    The  National  Board  of  Trade  and    the    Publishers'    Association,  repre-enting 
ling  daily  paper-,  have  asked  for  it;  also  the  Library  Association,  representing  public 
libraries  and  creat   numbers  of  the  people.     Who  are  ed  to  it'     First     -  'me.  but 

■     •   all.  the  publishers  of  paper-covered  novels,  <*">  per  cent  of  them — we  have  the  esti- 
mate from  one  who  has  made  a  special  study  of  the  q  —about  00  per  cent  foreign 

271 


novels,  not  all  French,  but  large  numbers  of  them,  trash;  foreign  novels  that  are  pirated, 
that  are  taking  the  place  of  our  own  better  literature  in  a  large  measure.  Second,  pub- 
lishers of  sample-copy  papers — that  is.  advertising  sheets  which  have  very  small  legiti- 
mate circulation  but  issue  millions  of  copies  every  week,  for  whose  carriage  the  people 
of  the  United  States  must  pay. 

The  principal  opposition  to  the  present  bill  is  from  these  two  classes — those  who  pub- 
lish vast  numbers  of  cheap  novels  and  those  who  publish  enormous  editions  of  sample- 
copy  papers,  for  the  transportation  of  which,  as  has  been  stated  here,  the  Government 
has  to  pay.  Are  foreign  novels,  are  sample-copy  papers,  the  kind  of  literature  that  the 
United  States  Government  should  tax  its  people  to  circulate  for  '•educational"  benefit? 
A  third  class  of  opponents  comprises  the  news  companies  and  news  dealers.  They  re- 
ceive books  in  bulk,  at  the  cost  of  the  people,  from  the  publisher,  and  at  the  people's 
cost  send  them  to  news  agents,  and  again  at  the  people's  cost  the  news  dealers  send 
back  all  they  do  not  sell  simply  to  prove  their  accounts  honest.  The  point  has  not  been 
made  here  at  all,  and  I  think  was  not  made  sufficiently  clear  in  the  House,  at  least  not 
in  my  hearing,  that  a  large  portion  of  these  paper-covered  novels  come  from  the  pub- 
lisher directly  to  the  news  companies  in  vast  bulk.  Tons  at  a  time  can  be  sent  from  a 
publisher  to  news  agents  and  news  dealers  which  ought  to  be  sent  by  freight.  Ordinar- 
ily there  is  no  haste  about  the  transportation  of  these  books,  which  are  published  with- 
out any  news  in  them.  There  is  certainly  no  reason  why  great  quantities  of  these  books 
should  be  sent  in  bulk  by  mail  at  the  cost  of  the  Government  when  they  could  be  sent 
almost  as  conveniently  by  freight  and  with  only  a  slight  difference  in  expense. 

I  have  named  the  chief  opponents  of  the  amendments  we  are  urging,  but  there  are 
also  a  few  country  papers  which,  by  printed  appeals  to  their  prejudices,  have  been  led 
to  oppose  these  amendments  in  the  interests  of  the  city  papers  and  against  those  of  the 
rural  districts.  The  law  as  it  now  stands,  and  as  it  will  remain  after  these  amendments 
are  passed,  allows  free  distribution  of  county  papers.  So  far  as  they  circulate  in  one 
county,  they  are  beneficiaries  of  the  Government,  with  no  postage  to  pay  at  all.  The 
only  thing  they  would  have  to  pay  would  be  on  a  few  sample  copies  that  would  go 
beyond  the  county.  This  would  be  more  than  offset  by  the  advertisements  they  would 
recover  from  the  fraudulent  sheets  these  amendments  would  suppress.  As  to  the  relig- 
ious papers,  there  would  be  the  same  compensation  in  advertising  for  a  trifling  added 
expense  for  sample  copies.  In  any  case,  they  should  be  willing  to  pay  it  as  a  small  tax 
for  the  general  good.  The  religious  press  is  not  represented,  except  by  a  few  papers, 
in  opposition  to  the  Loud  act. 

Mr.  Hill.  Does  the  sample-copy  matter  entirely  affect  the  country  newspapers? 
Mr.  Crafts.  It  seems  to  me  it  would  affect  them  least  of  any.  Country  papers  are 
not  the  kind  that  issue  these  large  editions  of  sample  copies,  unless  some  advertiser 
comes  in  and  uses  them  fraudulently  for  advertising  purposes.  There  are  very  few 
country  papers  that  issue  more  than  a  few  copies  additional  to  their  subscription  list. 
It  seems  to  me  there  is  very  little  to  be  said  about  the  country  paper  case.  I  think  it 
has  been  worked  up,  but  before  the  matter  is  through  the  country  papers  will  under- 
stand that  they  have  been  deceived. 

Now,  as  to  the  religious  papers.  I  have  been  a  publisher  and  an  editor  of  a  religious 
pEper,  and  know  what  a  privilege  it  is  for  papers,  as  poor  financially  as  they  usually 
are,  to  send  out  sample  copies  free;  but  the  interest  which  these  newspapers  have  in 
morals  is  so  great  that  nearly  all  of  them  are  at  present  willing  to  pay  a  few  cents  more 
en  their  sample  copies  for  the  moral  benefits  that  will  accrue.  On  sample  copies  they 
would  pay  4  cents  a  pound — just  half  the  cost  to  the  Government  on  them.  But  this 
would  be  partly  if  not  wholly  offset  by    advertising    recovered    from    the    fraudulent 

272 


sample-copy  papers,  which  can  not  be  suppressed  it  any  sample  copies  are  allowed  to  go 
free.  Only  by  making  it  a  crime  to  send  a  copy  to  others  than  subscribers  without  a 
stamp  can  they  be  detected.  Ami  while  you  may  hear  from  a  few  of  tin-  religious 
papers  in  opposition  to  these  amendments,  1  am  confident  that  tin-  voice  of  tin-  religious 
press  is  far  more  on  the  other  side.  The  opposition  to  these  corrupt  novels  has  been 
expressed  very  frequently  and  very  strongly  in  the  press  of  the  country. 

The  next  point  that  I  have  noted  here  is  what  the  hill  will  do.  According  to  the  ad- 
mission  ^i  the  opponents  of  the  bill,  which  is  doubtless  an  underestimate,  it  will  take 
30.000  tons  of  second-class  matter  out  of  the  mails.  That  would  make  $4,200,000  saving 
to  the  Government— half  the  deficiency  of  the  Post-Office  Department. 

Mr.  LOUD.     That  saving  is  on  transportation  alone. 

Mr.  Crafts.  Yes;  besides  further  saving  in  the  office  expenses  for  handling  this  sec- 
ond-class matter.  It  is  claimed  that  the  loss  in  carrying  books  and  sample  copies  is 
offset  because  there  is  a  great  deal  more  letter  postage  sent,  and  a  great  deal  more  of 
postage  for  circulars  because  of  them.  But  this  is  not  to  be  wholly  lost  by  the  proposed 
change  of  law.  for  printing  has  been  so  much  cheapened  that  the  books  can  he  sold  as 
cheaply  as  now  and  pay  the  higher  postage.  I  am  a  publisher  of  books  myself.  I  man- 
age the  Reform  Bureau,  which  publishes  some  books.  A  book  that  sells  for  $1.50  costs 
25  cents  to  make;  a  book  that  sells  for  10  or  25  cents  will  he  made  in  these  days  for  iVfc 
cents  in  many  cases.  There  is  600  per  cent  profit  even  at  10  cents.  I  do  not  believe  that 
any  fewer  books  will  be  sold,  although  I  hope  the  quality  will  be  improved.  The  10-cent 
book  will  still  be  sold  for  10  cents.  The  publisher  will  pay  for  its  transportation,  the 
people  will  get  just  as  many  books,  and  the  Government  will  get  just  as  many  letters. 
As  to  advertising,  there  will  be  as  many  letters,  but  they  will  connect  with  bona  fide 
papers. 

The  next  point  I  wish  to  notice  is  the  estimate  of  Mr.  Wanamaker  as  to  the  cost  of 
transporting  books  at  pound  rates.  He  estimates  that  50,000  tons  of  these  novels  are 
sent  out,  which  would  cause  a  loss  of  $1,000,000  for  that  item  alone. 

In  regard  to  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  as  Senator  Hill  has  stated,  we  find  good  men 
in  jail,  and  we  find  good  novels  among  these  trashy  publications.  Here  is  the  estimate 
cf  a  man  who  has  studied  this  subject  for  years.  Mr.  Thomas  K.  Cree,  of  the  Interna- 
tional Committee  of  the  Young  Men's  Christian  Association,  who  has  been  working  on 
it  in  the  interest  of  young  men.  He  says  that  90  per  cent  of  the  novels  are  foreign 
novels  of  the  inferior  grade,  and  that  probably  10  per  cent  are  wholesome  books. 

Mr.  Hii.i..  What  is  the  difficulty  in  distinguishing  between  these  historical  and  scien- 
tific publications  and  these  novels? 

Mr.  CRAFTS.  I  think  the  men  who  drew  the  bill  found  that  it  would  he  impossible  to 
make  a  distinction  between  them  and  not  open  the  flood  Kates  to  the  class  of  literature 
I  have  just  alluded  to.  It  is  said  that  the  present  law  if  enforced  would  he  enough.  A 
man  with  a  paper  that  is  legitimate  enters  it  at  the  post-office.  He  then  has  a  vested 
interest.  Some  trade  interest  comes  in  and  buys  him  up,  and  issues  an  immense  num- 
ber of  sample  copies.  You  close  him  out,  refuse  him  the  mails.  ;ind  |,<-  goes  to  the 
courts  in  defense  of  a  "vested  interest." 

Mr.  Hii.i..  That  is  a  question  arising  under  existing  laws,  hut  do  you  say  that  in  the 
wisdom  of  ('.n^res-.  it  can  not  frame  an  act  that  will  admit  one  and  exclude  the  other 
in  certain  terms  that  can  not  he  mistaken? 

Mr.  CRAFTS.     I  am  afraid  that  it  can  not     I  want  to  say  tl  r  as  this  Riverside 

Series  is  concerned  there  is  so  large  a  profit,  and  the  books  are  made  so  cheap,  that  they 


, 


can  make  as  large  a  profit,  and  pay  legitimate  on  this  good  literature,  as  they  could 
make  a  while  ago,  because  they  have  saved  as  much  on  the  processes  of  printing  as 
they  have  to  pay  additional. 

Mr.  Wheeler.     The  gentleman  is  mistaken  when  he  says  that. 

Mr.  Hill.  Why  should  they  not,  the  publishers  of  such  books  as  have  been  shown 
here,  be  permitted  to  send  these  books  as  first  class  on  the  same  terms  as  some  of  our 
first-class  magazines,  three-fourths  of  which  are  given  up  fully  to  advertising.  You 
pay  50  or  25  cents  for  your  magazine.  Examine  it  carefully  and  you  will  find  that  a 
majority  of  its  pages  are  full  of  advertisements.  Has  not  a  good  book  got  just  as 
good  status? 

Mr.  Crafts.  I  wish  they  might  make  a  magazine  of  such  reprints  as  Houghton  and 
Mifflin  publish,  and  so  enter  it. 

Mr.  Hill.     There  is  no  advertisement  here ;  not  a  bit. 

Mr.  Crafts.  I  think  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.  might  find  some  way  to  make  their 
periodicals  of  historical  value  into  a  magazine. 

Mr.  Burrows.     As  Senator  Hill  suggests,  what  objection  would  there  be  to  that,  if  it 
could  be  done. 
Mr.  Crafts.     I  would  not  have  any. 
Mr.  Burrows.     But  what  is  the  objection? 
Mr.  Hill.     The  framers  of  the  bill  say  it  can  not  be  done. 
Mr.  Crafts.     I  think  it  would  be  impossible  to  draw  the  line. 
Mr.  Burrows.     Suppose  it  could  be  drawn? 
Mr.  Crafts.     I  would  be  glad  to  have  it  done. 

The  Chairman.     I  wish  to  state  to  every  member  here  that  my  own  belief  is  that 
second-class  matter  should  only  be  news  matter;  and  matter  that  is  merely  literary,  of 
any  kind,  whether  good  or  bad,  should  not  be  admitted  to  the  mails  at  the  pound  rate. 
Mr.  Hill.     How  about  magazines? 

The  Chairman.  There  is  great  difficulty  in  drawing  the  line.  The  primary  object 
of  the  rate  of  postage,  where  you  carry  for  one-sixth  or  one-seventh  of  the  cost,  is  to 
disseminate  current  news  among  mankind.  When  you  go  beyond  that,  you  violate  a 
fundamental  principle  which  shall  govern  the  post-office  service.  Do  I  state  this  cor- 
rectly [turning  to  Senator  Vilas]  ? 
Mr.  Vilas.     Yes. 

The  Chairman.     That  is  my  view  of  the  question. 
Mr.  Hill.     To  exclude  all  first-class  matter? 

The  Chairman.  It  is  a  principle  that  excludes  the  carriage  for  less  than  cost  of 
mere  literature,  whether  it  is  Wild  Tom  or  Evangeline,  from  the  1  cent  a  pound  rate. 

Mr.  Crafts.  As  to  the  amendments  introduced,  but  I  judge  not  advocated,  by  Sena- 
tor Chandler.  I  have  alread  spoken  of  the  impossibility  of  allowing  any  sample  copies 
to  go  at  pound  rates,  as  it  is  only  by  forbidding  all  that  we  can  make  the  law  enforce- 
able. The  second  amendment,  to  allow  papers  in  their  own  towns  to  be  circulated  as 
freely  as  elsewhere,  has  always  seemed  to  me  a  rational  thing.  That  a  paper  should 
pay  more  to  be  sent  to  the  next  street,  two  blocks  away,  than  to  send  it  to  Arizona,  has 
always  seemed  strange,  and  that  amendment,  it  would  seem,  no  one  would  object  to. 
The  only  objection  is  that  any  amendment  at  this  late  hour  of  the  session  imperils  the 
whole  bill.  The  next  amendment  of  Senator  Chandler,  on  the  third  page  of  the  bill, 
defines  subscribers  as  those  voluntarily  ordering  and  paying  for  the  same,  but  in  the 
House  it  was  stated  that  the  word  "subscribers,"  as  defined  in  Post-Office  Department 
regulations,  would  cover  all  this  amendment  does. 

274 


The  Chairman.     I  think  it  d 

Mr.  Crafts.    A  subscriber  is  the  person  who  is  under  obligation  to  pay;  the  law 

he  must  pay  a-  long  as  Ik-  takes  the  paper  from  the  office  OT  foils  to  order  it  dis- 
continued. 

The  Chairman.     I  understand  thai  to  I"-  existing  law,  but  there  can  be  no  ion 

to  making  it  definite. 

Mr.  Crafts.    Only  that  amendments  delay  and  imperil  the  bill. 

Mr.  Him..  I  think  the  publishers  ought  to  stop  a  publication  when  the  subscription 
expires. 

Mr.  Crafts.  I  think  so,  too.  I  once  sent  a  paper  a-  a  present.  The  subscription 
was  to  run  for  one  year.  Two  0r  three  year,  after,  the  publisher  sent  me  a  bill  for  the 
paper,  and  I   .lid  not  like  that  arrangement. 

The  amendment  changing  the  year  to  1S07,  0£  course  there  is  no  objection  to,  and 
being  SO  trifling  would  cause  no  debate,  and  SO,  no  delay.  There  is.  however,  serious 
objection  to  the  amendment  that  strikes  out  the  amendments  as  to  news  agents.  The 
p  •  news  agencies  are  really  monopolies,  and  are  made  so  in  part  by  the  present  law. 
which  provides  that  although  the  publisher  can  not  have  the  goods  he  sends  to  a  news 
•  returned  to  him  at  pound  rates,  the  news  agency  may.  The  publisher  sends  off 
a  lot  of  books  to  a  news  dealer.  He  has  some  left  over  and  wants  to  send  them  back. 
1 1  cannot  send  them  to  the  publisher  at  pound  rates,  but  he  can  send  them  at  those 
rates  to  the  news  agency.  So  that  the  publisher  has  got  to  deal  through  the  news 
agency.  The  news  agency  has  the  privilege  of  saying  to  the  news  agent:  *'You  take  as 
many  books  ,.  you  like.  If  you  have  any  left,  you  can  send  them  back  to  us  at  pound 
rates."  As  the  publisher  has  not  that  privilege,  he  is  bound  to  deal  through  the  mon- 
opoly. 

An  element  has  been  introduced  into  this  bill  that  makes  the  news  agency  a  monopoly. 

Mr.   Hii.i..     Under  the  present  bill? 

Mr.  (."rafts.  No;  under  the  present  law.  which  the  bill  so  amends  as  to  remove 
this  aid  to  monopoly.  This  amendment  of  Mr.  Chandler  would  have  the  effect  of 
continuing  that  monopoly.  I  want  you  to  look  carefully  into  the  matter  of  news 
agencies.  The  bill  as  it  passed  the  House  killed  that  monopoly — that  is,  it  will  prevent 
their  having  a  monopoly  over  the  publisher,  and  both  of  them  will  have  to  pay  regular 
If  the  law  remains  unamended  or  the  bill  is  amended  as  proposed  the  news 
agency  can  compel  the  publisher  to  deal  through  him.  because  news  dealers  can  return 
1>  oks  and  papers  only  through  the  American   N  npany. 

Mr.  Farrki.i.v.  1  want  to  correct  an  impression  that  you  leave  in  the  minds  of  the 
gentlemen  present.     You  do  not   know  what   you  are  saving. 

The  Chairman.     We  will  make  that  note. 

Mr.  Farrki.i.v.  He  said  that  it  was  simply  a  subterfuge.  I  want  to  say  that  I  was 
of  the  committee  in  New  York  who  was  present  ami  framed  the  law.  or  decided 
upon  it.  of  iS7<>  What  the  gentleman  says,  SO  far  as  the  present  law  is  concerned,  i> 
true,  and  until  [885,  whoever  was  Postmaster-Genera]  at  that  time— I  forget  ;  it  may 
have  l>een  the  Hon.   Mr.  Vilas — publishers   .•.  :orded  the  same  privil  ictly. 

The  Postmaster-General  then  discovered  that  the  word  "publishei  ■'  that 

bill.      I    personally    went    to    Mr.    James.    . •      •  at    New    York    at    the    time,    and    I 

think  I   wrote  to  his  honor  Senator  Yilas.  who  was  then    Postmaster-General,  that   the 

law    intended  to  give  the   same   n«ht   to   publishers,   and    I    proj d   and    suggested   and 

said  to  a   member  of  the   Senate,  and    some  of  those  here  now.  an   amendment    asking 
them  to  put  the  word  "publisher"  in  there.     1    want  also  to  say  in  thai  I   that  it 


has  not  curtailed  any  of  the  rights  of  the  publishers,  but  nevertheless  some  of  the  pub- 
lishers do  obtain  their  return  copies  through  us.  None  of  the  publishers,  so  far  as  I 
know,  have  ever  suffered  one  dollar  by  it.  It  was  not  a  subterfuge  on  the  part  of  the 
American  News  Company,  which  is  not  a  monopoly,  and  when  the  gentleman  says 
that,  he  does  not  know  what  he  is  saying.     He  does  an  act  of  great  injustice. 

The  Chairman.     You  appear  for  the  American   News  Company   and  against  the 

bill? 

Mr.  FarrEIXY.  I  did  not  intend  to  appear  today,  and  I  only  arose  to  give  this  per- 
sonal explanation. 

The  Chairman.     To  show  how  little  Mr.  Crafts  knew  about  it? 

Mr.  Crafts.  Yes.  sir;  but  Mr.  Farrelly  is  opposed  to  the  bill.  I  am  glad  to  be 
assured  the  discrimination  in  the  present  law  against  publishers  and  the  public  in  favor 
of  the  great  news  company  was  not  asked  for  by  the  latter.  It  was  a  very  unfortunate 
error  that  it  was  made.  In  any  case  this  amendment,  even  if  publishers  should  be  al- 
lowed the  return  privilege,  should  not  prevail.  Neither  publishers  nor  news  agencies 
should  have  the  privilege  of  returning  unsold  truck  at  the  cost  of  the  people. 

[Loud  bill  not  enacted.] 


276 


SECTARIAN  INDIAN  APPROPRIATIONS. 

Hearing   Jan.   31,    [90S,  before    Senate   (.'onunittee  on    Indian    A  (Tail 

STATEMENT  OF  MR.  S.  M.  BROSIUS,  AGENT  INDIAN'  RIGHTS  ASS0C1 

TION. 

The  House  called  upon  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  to  report  what  appropriations 
of  Indian  trust  funds  had  been  made  and  his  authority  for  making  them.  For  the 
present  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  iox>5,  there  IS  an  aggregate  appropriation  of  $io_\78o. 
Now.  of  that  $102,780  one  denomination,  the  Catholics,  secured  ninety-eight  thousand, 
six  hundred  and  some  dollars  and  the  Lutherans  of  Wisconsin  have  secured  $4,000. 
1  do  not  know  that  there  is  any  objection  to  the  school-,,  but  the  Indians  are  protesting 
—they  are  Protestant  Indians  who  made  the  protest— that  their  funds  are  being  used 
for  the  support  of  a  school  of  a  different  religious  faith. 

A  petition  from  each  band  of  the  Sioux  was  forwarded  to  the  Indian  Office,  signed 
by  persons  alleged  to  have  rights  as  members  of  these  trihes.  The  petitions  are  not  in 
compliance  with  section  269,  Regulations  of  the  Indian  Office — 1904. 

Since  no  council  was  called  for  the  purpose,  by  the  Indian  agent,  of  ascertaining  the 
desire  of  the  tribe,  a  small  percentage  of  the  tribe  only  have  signed  the  so-called  peti- 
tions, and  such  petitions  are  not  properly  authenticated  and  are  therefore  totally  with- 
out legal  force  and  effect. 

SENATOR  TeixER.     Those  were  petitions  asking  that  these  funds  be  used? 
Mr.    BROSIUS.     Yes,   sir;   for  these  particular   schools. 
The  intelligent  members  of  the  Rosebud  band  of  Sioux — 

engaged  in  business  at  the  agency  proper  protest  against  this  usurpation  of  their  rights, 
and  Mate  they  are  not  Roman  Catholics  and  are  opposed  to  such  use  of  their  funds. 
One  hundred  and  >ix  members  of  the  Crow  Creek  band  of  Sioux  protest,  each  writing 
his  name,  while  53  petitioned  for  such  use  of  their  fund-.  42  of  these  signing  by  mark. 

Only  1 1  wrote  their  names  against  the  106  who  protested. 

One  hundred  and  sixty-five  name-  appear  upon  a  petition  from  Pine  Ridge  Agency 
favorable  to  the  contracts,  and  641   member-  of  the  tribe  have   so   far  prote  '  linst 

expending  their  funds  for  contract  sectarian  schools. 

One   hundred  and   sixty-five   favoring  and  641    Opposing. 

All  the--  Indian-  entering  their  protest  assert  that  they  are  nol   Roman  Catholics  and 
sly  oppose  the  use  of  their  fund-  for  the  schools  of  that  religious  faith.     1. 
ibers  of  the  Indian-  are  a uumunicant-  m  the  van. .11-   Protestant  church.'-,  and  tilts 
arbitrary  diversion  of  their  fund-  1-  most  objectionable  to  them. 

It  is  shown  that  the  contract  price  of  $108  per  pupil  is  largely  in  excess  of  the  | 
portionate  -hare  due  each  child  of  school  age  among  the  Sioux  for  school  pur;. 
$15  bemg  about  the  per  capita  allowance.    The  excess  expenditure  under  the 

from  the  -hare-  due  those  members  who  have  not  asked   I 
use  of  their  funds,  but  are  now  urgently  protesting  against  the  same. 
Those  wh.>  have  studied  the  Indian  question  from  the  standpoint  of  hi-  better  wel- 
largely  united  in  the  belief  that  the  trust  funds  of  the   Indian-  should  be 
segregated  and  individual;  ted  upon  the  books  of  the  Treasury,  and  until  thi 

done  it  i-  difficult  to  -ee  how  the  charges  of  individual  Indian-  any 

purpose. 


If  the  present  plan  of  expending  tribal  trust  funds  for  sectarian  contract  schools  is 
continued  arbitrarily  by  the  Department  it  must  inevitably  result  in  strife  and  dissen- 
sion among  the  Indians. 

Dr.  Lyman  Abbott,  in  the  Outlook,  issue  for  January  28,  states  the  situation  concise- 
ly when  he  says : 

"For  the  Government,  which  is  the  guardian  of  the  Indians,  to  expend  their  trust 
funds  for  sectarian  purposes,  is  to  apply  to  the  Indians  a  policy  which  would  not  be 
applied  in  dealing  with  any  other  people;  a  policy  which  is  un-American,  which  is  in 
direct  contravention  of  the  constitutional  provisions  of  many  of  our  States,  which  vio- 
lates the  spirit  of  the  constitution  of  the  United  States  and  induces  sectarian  strife 
among  the  Indians  by  setting  Protestant  and  Roman  Catholic  signing  antagonistic  peti- 
tions. This  is  but  to  transfer  the  ecclesiastical  lobby  from  Washington  to  the  reserva- 
tion— to  jump  from  the  frying  pan  into  the  fire  " 

Doctor  Abbott's  reference  to  the  ecclesiastical  lobby  is  pertinent.  A  statement  has 
been  made  to  me  by  an  honorable  Senator,  which  will  be  amplified  before  the  com- 
mittee, that  Mr.  Scharf,  representing  the  Catholics,  submitted  a  table  of  20  close  Con- 
gressional districts,  with  the  alleged  Catholic  vote  in  each,  and  a  written  proposal  to 
deliver  the  necessary  votes  to  carry  these  districts  if  the  appropriation  to  the  amount 
of  $200,000  was  continued. 

Senator  Bard:  Mr.  Chairman  and  gentlemen  of  the  committee,  I  wish  also  to  in- 
troduce Dr.  Wilbur  F.  Crafts,  representing  the  International  Reform  Bureau,  Wash- 
ington. 

STATEMENT  OF  DR.  WILBUR  F.   CRAFTS. 

That  is  not  a  quarrel  between  Catholics  and  Protestants.  You  know  that  in  Eng- 
land where  they  have  church  and  state  united  men  are  going  to  jail  rather  than  allow 
funds  that  belong  to  one  sect  to  be  used  for  another.  It  seems  to  me  there  is  nothing 
more  unjust  than  that  funds  belonging  to  persons  of  different  denominations  should 
be  used  with  partiality  and  favor  for  the  sole  benefit. of  one.  Now,  in  this  case  I  call 
your  attention  particularly  to  what  was  said  by  Mr.  Leupp  so  briefly  but  so  pertinently. 
The  question  before  this  committee  is  whether  the  Executive  may  aid  by  indirection 
what  has  been  forbidden  by  law  directly  by  Congress  itself.  You  are  all  aware  that, 
with  the  exception  of  this  small  body  of  Lutherans  in  Wisconsin,  all  the  Protestant 
churches  long  ago  gave  up  any  idea  of  government  aid.  The  Catholic  schools  re- 
ceived help  several  years  longer  than  the  Protestant  schools.  They  had  a  much  longer 
period  of  time  and  they  had  a  much  larger  amount.  We  have  been  very  generous ; 
Congress  has  been  very  generous ;  the  Government  has  been  very  generous ;  we  none 
of  us  have  any  prejudices. 

The  Chairman.  We  are  not  discussing  that.  Didn't  the  Catholics,  under  this  ar- 
rangement that  President  Grant  made  allowing  the  different  denominations  to  have 
schools  there — didn't  the  Catholics  outdo  you  all  by  additional  zeal  and  work? 

Doctor  Crafts.  Perhaps  more  than  any  one  denomination,  for  their  population  was 
larger,  but  the  Protestant  churches  together  did  as  well  as  they.  It  is  inconsistent  with 
the  principle  of  American  government  for  the  Methodists  and  Baptists  and  Congrega- 
tionalist  churches  to  be  going  for  aid  to  the  Government,  and  the  question  coming  up 
from  time  to  time  as  to  how  much  this  and  the  other  should  have.  It  was  an  unseemly 
squabble  for  money — an  unseemly  interference  with  the  fundamental  rights  of  the 
American   Republic.     So  the   Protestant   churches,   with   this     small    exception — it    is 

2-8 


hardly  to  be  counted — gave  up  voluntarily,  before  Coi  cul  them  off,  all  these  aids. 

Congress  was  very  lenient  with  the  Catholics  and  continued  for  a  considerable  time 
their  schools  and  extended  it  once  after  it  was  agreed  to  close  up  the  matter.  Now, 
me  schools,  mark  you.  that  were  cut  off  by  Congress,  after  being  helped  a  long 
time,  are  being  helped  through  an  indirection.  Some  way  lias  been  found  to  accom- 
plish this  in  the  executive  department — in  the  Interior  Department,  so  as  to  furnish 
$io_'.ooo — $0X000  to  Catholic  schools.  I  am  afraid  the  American  people  will  noi  ap- 
-•  that  use  of  public  money  and  of  the  tru-t  fund-  handled  by  the  Government.  It 
seems  to  me  these  trust  funds  are  the  same  as  the  funds  of  a  hank.  The  Government 
is  handling  for  Protestant  and  Catholic  Indians  a  certain  amount  of  money. 

Now,  this  is  what  was  done:  160  Indian-,  each  of  them  petting  a  loaf  of  bread  for 
hi-  signature,  most  of  them  making  their  mark,  so  ignorant  they  could  not  -ign  their 
names,  signed  a  petition,  gathered  in  secret  without  the  knowledge  of  the  tribe,  without 
any  public  council,  such  as  the  law  provides,  without  any  discussion  (these  pen 
were  seen  quietly  by  some  one),  made  their  mark — they  did  not  know  what  they  were 
signing — and  on  that  small  petition  basis  was  found  for  granting  money  belonging  to 
tlum  and  to  others  to  schools  that  were  sectarian  on  reservations  where  the  Govern- 
ment had  schools  already.  Now,  it  seems  to  me  that  statement  of  facts  carries  with 
it  the  conviction  that  that  was  not  a  proper  procedure,  and  the  thought  we  have  in 
mind  is  that  somewhere  in  this  bill  there  should  be  a  provision  forbidding  the  u-e  of 
any  Indian  trust  funds  for  sectarian  schools,  or  at  any  rate  forbidding  the  use  of  any 
money  appropriated  in  this  bill.  At  any  rate,  we  feel  that  there  ought  to  be  a  pro- 
vision  to  provide,  as  far  as  possible,  for  a  continuance  of  the  policy  which  the  Con- 
of  the  luited  States  announced  before,  so  that  there  shall  be  no  possibility  of 
using  funds  that  are  in  the  hands  of  the  United  State-  Government  for  the  Indians  of 
both  Protestant  and  Catholic  churches  for  the  benefit  of  one. 

The  International  Reform  Bureau,  which  I  represent,  has  members  all  over  the  coun- 
try—  I   think  I  know  the  sentiment  of  the  public  pretty  well — and   I   do  not  believe  the 
•infry  generally  approve  tin-  condition.     Those  directly  interested  in 
the  schools  would,  but  I  do  not  believe  the  Catholic  people  in  general   would  approve 
f  trust   funds  belonging  both  t<>  the  Protestants  and  Catholic-  for  the  Cath- 
alone.     I   have  a  better  opinion  of  the  Catholic-  than  that.     I  think  the  Catholics 
and  Protestants  of  the  country  generally  will  say  that  some  provision  ought  to  be  made 
by  which  there  can  be  no  such  controversy.     See  what  a  conflict  will  be  arou-ed  among 
the  Indr 

natok   BARD.     I   want  to  -ay.   in  this   connection.    I   have  a   number  of  very    k 
Catholic  friend-.     I   have  made  this  Statement   to  them,   and  they,   with  a-  much    I 
a-   1   myself,  have  objected  to  anything  of  this  kind.     Two  amendment-  were  prop 
bj    Mr    Stephens  and  both  were  ruled  out  on  a   point  of  order— on  the  ground  that   it 
was   new   legislation,   I   think.      Probably  the  committee  could   find  a   way.   if  they   will 
nine  into  that,  to  introduce  such  an  amendment   in   the  bill,   if  they   should  find   it 
expedient     We  have  a   -hort   provision   which   we  think  would   be   within  the   rule.      It 
to  be  added  at  the  end  "i  the  appropriations: 

Provided,  That  no  portion  of  the  fund-  appropriated  by  this  act  -hall  be  expended 
f>  r  the  support  i  f  contract  schools. 

[Amendment  :  Senate,  failed  in  conference  1 


SENATOR   VILAS  ON  INDIAN  EDUCATION. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  pass  with  a  jeer  at  Indian  education,  as  the  results  of  our 
clumsy  and  bungling  dealing  with  those  unfortunate  people,  whom  we  describe  as 
wards  of  the  nation,  and  who  are  chiefly  to  be  accounted  the  wards  of  the  nation 
because  they  have  suffered  despoiling  at  the  hands  of  the  guardian,  which  has  been 
in  many  instances  the  case.  These  wards  of  the  nation  are  not  taking  from  us  what 
we  do  not  owe  them.  Neither  are  we  spending  this  money  because  we  owe  it  to  them. 
Let  it  be  understood  that  we  are  spending  it  in  the  most  wise  economy  for  ourselves. 
It  is  not  to  bestow  upon  the  Indians  the  annual  sums  of  money  which  we  put  in  here 
for  Indian  education.  It  is  to  remove  from  among  our  own  people  one  of  the  greatest 
dangers  to  our  society  which  we  have  encountered  for  years.  We  must  either  kill 
them  or  lift  them  up.  We  can  not  go  on  in  this  fashion,  and  it  is  not  quite  right  even 
by  way  of  jeer  or  joke  to  throw  the  stone  at  the  poor  Indian,  which  can  be  safely 
done  from  the  vantage  ground  on  which  we  stand  here.  Look  at  our  dealing  with 
the  Indians!  But  a  day  or  two  since  the  Senator  from  Kansas  was  calling  the  attention 
of  the  committee  (and  I  may  mention  it  without  offense)  to  the  fact  that  thousands, 
millions  of  acres  of  land  had  been  recently  taken  from  and  bought  of  the  Indians 
of  this  country  at  the  munificent  price  of  6  cents  per  acre,  when  for  that  same  land 
and  at  the  same  moment  a  private  party  proffered  $5  per  acre.  We  are  not  losing 
money  in  our  dealing  with  the  Indians.  If  we  were  putting  it  only  on  that  bare  and 
narrow,  mean  basis,  I  trust  that  we  shall  never  shrink  from  the  just  obligation  that 
rests  upon  this  nation  to  deal  not  narrowly,  not  meanly,  but  generously  with  these 
people  whose  country  we  occupy.  Let  us  recognize  one  thing,  and  I  think  that 
is  the  policy  of  the  Indian  Affairs  Committee  and  of  Congress,  that  the  true  way  of 
dealing  with  the  Indian  question  is  to  take  the  young  generation  of  the  Indians  who 
in  a  few  years  will  be  the  adult  Indians  of  the  country  and  educate  them  at  whatever 
cost,  and  though  we  may  not  be  able  to  make  the  blanket  Indians  see  the  problems 
of  life  as  the  civilized  eye  beholds  them,  we  can  at  least  find  in  the  children  of  the 
blanket  Indian  even  the  germ  of  understanding,  the  capability  of  instruction,  and 
if,  to  that  young  generation,  we  shall  give  the  light  of  education,  the  power  and  the 
self-support  of  intelligent  civilized  understanding  so  that  they  may  compete  in  the 
peaceful  ways  of  life  with  their  white  fellow-citizens,  we  shall  have  done  something 
to  relieve  the  obligation  which  this  nation  owes  to  a  people  with  whom  it  has  dealt 
only  unjustly,  with  few  exceptions. 


280 


POPULAR  ELECTION  OF  SENATORS 

Speech  of  Hon    Henry  S1    George  Tucker,  of  Virginia,  in  the  Hou t  Repi 

1892. 

The  only  change  proposed  is  a  change  from  election  "by  the  Legislature 
election  by  the  people;  and  added  thereto  the  qualifications  of  electors,  providing 
that  they  shall  be  the  same  as  for  Representatives  in  Congress      I  am  aware,  thai 
in  proposing  any  amendment  we  arc  amenable  to  the  charge  of  "tinkering"  with  the 
Constitution,  and  of  attempting  changes  which,  though  called  for  by  popular  de 
might,  if  adopted,  he  hurtful  rather  than  beneficial  to  the  people  and  destru 
of  the  original   symmetry  of  that  great   instrument.      But   I  believe  there  is  such   a 
demand  on  the  part  of  the  people  of  the  country  for  the  change  proposed  in  this 
instance  that    when  the  subject  is  fairly  presented  to  the  country  then-  can   be 
one   view   about   it — that   the  original   plan  of  electing  by  the    Legislatures,  in   the 
changed  condition  of  our  country,  does  not  properly  meet  the  necessities  of  the  hour. 
Nor  are  we  to  be  deterred  from  proposing  a  proper  measure  of  relict  for  the  people 
simply  because  it  invo'ves  a  change.     A  conservatism  that  rejects  the  good  because 
it  is  new  and  involves  a  change,  is  as  censurable  as  the  radicalism  which  upr 
all  that  is  good  because  it  is  old.     This  principle  has  been  well  stated  by  an  ear'y 
commentator  on    the   Constitution,   as   follows: 

The  design  of  a  machine  may  appear  correct,  the  model  perfect  and  adapted 
to  all  the  purposes  which  the  original   inventor  proposed,  yet  a    thousand   def( 
may  be  discovered  when  the  actual  application  of  its  powers  is  made,  and   many 
Eul  improvements,  in  time,  become  obvious  to  the  eyes  of  a  far  less  skillful  mechanic. 
Their  success  and  perfection  must,  however,    still   depend   upon   actual    experiment, 
and  that  experiment  may  suggest  still  further  improvement.     Are  we  to  reject  these 
because  they  did  not  occur  to  the  first  projector,  though  evidently  growing  out 
his  original  design?  Or,  if  on  the  other  hand  we  have  unwarily  adopted  that    a 
improvement  which  experiment  shall  evince  to  be  a  defect,  shall  we  be  so  wed 
to  en  'o  persist  in  the  practice  of  it,  for  no  better  reason  than  that  we  have 

fallen  into  it?" — Tucker's  Blackstone,  volume    [,   part    1.  page   [96 

In  the  equality  of  representation  in   the  Senate,  the  triumph  of  the  gnty 

of   the   States    was   complete;   it    was   intended    that    in    the   Senate   at    least— for   the 

protection  of  the  small  State-,,  tl  ich,  were  to  be  represented 

in   the   House,   the  St.r  represented   according  to   population,   SO  in   the    3<  I 

the  as   political  entities  were  to  be  represented;  that    a-  they  wei 

independent  and  sovereign,  the  smallesl   was  to  be  equal  to  the  largest,  and  in 

■  they  were  to  deal  with  each  other  as  equal        Sovereign 
be   measured   by  geographical  limits   nor  arithmetical   proportioi 

BRBIGN1  v. 

■  mined  I 
in  tl  how  and  by  what  methods  can  this  be  best  eff«  ted?  Can  an) 

so  we'.',  it    the  organized  political  *  died  a  that  which 

the  sovereign  will  of  thai  ''   I-  the    I  ture,  thi 

sovereignty,  the  creature  of  the  -  1  will  of  tbx 

made  it?  Is  the  Exe  uti   e,      m<  [ual 

to  t;  in  the  |  in  the  5  the 

creature  can  not  be  al  l<  for  ;;  mt  in 

the  State  as  a  political 


ereignty,  but  in  the  original  sovereign  power  which  rests  with  the  people  themselves. 
Some  gentlemen  have  said  to  me,  in  discussing  this  matter,  "Are  you  not  giving  up 
the  great  doctrine  of  the  representation  of  the  States  in  the  Senate?"  Why,  on  the 
contrary,  we  are  intensifying  and  emphasizing  the  doctrine  that  in  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States  the  sovereign  power  of  the  States  shall  be  represented,  and  not  the 
creature  of  that  sovereignty,  as  represented  by  the  Legislature.  Now,  if  the  States 
are  to  be  represented  in  the  Senate  as  sovereign  entities;  if  they  are  to  be  the  units 
of  representation,  and  the  sovereignty  of  the  States  not  only  preserved  but  strength- 
ened and  enlarged  by  an  election  by  the  people,  then  I  ask  why  should  not  this  change 
be  made  ?  The  reasons  which  have  induced  us  to  recommend  the  change  are  numerous. 
A  few  only  can  be  discussed  in  a  limited  time.  We  hold  that  the  change  would  greatly 
lessen    the   opportunity   for 

CORRUPTION   IN   THE    ELECTION    OF   SENATORS. 

The  intrigue  of  the  wire-puller  with  the  Legislature,  and  where  this  is  lacking, 
the  lavish  use  of  money,  sometimes  called  "undue  influence,"  or  both,  are  the  most 
fruitful  sources  of  corruption  in  the  election  of  Senators.  In  proportion  as  the  body 
of  electors  is  enlarged  is  the  danger  of  corruption  lessened.  Take  150  as  the  average 
size  of  the  State  Legislature — 76  of  this  number  constitutes  a  majority  of  the  Legisla- 
ture necessary  to  control  it;  38  may  be  a  majority  of  the  caucus  that  controls  the 
Legislature.  If  the  candidate  has  any  original  strength,  15  or  20  are  all  that  may 
be  needed  by  him.  Surely  to  the  bad  man  (if  I  may  use  such  an  expression  as  to 
any  gentleman  who  aspires  to  the  Senator-ship),  bent  on  securing  his  great  prize, 
the  opportunity  for  securing  it,  by  intrigue  and  artifice,  by  open  purchase  or  con- 
cealed bribery,  or  by  the  promise  of  "fat  things"  as  found  in  the  "green  pastures" 
of  the  dominant  Administration  at  Washington  is  greatly  enlarged.  The  past  thirty 
years  has  witnessed  the  enormous  increase  of  individual  and  corporate  fortunes 
in  this  country,  until  the  millionaire  is  no  longer  a  rarity.  This  fact  has  served  to 
develop  the  insolence  and  arrogance  of  wealth,  until  intellectual  endowments  are 
dwarfed  in  its  sordid  presence,  and  moral  character  lies  prostrate  in  its  ruthless  path. 
[Applause.]  The  power  to  rule  men  by  intellectual  and  moral  force,  the  test  of  a 
statemanship  of  a  former  day,  is  fast  passing  away.  While  wealth,  the  uncrowned 
king,  oftentimes  lacking  both,  and  coveting  neither,  arrogantly  seeks  to  rule  in  a 
domain  where  it  is  only  fitted  to  serve;  its  altar  has  been  erected  in  every  community, 
and  its  votaries  are  found  in  every  household.  Patriotism  has  given  place  to  material 
expediency,  and  the  love  of  country  is  supplanted  by  the  love  of  money.  An  aptness 
for  percentages  and  the  successful  manipulation  of  railroads  and  stock  boards  are 
often  regarded  as  the  most  essential  of  Senatorial  equipments. 

POWER    OF    CORPORATIONS. 

But  there  is  another  element  more  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  the  people  than 
that  of  individual  wealth  in  its  influence  on  the  election  of  Senators.  The  wonderful 
growth  of  our  country  has  been  greatly  accelerated  by  the  combinations  of  wealth 
in  corporate  forms.  These  in  their  proper  spheres  are  to  be  encouraged  rather  than 
condemned;  but  when  they  leave  their  legitimate  fields  of  operation  and  seek  to 
control,  against  the  interests  of  the  people,  the  legislation  of  the  country,  whether 
they  be  banks  or  railroads,  corporations  or  trusts,  or  combines,  they  will  meet  with 
the  indignant  protests  of  all  true  friends  of  the  people.  The  number  of  employes 
in  their  control,  the  concentration  of  great  wealth  in  their  treasuries,  and  the  "parlia- 
mentary favors"  which  they  are  able  and  most  willing  to  bestow  render  their  advances 

282 


:  enticing  and  tluir  approaches  most  insinuating.     Their  int<  are  guai 

by  the  ablest  men  ol  each  community,  and,  if  public  rumor  be  true,  they  can  lay 
tluir  lands  on  representatives  of  the  people  in  many  <>f  the  Legislatures  in  the  land 
and  claim  them  as  their  own.     If  the  people  dare  sick  relief  from  tluir  c 

art'  met   by  the  agents  of  the  corporations,  who  attempt  to  thwart  them  at 

ry  step.     All  that  shrewdness,  audacity,  and  money  can  sug|  i  readily  at  then 

command.  The  Legislature  is  invaded,  and  the  rights  of  the  people  give  place  '■) 
the  exactions  of  corporate  power;  while  he  who  can  serve  tlu  corporations  by  his 
control  of  a  Legislature,  by  intrigue,  artifice,  or  persuasion,  against  the  demands 
of  the  people,  is  regarded  in  modern  days  as  "more  terrible  than  an  army  with  ban- 

and  as  fully  equipped  himself  for  service  in  the  S<  i     ■    where  in  thai  enlai 
field  his  powers  can  be  utilized  for  the  benefil  of  the  corporations  h<     ■•    •        Tin- 
standard  for  the  exalted  position  of  United  States  Senator  is  thus  debased  by  cor- 

ite  influence.     The  wire-puller  and  the  intriguer  are  often  preferred  to  the  sti 

man  anil  the  patriot;  and  the  proud  title  of  United  States  Senator  has  lost  much 
of  its  power  in  the  suspicions  which  lurk  in  the  public  mind  as  to  the  mode,  condi- 
tions,   and    requirements   of   their   selection. 

In  this  connection,  I  beg  to  quote  the  language  of  one  of  the  most  distinguished 
men  of  our  land.  Judge  Gresham.  who.  s]  raking  of  the  use  of  the  money  in  electii 

said  "The  control  of  elections  and  legislation  by  the  corrupt  use  of  mam  y 
more  than  anything  else  menaces  popular  government   and  the  public  peace.     If 

these  abuses  are  not  speedily  checked  the  consequent  es  are  likely  to  be  disastrous.  *  *  * 
The  most   insidious  of  all   forms  of  tyranny  is  that  of  plutocracy.      Thoughtful   I 

md  admit  that  our  country  is  becoming  less  and  less  democratic  and  more  and 
more  plutocratic.  The  ambition  and  self-love  of  some  i  en  are  so  great  that  they 
are   incapable   of  loving   their  country." 

DIFFICULT   To    BUY    A    MAJORITY    OF   THE    PEOl 

But.  the  subjector  will  say  just   here,  "Do  you  think  you  can  do  away  with  the 

•  ey  in  elections?   Will  not  tin-  rich  ami  powerful  still  buy  and  corrupl  the 

le?"    I    reply  that   until   the  millennium   comes   we  shall   not    have  entirely   pure 

Hut  this  I  do  say.  that  when  corrupts  in  a  State  convention  to 

buy  from  an  unwilling  people  a  nomination  for  Senator,  that  it  is  not   the  end  of  it. 

A  man  who  buys  a  vote  in  tlu-  Legislature  '   him  to  the  Senati 

ably,   the   night    before   the   election,   and    when    tl.i  t(     has   been    taken    in   the 

ture  there  is  no  appeal,   for  the  election  Hut    if  a   man 

■vent  ion  and  buys  a  nomination  there  is  an  appeal  from  that  con- 

■  tion   to  the  unboughl    people  «,f  the  State   by   whom  the  Senator  i 

the  jwlls       A   man   may  buy  the  nomination   in   a   Si  tion.  but    where  is 

•nan  that   would  dare  fair  th<  '.hat   State  ami  go  before  them  askil 

ted  after  having  purchased  his  nomination  in  the  convention?   I  d  aim 

that  the  use  of  money  will  be  entirely  eliminated ;  but,  gentlemen,  it  wil  be  minim: 

it  will  I  e  brought  down  to  the  1"  hieh  it  is  ] 

PERMANENT    INJURY    TO    nil  ITURE 

The  money  which  corrupts,  by                            member  of  tin-   I 
•  •    tions  has  debauched  him  at         •   ■ 

in   local   legislation       The  corporation    tl  the  halls  of  a    I  and 

lay  its  unholy  hands  upon  the  members,  claiming  them  as  its  own   in 
S<  nator,  has  already  .  rd  the  hope  ■  if  a  j 


of  the  people  of  that  State  by  polluting  the  source  from  which  such  administration 
is  derived.  Under  the  specious  guise  of  interest  merely  in  the  Senatorial  elections, 
Legislatures  are  debauched  and  the  purchased  member  in  the  Senatorial  election 
can  hardly  pose  as  the  unbought  and  unpurchasable  tribune  of  the  people's  local 
rights.  If  the  charges  of  corruption  in  Senatorial  elections  are  true,  the  reflex  action 
on  the  legislation  in  the  States,  incident  to  such  corruption,  must  be  immeasurable 
in  its  destruction  of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  people  of  the  States. 

Mr.  Speaker,  it  is  not  only  proper  but  a  pleasure  (having  spoken  of  the  dangers 
of  corruption  in  the  election  of  Senators')  to  state  at  this  point  that,  so  far  as  my  own 
State  is  concerned,  and  many  of  the  States  of  this  Union,  there  has  never  been  any 
ground  for  a  charge  of  corruption  in  the  election  of  Senators.  Not  only  have  I  never 
heard  of  it  in  my  own  State,  but  I  have  never  heard  even  a  suspicion  of  it.  Of  most 
if  not  of  all  the  New  England  States  and  of  all  the  Southern  States  the  same  may 
be  said.  But,  gentlemen,  it  is  not  what  has  been,  but  the  trend  of  public  events 
that  shows  us  the  dangers  in  our  path  and  induces  us  to  advocate  this  amendment. 

SENATOR  TURPIE  ON  ELECTING  SENATORS  BY  POPULAR  VOTE. 

Very  keen  distrust  has  been  sometimes  expressed  as  to  the  action  of  legislative 
bodies  in  the  choice  of  Senators.  This  is  only  one  of  the  forms  which  the  popular 
protest  against  the  present  method  most  frequently  assumes.  Consider  how  full, 
clear,  and  thorough  would  be  the  remedy  for  the  mischief  of  such  suspicion  under 
the  new  mode  of  election.  It  is  true  added  importance  would  be  given  to  that  class 
of  conferences  called  State  conventions,  and  their  action  might  be  obnoxious  to  as 
grave  charges  as  that  of  the  Legislature.  But  the  selection  made  by  such  conventions 
would  not  be  final;  it  would  only  be  primary,  tentative;  it  would  be  subject  to  review 
and  reversal  at  his  leisure  by  every  voter  in  the  State.  For  that  reason,  no  doubt, 
their  action  would  be  the  more  carefully  guarded  against  the  imputation  of  wrong 
and  yet,  if  found  impure,  might  fail  of  acceptance. 


284 


DEMOCRATIC  REFERENDUM 
SPEECH  OF  HON  ROBERT  BAKER,  OF  NEW  YORK,   IN  THE  HOUSE  OF 

REPRESENTATIVES,  FEBRUARY  r,  [905. 

ARRANGED      Bl      GBORG1      H      SHIBLEY,     DIRECTOR       DEPARTMEN 11  fTATIVH 

GOVERNMENT,    BUREAU    OI     RESEARCH,    WASHINGTON,    D 

We  are  continually  confronted  with  the  remarkable  trust   formation,  a  mo  i 
menl  thai  is  throwing  into  party  politics  millions  upon  millions  of  capital.     While 
some  arc  planning  how  the  trust  fun. Is  for  campaign  purposes  shall  be  used,  nature. 
operating  through  organizations  of  nun,   is   bringing   forward   a   differenl   remedy 
and  one  that  i^  perfect.     It  is  an  improvement  in  the  l  of  government.   It    is 

guarded  representative  government. 

I  say  t'aat  this  system  furnishes  a  perfect  solution  of  the  trust  question.  Proof 
that  this  i^.  ■.,.  is  the  history  of  Switzerland  since  guarded  representative  govern- 
ment has  been  established.  The  system  lends  to  an  ideal  civilization.  The  testimony 
is  unanimous. 

GUARDED  REPRESENTATIVE  GOVERNMEN1    TENDS    I"   %N   IDEAL  CIVILIZATION. 

I  will  first   quote  the  testimony  of  Jesse  Macy,  professor  of  political  scienci 
a  College,  who  visited  Switzerland  in  i8g6.     He  wrote  the  following  words  to  his 
studenl 

"We  cart  not  he  too  prompt  in  reaching  the  understanding  that  what  we  now 
recognize  as  democracy  is  something  absolutely  new  on  the  face  of  the  earth." 

The  s  tmething  that  is  absolutely  new  is  a  Commonwealth  in  which  the  represen- 
tative system  of  government  has  been  developed  to  where  the  people  possess  a  veto 
power  and  a  direct  initiative  which  makes  them  the  sovereign  power.  It  is  the  twen- 
tieth century  democracy,  a  new  order  of  society.  It  is  the  highest  point  yet  reached 
in    an    ever-progressive   evolution. 

Savs  A.  Lawrence  Lowell,  professor  of  political  science,  Harvard  University, 
in  his  two-volume  work,  Government  and   Parties  in  Continental  Europe 

"The   Swiss   Confederation   is  on    the   whole   the   most    successful    del  v    in 

the   world." 

I  will  correct  that  statement  by  adding  that  Switzerland  is  the  only  democi 
in  the  present-day  world.      Professor  Lowell  continues: 

"Unlike  almost  every  other  State  in  Europe,  Switzerland  has  no  irreconcilable* 
— the  only  persons  in  its  territory  who  could,  in  any  sense,  be  classed  under  that 
name  being  a  mere  handful  of  anarchists,  and  these,  as  in  our  own  land,  are  foreigners. 

The  people  are  contented.     The  Government  is  patriotic,  far-sighted,  efficient,  and 
nomical,  steady  in  its  policy,  not  changing  its  course  with  party  fluctuations 

Corruption    in    pul  lie    life    is    almost    unknown,    ami    appointments    to   office    are    not 

made  for  political  purposes  by  the  federal  authorities,  <>r  by  those  of  most  of  the 
I     •  tons.     Officials  are  selected  on  their  merits,  and  retained  as  long  n  do 

their   work;  and    yet    the   evils   of   a   bureaucracy    scarcely   exist.   *  *  *  Wealth   is 
■   v  evenly  distril 

Su    b   are   the   unquestioned    facts.      Ev<  gnizes   tin-   high   character  of 

tlie   Swi       '■      emmenl    and    its   laws. 

The  system  is  the  latest  stage  in  the  development  of  repr.    I  "nment. 

For  more  than  a  thousand  years  the  system  has  heen  developing  among  the  Teutonic 
The  Swiss  are  the  first  to  become  ■  ign  under  representative  government 

The  results  of  the  system  have  heen  watched  with  the  gTW  '  |     vsiMe  inter 

[s    a-i    ideal    society    possible?   The    answer    has    hinged    upon   whether  represent.. 

eminent  can  evolve  to  where  the  people  become  ti  power  the 

same  time  adopt   in   their  collective  capacity  the  recommendati 

nswer  is  yes,  unmistakably  yt        The  del  the  mechanism 

whereby  this  enlightened  legislat:  ecured  is  brief!]  ibed  by  me  in 

ie  of  The  Public. 


UNITED  STATES  ON  THE  VERGE  OF  GUARDED  REPRESENTATIVE  GOVERNMENT. 

In  our  own  country  we  have  been  developing  the  guarded  system  of  representa- 
tive government,  and  from  earliest  times  until  1830  we  were  in  advance  of  the  Swiss. 
At  all  times  our  people's  right  to  the  sovereign  power  has  been  admitted,  but  inst  tu- 
tions  have  been  lacking  for  establishing  that  sovereignty.  In  the  words  of  Hon. 
James   Bryce,   in   the  American   Commonwealth,   chapter   78: 

"One  of  the  chief  problems  in  America  is  to  devise  means  whereby  the  national 
will  shall  be  most  fully  expressed,  most  clearly  known,  most  unresistingly  and  cheer- 
fully obeyed.  *  *  *  Toward  this  goal  the  Americans  have  marched  with  steady 
steps,  unconsciously  as  well  as  consciously.  No  other  people  now  stand  so  near  it. 
*  *  *  She  has  shown  more  boldness  in  trusting  public  opinion,  in  recognizing  and 
giving  effect  to  it,  than  has  yet  been  shown  elsewhere.  Towering  over  Presidents 
and  State  governors,  over  Congress  and  State  legislatures,  over  conventions  and 
the  vast  machinery  of  party,  public  opinion  stands  out,  in  the  United  States,  as  the 
great  source  of  power,  the  master  of  servants  who  tremble  before  it." 

This  was  written  sixteen  years  ago,  and  during  these  years  the  people's  right 
to  their  sovereignty  has  not  been  openly  disputed,  though  the  power  of  the  ruling 
few  has  increased,  owing  to  the  centralization  of  industry,  and  the  centralization 
of  power  in  party  machines.  The  hour  has  nearly  arrived,  however,  when  the  peo- 
ple are  to  establish  a  system  whereby  they  will  become  the  supreme  power  in  the  land. 

The  means  whereby  liberation  is  coming  can  be  classified  under  two  heads. 
First,  improvements  in  campaign  methods,  and  second,  improvements  in  the  sys- 
tem of  government.  Both  have  been  developing  together  and  therefore  both  will 
largely  be  described  together.  Leading  up  thereto  permit  me  to  outline  the  attain- 
ment of  the  people's  sovereignty  in  Switzerland. 

EVOLUTION  OF  REPRESENTATIVE  GOVERNMENT  IN  SWITZERLAND. 

The  French  Revolution  in  1830  started  on  July  28,  and  was  followed  by  popular 
uprisings  in  Switzerland.  By  the  middle  of  December  the  constitutions  of  nine 
cantons  were  revised,  the  new  instruments  being  on  progressive  lines,  and  each  was 
enacted  into  law  by  a  direct  ballot  of  the  voters.  This  was  without  civil  war,  but 
during  the  next  year  there  were  serious  conflicts  before  constitutional  revisions 
were  secured  in  the  cantons  of  Basle,  Schwyz,  and  Nauchatel.  Fifty-three  years 
before  this  the  people  of  Massachusetts  had  directly  enacted  into  law  the  constitution 
of  the  Commonwealth,  the  first  event  of  its  kind  in  the  history  of  the  world. 

Turning  our  attention  again  to  Switzerland,  it  is  to  be  noted  that  it  was  eighteen 
years  after  the  revision  of  the  cantonal  constitutions  before  the  national  constitution 
was  amended  on  liberal  lines.  While  the  thrones  of  Europe  were  tottering  in  the 
revolutions  of  1848  the  Swiss  secured  the  establishment  of  the  initiative  and  referen- 
dum as  to  federal  constitutional  law,  together  with  a  guaranty  that  the  cantonal 
constitutions  should  be  subject  to  a  direct  initiative  in  the  voters  as  well  as  subject 
to  a  people's  veto  as  to  changes  proposed  by  a  cantonal  congress  or  constitutional 

convention. 

After  1848  the  Swiss  gradually  extended  to  statutory  law  the  people's  veto 
and  direct  initiative.  About  i860  the  development  of  railways  and  the  scandal- 
ous   GIVING    AWAY    OF    FRANCHISES    BY    THE    LEGISLATURES    RESULTED    IN    "a    PERFECT 

wave  of  democracy,"  says  Deploige  in  his  book  entitled  "The  Referendum  in 
Switzerland."  "The  result,"  he  adds,  was  "that  the  people  became  really  and 
effectively   sovereign."      (Pp.    82    and   83.) 

This  statement  as  to  the  completion  of  the  Swiss  people's  sovereignty  at  this 
time  is  too  broad,  for  not  until  1874  was  there  installed  a  people's  veto  as  to  federal 
statutory  law;  and  not  till  1891  did  the  people  secure  in  federal  affairs  the  right  to 
directly  initiate  a  completed   bill. 

Having  traced  the  attainment  of  Swiss  sovereignty,  let  us  briefly  outline  this 
country's  movement  for  the  people's  sovereignty. 

286 


EVOLUTION    OP    RBPR1  ■  (VBRNMBNT    IN    UNITED    STAT1 

The  people  who  emigrated  to  New   England  and  the  entire  eastern  coa 
tly  those  who  did  so  to  secure  g  liberties.     They  were  a  picked  lol  of  liberty- 

loving  souls  from  among  the  world's  They  were  familiar  with  dii 

legislation  in  the  parish  and  representation  in  the  country  board  or  court,  which 
included  a  right   to  instruct.     These  free  instil  were  transplanted   to  a  i 

country  and  developed  under  the  besl  conditions.     The  result  was  a  governmental 
system  of  the  highest  ch  then  known 

For  example,  at  the  time  of  the  American  Revolution  the  people  in  the  town- 
meeting  portion  of  the  country  instructed  their  representati  will.  The  Boston 
town    records  show  that  instructions  at  town  meetings  were  usual.     In  I  irds 

of  17'u  the  remarks  by  Samuel  Adams  to  the  representatives,  preparatory  to  naming 
the  instructions,  are  stated  as  follows: 

RIGHT  TO  INSTRUCT  A  CONSTITUTIONAL   RIGHT. 

"The  townsmen  have  delegated  to  you  the  power  of  acting  in  their  public 
Cerns  Ul  general  as  your  own  prudence  shall  direct  you,  always  reserving  to  them- 
selves the  constitutional  right  of  expressing  their  mind  and  giving  you  such  instruc- 
tion upon  particular  matters  as  they  at  any  time  shall  judge  proper." 

The  Declaration  of  Independence  was  the  result  of  instructions,  and  the  subse- 
quent Articles  of  Confederation  provided  that  delegates  in  Congress  might  he  recalled 
at  the  pleasure  of  the  States  which  sent  them. 

In  the  State  constitutions  adopted  at  the  time  of  the  Revolution  four  of  them — 
Massachusetts,  New  Hampshire,  Pennsylvania,  and  North  Carolina — contained  an 
express  statement  that  the  people's  rights  to  assemble  to  consult  together  and  to 
instruct  Representatives  and  to  apply  to  the  legislature  for  redress  of  grievai 
should  not  be  infringed.  In  none  other  of  the  States  was  it  deemed  necessary  to 
expressly  prohibit  the  legislature  from  enacting  that  the  people  should  not  do  C 
things. 

At    present    the   following  State  constitutions   prohibit    the  legislature   from 
stricting  the  right  to  assemble  to  instruct:    Massachusetts,  New  Hampshire,  Pennsyl- 
vania,   North    Carolina.    Vermont,    Tennessee,    Ohio.    Indiana,    Maine.    Michigan,    Ar- 
kansas. California,  Oregon,  Kansas,  and  Nevada.      No  legislature  in  any  of  the  other 
has  ever  attempted  to  infringe  the  right  to  assemble  to  instruct 

In  the  debates  preceding  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution  it  was  recog- 
nized  that   the  people  jed    the   right    to  instruct.      Said  John   Jay  in   the   New 
.     rk   convention 

"The  Senators  are  to  be  appointed  by  the  State  legislatures.      They  will  certain- 

hoose    those    who    are    most    distinguished    for   their   knowledge.      /    pT(    ume 
will  instru*  t  them 

In   fact,  the  constitutions  of  four  of  th<  it   time  prohibil  e  in- 

fringement   of   the   people's   right    to   instruct,   as    W(  diown.      Later,    when    the 

First  <  is  considering  a  bill  of  rights,  it  was  prop..  'The  right  of  the 

iple   to    instruct    their    re;  infringed 

that  thi  right  to  instrui  stated 

■  .  be  prohibited  from  infringing  that  right.      Bir  not  de» 

sary  to  prohibit  Congress,  and  I  r  infringed  the  right 

Instructions  at  town  meetings  gave  way  to  a  more  unified  system,  thai 
convention.     This  institution  came  into  being 
in  the  nomination  of  party  candidates  and  gre  trengtb  for  the 

INSTRUCTIONS    THROUGH    I  fOTE   AT   ELECTION    TIMH 

The   conventions,   composed 

holding  the  convention,  be  ike  hold  »f  publii 

The  es   were   fr  m   the   people    U 


to  adopt  resolutions,  and  then  a  systematic  statement  of  principles  and  policies — a  plat- 
form. The  first  systematic  platform  of  a  convention  which  had  a  national  bearing  was  the 
1836  platform  New  York  State  Democratic  party.  On  this  platform  Martin  Van  Buren 
made  his  canvass  for  the  Presidency.  Four  years  later  the  Democratic  national 
convention  adopted  a  platform,  and  so  effective  was  it  that  four  years  later  the 
opposite  party  did  likewise,  and  thus  the  system  became  an  established  institution. 
Each  quadrennial  period  has  witnessed  a  greater  and  greater  defmiteness  in  the 
policies  enunciated,  except  as  double-meaning  phrases  and  weasel  words  have  been 
inserted  in  recent  years  by  special  privilegists. 

The  convention  system  is  an  institution  which  began  nationally  only  seventy 
three  years  ago.  The  candidates  of  each  party  pledge  that  if  the  policies  advocated 
by  their  party  receive  a  majority  vote  through  the  election  of  its  candidates  they 
will  stand  on  the  party  platform  and  thus  obey  the  people's  instructions. 

SPECIAL  PRIVILEGE   ENTHRONED. 

But  this  system  of  instructing  as  to  national,  State,  and  local  issues  is  so  mixed 
with  personalities  and  a  multitude  of  questions  that  the  people  are  unable  to 
instruct  definitely.  The  result  is  that  special  privilege  has  crept  in  and,  like  the 
camel's  head  in  the  sheik's  tent,  the  monopolists  have  pressed  in  and  possess  the 
country,  the  people  being  veritable  slaves. 

RULE  OF  THE  FEW  THROUGH  PARTY  MACHINES. 

This  fact  has  been  recognized  for  years,  but  the  party  machines  have  become 
so  strong  and  centralized  through  the  use  of  monopoly  wealth  that  the  people  have 
been  prevented  from  reestablishing  their  power  by  the  adoption  of  a  people's  veto 
and  a  direct  initiative.  Only  in  Oregon  and  South  Dakota  have  the  people  restored 
to  themselves  their  liberties.  In  Utah  six  years  ago  a  fusion  legislature  submitted 
to  the  people  of  the  State  a  constitutional  amendment  for  a  people's  veto  and  direct 
initiative,  which  the  people  adopted,  but  the  Republicans  came  into  power  and  refused 
to  put  the  system  in  operation,  thereby  openly  repudiating  even  the  forms  of  pupular 
government.  In  Illinois  two  years  ago  the  people  of  the  State,  by  referendum  vote, 
instructed  the  legislature  to  submit  a  constitutional  amendment  for  the  termination 
of  machine  rule,  but  the  Republican  machine  refused  to  oust  itself.  In  Nevada 
for  two  successive  legislatures  the  Democratic  party  voted  to  submit  a  constitutional 
amendment  for  a  people's  veto,  and  the  people  accepted  the  increase  of  power  by  a 
6-to-i  vote. 

SHORT   CUT   TO   ABOLITION   OF   MACHINE    RULE. 
QUESTIONING    CANDIDATES     AS     TO     THE     ADVISORY     REFERENDUM,     THE     OPEN     SESAME. 

But  in  Republian  Iowa  the  State  machine  has  continually  granted  to  the  people 
of  the  cities  a  veto  power  and  direct  initiative  as  to  city  monopolies,  the  result  being 
a  freedom  from  corruption  in  franchise  legislation. 

The  dominant  machines,  though,  in  most  of  the  States  have  refused  the  referen- 
dum for  cities,  and  it  has  led  to  a  new  institution — the  questioning  of  candidates 
as  to  the  establishment  of  the  advisory  referendum,  which  includes  a  pledge  by  the 
candidate  to  obey  the  will  of  his  constituents  when  expressed  through  a  referendum 
vote.     It  is  this  system  that  is  coming  forward  by  leaps  and  bounds. 

About  ten  years  ago  this  advisory  referendum  system  sprang  into  existence  in 
various  places.  "The  first  recorded  instance  is  at  Alameda,  Cal.,  in  1895.  (See  the 
Direct  Legislation  Record  for  that  year,  p.  13.)  The  next  year,  under  stress  of 
circumstances,  the  system  developed  at  Winnetka,  111.,  and  at  Buckley,  in  the  State 
of  Washington.  (For  description  of  the  origin  of  the  system  in  Washington  see  the 
Direct   Legislation   Record  for   1896,   p.    7.) 

The  Winnetka  system  is  the  one  which  furnished  the  idea  of  national  and  State 
systems. 

Such  is  the  new  political  system.  It  enables  the  nonpartisan  organizations 
or  even  a  few  individuals  in  a  community  to  make  public  the  popular  issues  and  thus 
prevent  an  evasion  of  pupular  issues,  thereby  terminating  the  evil  power  of  political 
machines. 

288 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 
BERKELEY 

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